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Då en Samojed aflidt, gör man en Hähé, A special term, TN сидяңг, сидряңг, or TN ңытарма, is known for these images. Here, TN хэхэ is used as a general category, whereas сидряңг can denote both the shadow soul that leaves the body as a human or non-human animal dies and the image made to communicate with the soul; ңытарма tends to denote only the latter. The idea of this anthropomorphic figure is to materialise the recently deceased so that they can live together with the family. They are dressed, fed, and talked to and kept in the sleeping space of the tent and after some years, they are moved to live with the other images in the TN сиʹ or TN хэхэʹ хан. There is regional and temporal variation, depending on who these images are made of and how long they are communicated with. (Lehtisalo 1924: 140–143; Chomič 1977) See also [Den döde] and [den döda]. som under trenne års tid äras uti tältet i stället för den aflidne. Hvarje g[ån]g man äter, framsättes äfven ett föda för hähe. Om dagarne sitter han påklädd i tältet men till natten afkläder man honom och bringer honom till hvila. Efter de tre årens förlopp kastas bolvanen i likkistan bredvid den döde. When a Samoyed dies, one makes a Hähe who is honoured for three years outside the tent instead of the deceased. Every time they eat, they also make food for the hähe. During the day he sits dressed in the tent but at night they undress him and let him rest. After three years, the bolvan is thrown in the coffin next to the deceased.
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Björnen hålles helig. The ambiguous nature of both brown (TN варк) and white (TN сэрʹ варк) bears is reflected in the multitude of circumlocutions such as TN париденя, педарэй, панэда парико, ваңгутана мэна, ири, хэбидя, and сэрʹ, явы respectively. The restrictions related to women are in line with the practices described in [Qvinnor]. (Chomič 1976: 26) En qvinna får ej åka i en rensläde, om någon af renarne har en <lämka> af björnskinn. The bear is considered to be sacred. A woman is not allowed to ride in a reindeer sledge if any of the reindeer have a bearskin <-->. Björnens kött See also Chomič 1966: 135. ätes alltid rå. Före måltiden tvås sig <---> Bear meat is always eaten raw. Before the meal, they wash themselves <---> Wid ders strupe aflägges ed. Taking an oath by the bear is also mentioned, in addition to ethnographic sources, also in documents related to colonial administration. (Perevalova 2019: 44-45) An oath is taken by the throat of the bear. Samojj.[Samojeder] taga alldrig lifvet af möss. Somliga hålla före, att bröstet skall verka häraf, an- dra åter mena, att räfvar och fjällrackor då ej låta fånga sig, ty dessa djur lifnära sig med möss. Samoyeds never take the lives of mice. Some point out that it would have an impact on the chest; others say that foxes and Arctic foxes would not allow themselves to be captured, as these animals feed on mice.
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Renhufvudet, som offras åt Num TN Нум is the heavenly deity, a creator god whose opposite is TN ңа, an earthly deity. (Chomič 1977: 5–7; See also Castrén 1853: 13–18). ställes på en stör. Ostjakerne lagga det i ett tråg, v.f. The reindeer head, which is sacrificed to Num, is placed on a pole. The Ostyaks put it in a trough; see above. Då man medelst jillsi TN ильця, ʻtwo objects leaning on each other used by a shaman for foretelling or in discussing with the deceased (for example a partly empty glass of water covered with a knife; two axes or knives whose metal parts lean together)’ (Теrеščеnko 2003 [1965: 143). vill taga reda på en förlo- rad ren, frågas råd af Häheh. TN хэхэ ʻidol, sacred’. See [bolvan]. - Vid jillsi ställes en slipsten å marken, derå ett eldstål, en yxe, eller ngt[något] jern (stål dylikt. When one wants to find out about a lost reindeer through performing a jillsi, one asks for advice from Häheh. When performing a jilsi, a grindstone is set on the ground, together with the iron plate that is kept under the fire, an axe, or something similar. Tadibén See [Tadibe]. radfrågas, hvar man kunde göra en lycklig fångst, hvilken dag fångsten lyckligt afloper och mera dylikt. Tadibé is asked where one could get a lucky catch, on what day the catch would be lucky, and the like. Hvad Num sänder, kan Tadibeen ej ändra, hvad som härflyter från onda mskor[människor], sådant kan hjlepas. What Num sends, Tadibe cannot change; what flows from evil men, with that he can help. För en Tadibe Here, Castrén is summarising two shamanic belief narratives, which are intrinsic part of shamanism (Lukin 2012). See also [en tadibe] and a similar narrative published in [Samojediska sagor.] insjuknade hans dotter. Bröstet vär- kte Tadib[en]. uppskar bröstet och uttog deri- från en ryttare af jern, sittande på en jernhäst med lung i handen. En annan tog ur bröstet en pil. Tadibe’s daughter fell ill. Her chest ached; Tadibe cut the breast and took out an iron rider, sitting on an iron horse with her lung in his hands. Another took an arrow from her chest. Hos en Ostjak förlorades en yxe. Tadiben slog [k]ydes, Russian kud, kudes ʻevil spirit, devil’ from which kudesnik ʻmagician, sorcerer’. Veniamin (1855: 117–118, 128–129) also uses the expression bit’ kudes; udarit’ neskol’ko raz v penzer – baraban ʻto beat kudes, to hit the penzer-drum a few times’. TN пензерʹʹ ʻтадебя’s drum'. och yxen nedföll rakt från molnen. An axe was lost by an Ostyak. Tadibe hit kydes, and the axe fell straight from the clouds. När en Samojed om morgonen uppstiger och går ur tältet, vänder han sig mot solen, yttrande: Jileumbaertje, Jileumbaertje (заря) Pudar (uut) jilen Как ты станешь, Manj (uut) jileham Такъ и мы станемъ. TN Илевямбэртя, Илевямбэртя Пудар (нгод) илен Мань илехам’ ʻJiljevjambertja, Jiljevjambertja As you rise, so we rise.ʻ See [Jileumbartje] (RL, TaS, KL) Om aftonen, när han går till hvila, ställer han sig med ansigtet mot aftonrodnaden och yttrar: When a Samoyed gets up in the morning and goes out of the tent, he turns to the sun, uttering: Jileumbaertje, Jileumbaertje (dawning) Pudar (uut) jiden ’As you rise’ Manj (uut) jideham ‘So we rise.’ In the evening, when he goes to rest, he stands up with his face towards the evening dusk and utters:
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Jileumbaertje Heunzer (t)seejeh, какъ ты потухъ Manj hoonumjum Такъ и я спать стану. TN Илевямбэртя Ханзер сея Мань хонумюмʹ ʻJiljevjambertja As you go out I go to bed.ʻ See [Jileumbartje] (RL, TaS, KL) Jileumbaertje Heunzer (t) seejeh ‘As you go outʹ’ Manj hoonumjum ‘I go to bed.’ Болванскiя шопки Bolvanskaja sopka ʻBolvan hill’ is a Russian term for Nenets sacred places that have wooden or stone idols and traces of sacrifices in them. The kinds of hills are often clearly distinguishable from the environment by their shape and they are often also named beautiful or pleasant, as Castrén does here. TN хэбидяʹ я or хэхэʹ я. kallas ställen der Samo- jedernes Gudabilder förut stått. De äro vanl[igen]. mycket angenäma ställen. Bolvanskija šopki is the name of the places where the Samoyed idols stood before. They are often very pleasant places. Om någon En tadibe Shamanic belief narrative. See also note [för en tadibe] and [Samojediska sagor 3] lemnades på försök uppå en obe- bodd hafsö. Man ser honom komma derifrån sittande på vattnet, med en for seglande båtens snabbhet. A Tadibe was left on trial on an uninhabited island in the sea. They saw him coming from there sitting on the water, with the speed of a sailing boat. Fordnade Tadibeerne kunde se och wisa åt andra lunga och andra mvartes[människovarelsers] delar hos lefvande varelser. The ancient Tadibes could see and show to other men parts of the lungs and other parts of living human beings. Bolvaner ställas mot östen med ansigtet mot vester. Bolvans are set with their face pointing to the west. Obs. Gudabilder af 2 slag: Here, Castrén’s explanation of the difference between the meaning of TN сядэй and TN хэхэ differs from what has been explicated by Chomič and Lehtisalo; see [bolvan] and [saedaej]. It is highly possible that the meaning of the words has not been and is not strict in practical usage. 1) Häheh, med msklig[mänsklig] skepnad, alltid påklädda hemma. NB: Idols are of two kinds: 1) Hähe, with a human shape, always dressed at home. 2) Seädi Seadaei utan msklig[mänsklig] skepnad ofullständig, utan kläder - blott med spetsigt hufvud, tecknade ögon etc. Ställas på berg, höjden, vid fången etc. 2) Seadaei, incomplete, without clothes – only with a pointed head, marked eyes, etc. They are laid on mountains, heights, by the catch, etc.
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Den döda A similar habit is also described by Lepëchin (1805: 117, 257) and Schrenk (1848: 522–523) but Chomič (1966: 219–220) notes that there is regional variation. See also [Den döde] and [Hähe]. lägges i kistan med ansigtet wandt åt jorden. När renen slagtas, b offras, See [röka]. bränner man fettman. Samojederne tro att vede[r]gällningen Instead of ideas of restitution in the afterlife, the Nenets share conceptions of their life being predestined. (Chomič 1976: 21–22) skall för sig gå på jorden. Så är den mening allmän, att om en rik stjäl, så blir han fattig. Stjäl en fattig, så dör han. (пропадаетъ). Samojederne hysa en helig wördnad för stenar See [bolvan]. och träd af ngn[någon] särd[särskild]. skepnad. The deceased is placed in the coffin with his face turned to the earth. When a reindeer is sacrificed, its fat is burnt. The Samoyeds believe that there will be compensation on earth. There is a general understanding that if a rich man steals, he becomes poor. If a poor man steals, he will die. The Samoyeds feel a sacred awe for stones and trees that are of a special shape.
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På Waigats finnas tre offer stäl- len 1) Vid det sydvestliga näset, Hähen=saljeh, Хэхэʹ саля ʻSacred cape’. The southern cave is situated near TN Вэсако, a seven-headed wooden idol linked to TN Хадако, another idol situated on the northern side of the island. As noted by Archimandrite Veniamin, who led the 1820s missionary campaign, over 400 idols situated near Вэсако were burnt and a cross was placed in the shrine instead. After a few years, the place again abounded in idols and reindeer skulls and antlers. (Veniamin 1855: 122–125; Veniamin 1850: 53; Schrenk 1848: 353–354; Borisov 1907: 89–104) 2) Vid den nordvestlig ustje kallad Ja mal n GHähe Яʹ малʹ хэхэ ʻEarth’s end idol’. There is no more knowledge available about this place. (Bojarskii 2000: 80–85) - jord slutets Gud 3) Midt i landet på berget - kallad Ja jeru Hähe, Яʹ ервʹ хэхэ ʻEarth’s host idol’. This could refer to TN Хадако; see [Bolvanskaja reka]. jordens herre-Hähe. Samojederne fara ofta afnytligt med båt öfver sundet Jugorskoi Schar The Yugorskij Strait, situated between the mainland and Vaigač. N69°41’41’’ E61°56’31’’. Similar knowledge about the seasonal movement of some Bolʹšezemelʹskaja Nenets between the mainland and Vajgač Island and the obligatory nature of sacrifices when crossing the strait, e.g. in Schrenk 1848: 347–363. See also [Югорский шар]. till Waigats för att offra åt Saljén-Hähe, Саляʹ хэхэ ʻCape’s idol’. This refers to the sacrificial complex of TN Вэсако; see [Hähen-salje]. och föra dit renar. Mga[Många] Sa- mojeder nomadisera Several Nenets families were settled in Novaja Zemlja in the 19th century, when Russia wanted to strengthen its possession of the archipelago. The settlement was based on cooperation between the local Nenets and Russian Pomors: the Nenets would hunt and fish during the autumn, winter, and spring, and trade with the Pomors, who would arrive during the summer months. The traders had their own Nenets partners who would exchange furs for guns, ammunition, textiles, flour, sugar, and tea. They also traded with Norwegian hunters who visited Novaja Zemlja regularly (Lepëchin 1805: 140–152; Serebranny 1997: 304; Shrenk 1848: 362). der om sommar och vintrar, promisla i hafvet fånga hvita björnar och alla slags горные; så ock vildren, de der från Novaja Semlja komma till Waigats - fara ock sommar-tiden på promisl till Nova[ja]-Semlja. There are three sacrificial places in Waigats: 1) at the south-western point, Hähen=saljeh; 2) at the north-western river mouth called Ja mal Hähe – God of the earth’s end; 3) in the middle of the island on the mountain called Ja jeru Hähe, the earth’s host – Hähe. The Samoyeds often cross the strait of Jugorskoi Schar to Waigats by boat in order to sacrifice to Saljén-Hähe, and to bring reindeer there. Many Samoyeds nomadise there in the summer and winter, hunt in the sea, and catch polar bears and all kinds of mammals; also wild reindeer, which come to Vaigach from Novaja Semlja – they also travel to Novaja Semlja to hunt during the summertime. NB. Seadaej; See [bolvan]. kallas en bolwan utan ma- litsa, utan all prydnad, bolwanen i sin nakenhet. Hähe är en beklädd bolvan. NB: Seadaej means a bolvan without a malitsa, without any decorations, a bolvan in his nudity. A hähe is a dressed bolvan. Endast tadibeer tala med bolvanen Only tadibes talk to bolvans.
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I Samojedernes sagor omtalas ofta Jordens nafvel; See Castrén 1843c. visar vägen åt förvillade. Han är liten som ett barn, med grått skägg. In the narratives of the Samoyeds, the navel of the Earth is often mentioned; it shows the way to the lost. He is as small as a child, with a grey beard.
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I Samojederne äro blott till namnet christna, Here, Castrén relies on Venianim’s knowledge. Archimandrite Veniamin was in charge of the Orthodox missionary work that took place in the European tundra of Russia in the 1820s and 1830s. During the work, most of the Nenets were baptised, new churches were built, and a few parishes founded. The discourse on the superficiality of Christianity among the Nenets goes through all the descriptions of the 19th century. (Veniamin 1855: 112–114, 71–72; Schrenk 1848: 408–412; Islavin 1847: 119–120; Chomič 1979: 15–18; Golovnev & Osherenko 1999: 53–59) hafva intet begrepp om läran, iaktaga icke ens fastan, besöka knapt en gång om året kyrkan. Af de Kaninska Samoj[eder]., som stå högst i bildning kom ingen enda 1842 om Julen till kyrkan. Regeringen har an- befallt att Samojedbarn skola på kronans bekostnad af de Samojediska presterna uppfostras till barnalärare; men icke ens den fattigaste Samojed lemna sina barn hos presten i lära. Before the missionary work began, a school was founded for Nenets children in 1788. According to the reports of the priests, the Nenets were indeed unwilling to send their children to the schools and after four years, three had died and six had got sacked. (Veniamin 1850; Bazanov & Kaganski 1936: 20) Det är föreskrifvit, att trenne i sender skola er- hålla undervisning, men år 1842 fann på Kan[inska]. tundran blott en enda lärjunge. Han var fader- och moder-lös samt hade genom Земский Судъ blifvit anskaffad. The Samoyeds are only superficially Christians; they have no idea about doctrine, do not even observe fasting, and go to church barely once a year. Of the Kanin Samoyeds, who stand highest in education, not a single one went to church at Christmas in 1842. The government has ordered that Samoyed children should, at the expense of the Crown, be raised by the Samoyed priests to be teachers of children; but not even the poorest Samoyed leaves their children with the priest at the school. It has been decreed that three [children] at a time should receive teaching, but in 1842 there was only one pupil in the Kanin tundra. He was fatherless and motherless and had been acquired by Zemskij Sud''. Samojeden fasar för all bildning och lärdom. Sjelfva den saken att sitta några timmar dagl[igen]. i en kammare och lära mig sitt språk var för Samojj.[Samojeder] så mödosam, att jag hade svårighet att ens g[enom] Земск[iй]. С[удъ]. erhålla ngn[någon] läromästare. Detta är för Samoj[eden]. скучно, тоскливо. Derföre gjorde Samoj[eden]. med mig vanl[igen]. det förbehåll, att han allt emellanåt skulle få en sup brännvin. See also Castrén 2019: 426, 445–446; 453–454, 466–467. The Samoyed is terrified of all education and learning. The very matter of sitting for a few hours a day in a room and teaching me their language was so laborious for the Samoyeds that I had difficulty obtaining a teacher, even with the help of Zemskij Sud''. This is boring and tedious for the Samoyed. Therefore the Samoyed usually worked with me on condition that he would occasionally receive a drink of brandy.
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Samojeder stå bland Ryssar i
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Cap. 7 Chapter VII
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Liket See [den döde]. föres ut ge.[genom] bakväggen med huf- vudet förut. The corpse is taken out through the back wall head-first.
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Natsko-Pumpokolsk The following four manuscript pages describe the so-called Nacko-Pumpokolʹsk Samoyed, a community of Selkups living on the upper reaches of the River Ket. Castrén visited the Nacko-Pumpokolʹsk Selkups in April 1846. The toponym Nacko-Pumpokolʹsk goes back to the Ostyak volosts of Nackaja and Pumpokolʹskaja, led by the princes of Jamak and Urnuk. For the linguistic notes, see [Manuscripta Castreniana Ostiak-Samoiedica.] (Miller 1941: 44; Castrén 1855: 145–147). är den fattigaste af alla sydl. Samojed-voloster, belägen vid öfva Ket. Tillwånare lefva uteslutande af jagt och fiskafånge, Living in the West Siberian forest areas, fishing and hunting were the main sources of livelihood of the Selkups. In the northern living areas, small-scale reindeer herding, and in the southern ones horses and cattle formed additional sources of livelihood and means of transport. For an overview, see Golovnev & Tučkova 2005: 317–328. hvardera näringsgrenen hör föga lönande. Ekorr-fånget liksom på nor. sidan det förnämsta tillvånarne lefva i torf=jurt, i skogar under jagt=tiden i näfver-tält eller så kallade станы (lewas-Maat NP.), SE lewai-maat. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] For an overview of the Selkup dwellings, see Sokolova 1998: 21–26. gjorda såsom näfverstält af tun med spetsigt tak, fyrkantiga nedtill - bestå af smala brädor. Ingen enda äger ordentlig, Rysk stuga. Torfjurt (*cai-mat) SE čai-mat. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] For an overview of the Selkup dwellings, see Sokolova 1998: 21–26. är det wanligaste och bästa boningen - Sådana jurt stå antligen allena, eller äro uppbyggda två, högst tre på ett och samma ställe. Natsko-Pumpokolsk is the poorest of all the southern Samoyed Volosts, located on the upper reaches of the River Ket. The residents live exclusively from hunting and fishing, with each source of livelihood yielding little profit. Squirrel-hunting, as on the northern side. Most of the inhabitants live in peat yurts, in the forests, or during the hunting season in birch bark tents or so-called stany (lewas-Maat NP), made similarly to the birch bark tents, with a pointed roof, square at the bottom, consisting of narrow boards. No one owns a proper Russian cottage. A peat yurt (*cai-mat) is it the most common and the best dwelling. Such yurts stand either alone, or two side by side, with a maximum of three in one place. Samtl.[Samtliga] byarna som eger sitt särsk. nämn i N. Pump. vol.[Natsko Pumpokolsk volosten] äro Merg-aig(é), Kaam kul=to, Keet-iikê(iik), Marg(k)a, Purjaango Dessa äro alla belägna vid Ket. The villages located in the Natsko Pumpokolsk volost that have their own names are Merg-aig (é), Kaam kul-to, Keet-iikê (iik), Marg (k) a, and Purjaango. These are all located on the Ket. NB. Stället, byn heter så. Lagerstället i skogen har ingen benämning, ej heller fisk=wattnet. Somliga bland de Pump. Ostjj. [Pumpokolska Ostjakerna] The Pumpokolʹsk Ostyaks refer to Kets who live as neighbours of the Selkups in the area. Ostyak was an exonym used by Russian colonists to refer to fishers and hunters, separating them from pastoralist reindeer herders. In other words, Ostyak does not refer here to an ethno-linguistic community. hafva hästar, men ingen ang. [angående] boskap. Hästen lemnas на волю, då som ligen förfogar sig på jagt eller fiskafånge. NB: A place, a village is named. A camp place in the forest has no name, and nor do fishing waters. Some among the Pumpokolsk Ostyaks have horses, but no cattle. The horses are left free when they devote themselves to hunting or fishing. De äro samtligen döpta, och hafva Ryska tillnamn. Tillvånaren i Merg-aig heta Bjelosero, i Kankul likaså, i Keet-iike Suutorow i Marka Mungalэ (förmodt gammal). They are all baptised, and have Russian surnames. The residents of Merg-aig are called Bjelosero, as are the residents of Kankul. The residents of Keet-iike are called Suutorow and those of Marka Mungalэ (presumably old).
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jango Durshinin o.s.v. jango Durshinin, etc. Landet wid öfra Ket lågt- uppfylldt med moar å ömse sidor af floden, hföre[härföre] begge sidorna äro befolkade med Ostj. The land on the lower reaches of the Ket is low and filled with moors on both sides of the river, which is why both sides are populated with Ostyaks. I Natsko=Pumpokolsk finnes blott en knäsets. Western Siberia was divided into indigenous principalities that dated back to the times of Mongol colonisation. As noted by Miller, both Nackaja (or Kadyškaja) and Pumpokolʹsk were centres of principalities before they were merged in in the beginning of 17th century. See [knjaz] (Miller 1941: 44). [knjazhestvo] In Natsko-Pumpokolsk there is only one principality. Namnet Natsko-Pumpokolsk förek[ommer]. ej bland Ostjj.[Ostjaker] och kan af dem ej uttalalad. Vo- losten har intet Ostj.[Ostjakist] namn. The name Natsko-Pumpokolsk does not occur among the Ostyaks and cannot be pronounced by them. The volost has no Ostyak name. Kläderägten är Rysk, churu зипунъ SE čī̮nəľ mi̮. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] A zipun is a dress made of fabric or reindeer skin and worn by both women and men. For an overview of Selkup clothing, see Tučkova 2005a: 342–347). stundom göres af renskinn. Mössan åtskiljer män och qvinnor. Hos männerna är mössan hög och spetsig, hos qvinnorna låg och rund. Skjortan är hos qvinnorna stl. [stiligt] broderad och utgör om sommaren sjelfva ofvan plagget. The clothing is Russian. Churu ‘zipunʹʹ is sometimes made of reindeer skin. The hat separates men and women. Men’s hats are high and pointed, women’s low and round. Women’s shirts are embroidered in style and during summer, they form the upper garment. Ket heter här Kêêt (Kêt), stor flod Kî, biflod Kîkke(a), Jenisej heter Njándesi, Ob Koltto, o.s.v. у насъ никакая рыба не живетъ, только: чебакъ окунь, щука, налимъ, язъ, гершь, сорога, елець, лень. The Ket is here called the Kêêt (Kêt), a large river Kî, a tributary Kîkke (a), the Yenisei is called Njándesi, the Ob is called the Koltto, etc. We do not have any fish, only: roach, perch, pike, burbot, ide, geršʹ, soroga, common dace, lenʹ.
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Bifloder till Ket: Soĉer (Сочеръ), Ostj.[Ostjakiska] Koet-iike (iige), Kuut-aig, Jolówa (Елова) Keldshiga, falla ifrån högra sidan: Soĉer och Keldshiga, ifrån venstra Jolowa midt emellan: Soc. [Soĉer] och Keldsh. [Keldshiga] Tributaries of the River Ket: Soĉer (Sočerʹʹ), in Ostyak Koet-iike (iige), Kuut-aig, Jolówa (Elova), Keldshiga, flowing from the right-hand side: Soĉer and Keldshiga, from the left; Jolowa in between: Soc. [Soĉer] and Keldsh. [Keldshiga] I skogen är ekorrfånget nästan det enda, som nu brukas. En familj utsätter ända till 500 giller för ekorrar. Ryssar ändatill 1500, som alla skötas af 2-3 pers. In the forest, squirrel hunting is almost the only thing practised nowadays. One family sets up to 500 squirrel traps and the Russians as many as 1500, taken care of by two or three persons. Ofvanom Makowskij (7 verst) byn Philippowa, bestående af 3 gårdar; nedanom Makowskij (47 verst) Worosheika (10 gårdar), derifrån framåt 2-3 dags resor till Monastirj Losinoborskij Preobražesnkij monastirʹ (Ketskaja pustynʹ), founded in the early 1670s (Mankova 2017). (Лосиноборская Во- чина) består af 3 gårdar. Här fanns förut ett kloster, som längesedan är upplöst. Här idkas ej åkerbruk, men wäl i de öfriga byarna. Above Makowskij (7 versts) the village of Philippowa, consisting of three farms; below Makowski (47 versts) Worosheika (ten farms), from there onwards after two or three days’ travel Monastirj (Losinoborskaja Vočina) consists of three farms. There used to be a monastery here, which was closed down a long time ago. The fields are not cultivated here, but it is done well in the other villages. A[n]rättningar: The Selkup diet is dominated by fish, as can be seen in this list but also in other ethnographic descriptions. See Tučkova 2005: 347–350. Rå, kokt och torkad fisk och stekt fisk kokt och stekt kött Burduk, Salamåt In Siberia and the Arkhangel’sk region the Ru burduk (burda) refers to a meat soup thickened with a considerable amount of flour, also Ru salamata, TN я. А bouillon with meat, TN евей. (Dalʹ 1994a: 349; Dal’ 1994b: 12; Chomič 1966: 134) Bröd stekes i watten. Fiskflott drickes och ätes med med bröd. Bär Man äter ej björnkött. Ekorre, hare etc. ätes, ej räf, filfras, varg. Dishes: Raw, cooked and dried and fried fish Cooked and fried meat Burduk, Salamåt Bread is made with water. Fish fat is drunk and eaten with bread. Berries Bear meat is not eaten. Squirrels, hares, etc. are eaten; foxes, Arctic foxes, and wolves are not eaten.
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För The following pages treat the Narym (or Southern) Selkups, among whom Castrén spent September-December 1845. Nowadays the Narym Selkups live in the middle Ob’ region and on the tributaries the Tym, Parabel’, Ket. When Castrén visited the area, the Selkups still lived along the Rivers Čižapka, Čulym, Čaja, and Šegarka. (Vasil’jev 2005: 304; Castrén 1855: 145–147; Castrén 2019: 782–790) ekorren utlägges bete - Filfrasen uppäter ofta betet eller sjelfva ekorren och förstör ekorrfänget. A bait is laid for the squirrel – an Arctic fox often eats the bait or the squirrel itself and destroys the squirrel trap.
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Narymska Samojeder I Narymska kretsen finnas Ostjaker blott wid Wasjugan. The River Vas’jugan discharges into the Obʹ. (GVR) Alla de öfriga infödingarne dels äro Samojeder, boende wid sjelfva Ob, ifrån Surgutska gränsen i norr ända till Tatarens område i söder kring Tomsk, dels wid bifloderna Tym The Tym flows into the Obˈ from the right (north) at N59°25′55″ E80°1′40″. (TS) och Ket. The River Ket flows into the River Balej. (GVR) Dessa Samoj. [Samojeder] kallas What has been called Selkup since the 1930s, according to Prokofʹev’s suggestion, is an ethno-linguistic category that was not recognised by the Selkups – and partly still is not. The ethnonym Selkup goes back to the Taz and Turukhansk dialect ethnonyms of селькуп and шолькуп respectively, meaning ʻtaiga man’. However, the Tym, Vas’jugan, Parabelʹ, and communities living lower on the Narym call themselves чумыл-куп, ʻearth man’; communities living on the middle and upper Ket сюссы-кум; communities living on the Ob’ up from Narym шëш-кум, both meaning ‘taiga man’. In Russian the northern Selkups have customarily been named Ostyak Samoyeds, whereas in the more southern living regions only the term Ostyak has been in use. (Vasil’jev 2005: 305–306) af Ryssarne och kla[kalla] sig sjelfve Ostjaker, men på sitt eget språk *Cumel-gup, SE čúmêl-gup ‘Ostyak; Samoyed’. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] and [kallas]. som förklaras hafva upp- kommit af *cuu, lera (emedan Gud skapade mskor de första mskorna af jord), men sannolikt betyder: landets folk. De äro wid Ob boende äro redani hög grad russifierade, de hafva antagit den Ryska klädebonaden, bo om vintern i vanl. Ryska stugor, hålla höstar, kor, får och lefva i alla afseenden sås[om]. Ryska bönden. Om sommaren flytta de sitt bo, och bedrifva fiske och lefva under dna[denna] tid, liks[om]. Ostjj. [Ostjaker] i nafvertält. As noted by Sokolova (1998: 21–22), the reindeer-herding Selkups lived in conical tents all year round. Accordingly, the covering consisted of reindeer hides in the winter and birch bark in the summer. Castrén refers here to hunters and gatherers, who used conical tents only during the summer. De wid Ket, Tim och andra aflägsna st[ällen]. vistande Samojj.[Samojeder] lefva alldeles på sma[samma] sätt såsom Ostjj.[Ostjaker] d. ä. i jurt The Selkups lived in several types of subterranean or semi-subterranean buildings and huts, in Russian ‘jurt’. See Sokolova 1998: 22–26. af träd eller jord, lifnärande sig hsakl.[hufvudsaligen] medelst fiske och jagt. Äfven bland dem hafva somliga hästar, ej kor Renarna äro och ej heller renar. Fylleriet är öfverallt rådande och fördjupar innewånarne i allt större och större elände. Fattigdomen framkallar ett lånsystem, som Samojj. [Samojeder] komma i händerna på svikna köpmän och borgar, hvilka betala för infödingens wara, hvad de behaga. Narym Samoyeds In the Narym uezd, there are Ostyaks only by the River Wasjugan. All the other natives are partly Samoyeds, living by the Ob, from the Surgut border in the north all the way to the Tatar area in the south, partly by the tributaries the Tym and the Ket. These Samoyeds are called Ostyaks by the Russians and by themselves, but in their own language *Cumel-gup, which they say comes from *cuu ‘clay’ (because God created the first men from clay, but probably means the people of the country. Those who live by the Ob are already highly Russified; they have adopted Russian dress, spend the winter in typical Russian cottages, have horses, cows, and sheep, and live in all respects like the Russian peasants. In the summer they move back to their dwellings and practise fishing and during this time they live like Ostyaks in birch bark tents. Those Samoyeds that live by the Ket and Tym and in other distant places live in just the same way as the Ostyaks, in other words, in yurts made of trees or earth, nourishing themselves mainly through fishing and hunting. Even among them some have horses, not cattle or reindeer. Drunkenness prevails everywhere and immerses the inhabitants in ever greater and greater misery. Poverty leads to a credit system, in which the Samoyeds are driven into the hands of deceptive merchants, who charge the natives whatever pleases them. Wilddfånget är i shet[synnerhet] wid Ob mket[mycket] dåligt. Soblar finnas nästan utesl.[uteslutande] alls icke, räfvar obetydligt. Mest och nästan utesl. [uteslutande] äflas man med fångst af ekorrar: Den vigtigaste näringsgren äre vid Ob fiskefångst The hunting of wild animals is particularly bad by the Ob. There are very few sables and the number of foxes is insignificant. Mostly, and almost exclusively, they practise squirrel hunting; the most important source of livelihood by the Ob is fishing.
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De Narymska Samojj.[Samojeder] äro ännu i hög grad schamanismen Castrén described Selkup shamanism and seances in more detail in Castrén 2019: 785–789. For recent research on the history of Selkup shamanism, see Prokof’eva 1949, 1961a, 1961b, 1981. tillgifna äfven här framträder trollkonsten mest sås[om]. spådomskonst och taskspeleri. En wanl[ig]. konst är att låta fastbinda sig uti ett mörkt rum, anropa dervid anropa de så kallade Lohit (Ling Loh) låta dem i kammaren och utom rummet med en för allm[än] hörbar stämma, For the soundscape, see Kim-Malon 2021: 30. slut sedan försvinna ur rummet, utan att de närwarande kunna weta deraf och slutligen återvända lösbunden ifrän tillbaka. Trolltrumma sak- nas, men schamanen sitter på en torr hud, med skinnet uppåtwändt. Under det hans händer, äro fastbundna, knäppa Lohet SE loh ʻspirit’. See sgr.fi/manuscripta/vocabulary. A general name for spirits. See [MC Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary] (Selkup mythology 2010: 148–150). på huden, liksom på en trumma. Åhörarna tro sig äfven höra ekorrar springa, björ- nar brumma och ormar hväsa rundt kring rummet. Kî=Ket=Kem=joki Köu (köng) <Dernäst boskapsskötseln. Formansskapat i har ej särdeles lokande> På venstra sidan om Ob bo Samojj.[Samojeder] blott wid Parabel The River Parabel’ flows into the Obʹ. GVR och Tsaja The River Čaja flows into the Obʹ. GVR och Tscheshabka, The River Čižapka flows into the River Vasjugan. GVR en biflod till Wasjugan. Hafva förlorat alla minnen fr[ån]. forntiden, känna inga ätter (Weta sig alldrig hafva äflats med renar.) Till deras fördomar hör, att en jägare alldrig äter björnkött, emedan björnarne framdeles uppäta jägaren. Bomärken finnas ej. The Narym Samoyeds are still highly devoted to shamanism; here witchcraft also exists, mainly as divination and conjuring tricks. A common trick is to be tied up in a dark room, and call the so-called Lohit (Ling Loh), let them in and then out the room with an overly audible voice then end up disappearing from the room without those present knowing about it, and finally returning untied. There are no drums, but the shaman sits on a dry skin, with the skin facing up. Under the skin his tied hands are ticking Lohet’s skin, like a drum. The audience also thinks they hear squirrels running, bears growling, and snakes hissing around the room. Kî = Ket = Kem = joki Köu (köng) On the left bank of the Ob, the Samoyeds live only by the Parabel and the Tsoja and the Tscheshabka, a tributary of the Wasjugan. They have lost all memories of antiquity and know no clans. (They know that have never worked with reindeer.) One of their prejudices is that a hunter never eats bear meat, because the bears would later eat the hunter. There are no house marks.
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Man har i Narymska trakten funnit gamla Tschud pilar af mera än tum 6 tjocklek gjorda af koppar och med i stället för fjädrar koppar= etc. Obs. I Samojjs. sånger är allt af koppar. Svärsonen According to Gemuev, Selkup families were based on brotherhood (Ru bratskaja semʹja), which means that a collective of brothers and fathers took care of the economy of the family. The norm in question concerns situations where an old couple, with no sons, would have been left to live alone when their daughter got married (Gemuev 1984). måste underhålla sina svarföräldrar, om de äro barnlösa. Begrafva According to the ethnographic literature, the Selkups buried the deceased in a chest carved from cedar logs and they were buried under earth. Accordingly, this does not refer to Selkup graves, but another, possibly past community’s burial mounds. (Prokof’eva 1977) sina lik ofvan jord och kastade en jordhög öfver dem. Dessa högar nu бугры (Sam[ojedisk]. Laéd SE laed in Manuscripta Castreniana Ostiak-Samoiedica’s vocabulary. Ket.) och sägas varit Tschudds grafvar. Ega eget fiskewatten och egna jagtställen (тайга, stora skogar). Ketska Ostjj. Samojj. egde fordom renar, There are traces of reindeer herding among the southern Selkups, including the kind of narration. However, researchers argue about the nature of reindeer herding among them. (Tučkova 2005: 327) men Tunguserne tago dem, hvd [hvarvid] enl[igt]. sagan tillgick sålunda, att en Sam[ojed]. och Tung[us]. vid en mat tid öfverenskommo, att den skull vinna renarne, som kunde bemäktiga sig ett renben af den andra. Pors, torr fisk. Ostj. Samojederne jaga i skogarne om hösten ifrån покрова дня Ru Pokrov denʹ or Pokrov Presvjatoj Bogorodinicy ʻIntercession of the Theotokos’ celebrated on 1.10 (14.10) and marking the turning of autumn into the winter. (Agapkina 2009: 127–128) till шаговскiя samt om wåren ifrån "крещения till Благовещения" Ru Kreščenʹe Gospodne ʻThe Baptism of Jesus’ celebrated on 6.1 (19.1), commemorating the baptism by John the Baptist. Ru Blagoveščenʹev denʹ. ʻThe Feast of the Annunciation’ celebrated on 25.3 (7.4), is one of the main feasts of Slavic Orthodox tradition. It is also related to the beginning of spring. (Vinogradova and Plotnikova 1999: 667–672; Tolstoj and Tolstaja 1995: 182–183) Hela sommaren fare Samojj. omkring på fiskafänge utom wid "Семеновъ-день", Ru Semenov denʹ celebrated on 1.9 (14.9), commemorates Simeon Stylites and marks the beginning of the autumn period. (Agapkina and Belova 2009: 610–612) då man fånga tjädrar i skogar samt wid Спасова-день, Ru Spasova denʹ ʻFeast of the Saviour’. Following the vernacular Russian calendar, there are three separate Feasts of the Saviour in August. då höt bergas hemma. Dessutom af går Strax efter höbergningen beger man sig att samla седер=nötter, lingon. Häggbär samlas sed[n]are och Old Tschud arrows have been found in the Narym area. They are more than six inches thick, made of copper and instead of feathers copper [has been used] etc. NB: In Samoyed songs everything is made of copper. The son-in-law must take care of his parents-in-law, if they are childless. They bury their deceased on the earth and throw a mound of earth over them. These mounds [are called] now bugry (Samoyed Laéd Ket.) and are said to have been Tschuds’ graves. They own their fishing waters and hunting grounds (tajga, large forests). The Ket Samoyeds used to have reindeer but the Tungus took them away, and according to a narrative it happened because a Samoyed and a Tungus agreed over a meal that the one who could seize a reindeer bone from the other would win the reindeer. Pors, dry fish. The Samoyeds hunt in the forests in autumn from day of Pokrov to šagovskija and in the spring from [the day of] "Baptism to Annunciation". All through the summer the Samoyeds practise fishing, except during "day of Simeon" when they hunt capercaillies in the forests, and during day of the Saviour, when hay is stored at home. Immediately after haymaking they go to collect Siberian pine-nuts and lingonberries. Blackberries are gathered later and
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torkas Hvar och en har sin skog och eget fiskwatten. Men wid byn är wattnet gsamt [gemensamt]. Samojjrna[Samojederna] hafva i sina skogar små, af gammalt färdiggjorda stugor, der de bo med hela sin familj. På högra sidan om Ob är sobeln For an overview of hunting among the Selkups, see Tučkova 2005a: 322–325. sällsynt. Skjuta allm. med bågar. Särskillda pilar för få- glar och djur. Renar fångas med a) snara, som utlägges på ren- spåret b) med samosträlets c)med bössa Räf och ekorre ätas ej. Björnkött får man ej äta tillika med fisk, ty då förs vinner fisken ur floden. Under wistelsen i skogen äflas äfven qvinnorna med jagt i skett af ekorrar, harar, fåglar Små barn lemnas allena i stugor. De ostyriga fastbindas med ett rep wid wäggen. Om skogsresor göras med skidor, små barn inbäddas i små slädor eller här så kallade nart. Far och mor släpa dyl[ik]. nart efter sig med kläder, mat- förråd. Hvarje person släpte drager tillika med 2-3 hundar en nart af 5-6 pud. De egentl[iga]. byarna lemnas alldeles öde. Här qvarlemnas all egendom <--> för wäg. De som ega hästar, lemna framlägga hö åt dem för hela månaden. Renar fångas mest om våren med bossa på skare, om hösten med snara och samosträlets En Ketsk Ostj. fånger under året maximum : 500 ekorrar (150 Rubel), 3 räfvar (45 Rub.), 5 renar (25 Rub för hudarna), Så 220 Rub. Sällan björn, varg, elgg, utter. are dried. Everyone has their own forest and their own fishing waters. But near the village the waters are shared. The Samoyeds have in their forests small cottages built a long time ago in which they live with their whole family. On the right side of the Ob, the sable is rare. They generally shoot with bows. There are special arrows for birds and animals. [Wild] Reindeer are caught with: a) a snare, which is laid on a reindeer track; b) an arbalest, or c) a rifle. Foxes and squirrels are not eaten. Bear meat must not be eaten together with fish, because the fish would vanish from the river. When in the forest, the women too hunt squirrels, hares, and birds. Small children are left alone in the cottages. The unruly ones are tied with a rope over their back. If forest trips are made with skis, small children are put in small sledges or what are here called narts. The father and mother drag similar narts with clothes and the store of food. Each person, together with two or three dogs, drags a nart of 5-6 pud. The actual villages are left completely desolate. Everything not needed during the trip is left there. Those who own horses leave them hay for the whole month. [Wild] Reindeer are mostly hunted in the spring with rifles on the snow, and in the autumn with a snare or arbalest. A Ket Ostyak catches during the year a maximum of: 500 squirrels (150 roubles), three foxes (45 roubles), five reindeer (25 roubles for the hides), altogether 220 roubles. Rarely, bear, wolf, elk, otter.
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Fisk See [fiskafånget]. fångas med nät, med pata och mjerdor, med not, med krok af ceder, med metande. Under winter drages not under isen och patas samt fångas med mjerdor. Ketska Samojj.[Samojeder] ega bolvaner, Ancestor spirits made of wood or metal and with a human shape and often several layers of clothing on them are stored in special storehouses or small baskets or hung in trees. Called generally SE qawa lōsi, their head is named SE kwettargu. (Selkup mythology 2010: 211, 88) dem schamanerna för färdiga och påkläda. Kläderna göras af ogifta qvinnor, liksom korgen. Gudarna göras af ett enda djurskinn - det för sta som fångas. Härsidan lagges utåt. Guden eger någon slags msklig[mänsklig] gestalt. Fötterna göras af djurets bakfötter; händerna af framfötter De förvaras i en korg uti en ambar, dit ingen ting annat än offer får inläggas. Offren bestå uti ekorrskinn, kattun, dukar (ej pengar) - Koka åt bolvanen efter schamanens befallng.[befallning] 1, 3, 7 kettlar fisk l.[eller] kött. Man lägger framför bolvanen ett eller flere fat fisk l.[eller] kött med dertill sked, <saet>, bröd etc. Derpå uppätes rätterna af Ostj.[Ostjaker] sjelf, men benen gifvas ej åt hundarna, utan föras bort på ngt[något] <afud> ställe. Offren få endast framräckas af ogifta personer (män och qvinnor) karl, men e j af men maten kan kokas och framläggas af hvem som hellst. En gift qvinna kan alldrig ingå i ambaren och gift person kan alldrig kringgå en ambar. Där en person i jurten, så får guden inga offer. Offer omtackas för lycklig fångst, hellsa, förloradt gods, spådom Trollkarlen eger ingen särsk. uniform, According to Donner, a Selkup shaman has a special spoon, cap, breast-piece, boots, drum, gloves, and coat, which they prepare in the above-mentioned order. Additionally, some shamans may use a staff made of iron. The paraphernalia represent the shaman’s power, the extraordinary nature of the ritual, and their helping spirits. The hat, for example, is typically made of iron, the seams of their clothes are sewn differently from everyday clothing, and the costume includes pictures and bones of different animals that represent spirits. See also Selkup shaman paraphernalia in Finna: [Shaman's dress][Shaman's headgear] (Donner 1933: 78–81) utan kläder sig för tillfället dess kläderna, åt hvken[hvilken] han förrättar ceremonien. Fish are caught with nets, with weir and fish traps, with drag nets, with cedar hooks, and by seine fishing. During the winter, nets are drawn under the ice and weirs and fish traps are also used. The Ket Samoyeds have bolvans, which shamans make and dress. The clothes are made by unmarried women, who also make baskets. The gods are made from a single animal skin – the first caught. The fur side is laid outwards. The god has some kind of human shape. The feet are made of the animal’s back legs, the hands of the forefeet. They are stored in a basket outside a storehouse, where nothing but offerings may be left. The offers consist of squirrel skin, calico, or cloth (not money). Following the shaman’s advice, they cook one, three, or seven pots of fish or meat for the bolvan. They put in front of the bolvanen one or several dishes of fish or meat with a spoon, bread, etc. Then the dishes are eaten by the Ostyaks themselves, but the bones are not given to the dogs, but carried away to some place. The offers can only be brought by unmarried persons, but the food can be cooked and laid down by anyone. A married woman can never go to the storehouse and a married person must never go around the store house. When there is a person in the yurt, the god gets no sacrifices. The sacrifices are made in order to give thanks for a good catch, health, lost property, or divination. The shaman has no special clothing, but he puts on clothes to suit the occasion for which he performs the ceremony.