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Såwaah: TN сава ʻhat’. According to Chomič, there are several types of hats among the Nenets women and Castrén’s description comes close to TN няндуй (сава), a semi-circular hat with long earflaps and two decorated reindeer skin belts at the back. In addition, there are hats without back decorations and with a circular bottom and short earflaps. (IEAS 1961: 329, 339; Chomič 1966: 126–130) mössan är likaså sotrad med renskinn; öfverdraget består af fil frasskin bäfver, kläde o.s.v. Den har en efter hufvudet rundat form, och betacker panna, kinder, nacke, hals och haka. Man kan göra sig ett föresty derom medelst en half Endast näsa och ögon äro synliga genom ett rundt hål, anbragt i denna halfcirkelformiga klädebo- nad. Detta hål har en hvit rundt omkring en ytterst bräm vanligen af filfras ngn djuret något djur, som på Ryska kallas псець. Bak på hjessan synes ofta en liten halfcirkel-formig röd fläck af rödt kläde. (Det äro anmärkningsvärdt, att i mossan allt har en rundad form, då deremot i panitsan allt består af rikta lineer). Bak på nacken medhänga från mössan långa remsor, beklädda med perlor, messing och bly m.m. De flesta remsor slutas med stora runda g messingsplåtar, som gifva från sig ett skramlande ljud, men sägas tjena till att hindra mössan att vädret att upplyfta mössan. Såwaah the hat is also lined with reindeer skin; the cover consists of Arctic fox, beaver, cloth, etc. It has a rounded shape over the head, and it covers the forehead, cheeks, neck, throat, and chin. Only the nose and eyes are visible through a round hole placed in this semicircular piece of clothing. This hole has a white surround around the outer edge, usually of Arctic fox fur. On the top of the head, there often appears a small semicircular red spot made of red cloth. (It is remarkable that everything has a rounded shape in the hat, whereas in the panitsa everything consists of straight lines.) At the back on the neck, long strips hang from the hat, lined with pearls, brass, lead, etc. Most strips end with large round brass plates, which make a rattling sound, but are said to prevent the weather from lifting the hat. Maliseáh TN мальця, Ru malica denots a closed, often hooded men’s fur garment, a parka, with fur sewn inside. Gloves, TN ңоба, are typically sewn into the end of the sleeves and the hem is made of some fur, as described by Castrén. A belt, TN ни, is fastened in such a way that the garment forms a pouch above the belt. The pouch, TN маʹ, serves as a pocket. (Chomič 1966: 116–119; IEAS 1961: 227, 240; Golovnev Kukanov, & Perevalova 2018: 238–243) Maalitse'eh, karlarnes hufvudplagg, är ej öppen såsom qvinnornas beklädnad, utan hopsydt lik en skjorta. Den bäres af Samojederne närmast kroppen och är gjord af mjuka renskinn. Malitseah bäres mera eller mindre lång; hvardagslagmen vanligtvis sträcker den sig blott blott litet [under] knärna, för att ej genera gången <i högknädliga dr[a]gter ända ned till hälarna>. Malitsa är liksom qvinnorns janditsa hår- sidan wand emot kroppen. Plagget slutas med en lång bräm af renhud hvari hårsidan är utåt wand. och består af tre rander af hka[hvilka] den.Handskarna (oobah) är med ärmarna sydda, men för att få han den deruv finnes en öppning på andra sidan af armen. Detta är mkt[mycket] väl betäckt med en flik wid handskarna är ock hårsidan ut åt vund. Medlersta är hvit och de begge yttersta mörka till färgen. På somliga orter brukas flere The maalitse'eh the main menʼs garment, is not open like women’s clothing, but sewn closed – like a shirt. It is worn by the Samoyeds closest to the body and is made of soft reindeer skin. The malitseah is worn more or less long; it usually only extends slightly below the knees <so that it would not hamper walking in areas with flood up to the heels>. The malitsa is like the women’s janditsa; the side with the hair is against the body. The cloth ends with a long brim of reindeer skin with the fur facing outwards and consists of three strips. Gloves (oobah) are sewn together with the sleeves, but to get the hands out, there is an opening on the other side of the sleeve. This is very well covered with a strip as wide as the gloves. The gloves are also sewn with the fur side facing outwards. The middle part is white and the two upper parts are dark in colour. In some places more
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ränder omvexlande med svarta och hvita färger. Bolshesem[elska]. Samojed[er]. bara på malitsas hsk[hundskinn]. qvinnorna på på paniih hundskinsfåll: werlek hjelpa sig Samojederne endast med malitsa, hken[hvilken], för att ej blifva våt, är försedd med ett öfverplagg af ngt[något] slags gröfre tyg, som Samojedd[er]. köpa af Ryssar. Men i kald bär man ofvan malitsa. stripes alternating with black and white colours are used. The Bolshesemelskaja Samoyeds have dog skin in their malitsas, the women dog fur in the paniih: the Samoyeds protect themselves against the weather only with the malitsa, which are – in order not to get wet – worn together with an outer garment of some kind of coarser fabric, which the Samoyeds buy from the Russians. But in cold weather, the malitsa is worn on top. Sawik, TN совик, an outer closed and hooded fur garment used on top of TN мальця. In a совик, the fur is sewn outside. A совик is used during cold weather or blizzards. (Chomič 1966: 118–120; Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 242) med hårsidan utåt. Mössan (savuah) TN сава ʻhatʼ; here possibly describing TN пярьтав. See also [såwaah]. (Chomič 1966: 120) är der- vid fastsydd, och fastgöres medelst snörband. Annars nyttjas mössan med malitsa en med mössa af псець som. Den bäres sittande lat lik hufvudet och täckande öronen ock af qvinnor, då man ej är studd på resor. För öfrigt nyttjäs mössan i hemlifvet ganska sällan både af karlar ock qvinnor. Sawik, with the fur side facing outwards. The hat (savuah) is sewn on and fastened with laces. If a malitsa is used, a hat made of Arctic fox fur is worn. It is set loose on the head, covering the ears, and is also worn by women when not travelling. In general, the hat is used quite seldom in home life by both men and women. Pimeäh, TN пиʹмя ʻtrousersʼ. Closed fur pants with fur sewn inside. byxor, gjorda af sämsk från nebljuj. De bäras af karlar och qvinnor. Pimeäh, trousers, made of chamois from nebljuj. They are worn by men and women. Liptoh TN либтʹ long fur stockings with fur sewn inside. (Chomič 1966: 120) (Doobr), motsvarande strumpor, af nebljuj., med det mjuka varma håret emot foten. De sträcka sig öfver knået. Ofvan på dem bäras Liptoh (Doobr) corresponding stockings, of reindeer calf [hide], with the soft warm fur against the foot. They extend over the knee. On them they wear Piuá'oh, TN пиваʺ long outer fur boots worn over inner fur stockings; fur sewn outside. gjorda af renbenlingar och bro- kigt utsydda af olika färgade stycker. Röda kladsrimsor här och der. De girel fastsnöras med nedanom knät med band liptah There is no mention of decorative lace in other ethnographic descriptions. Chomič notes that women’s shoe decorations are placed lower than men’s, because women’s garments are longer. The pattern sewn is called TN маттаʹма (Chomič 1966: 128). som hos Bolshes[elska]. Samm[ojeder]nedhänga lågt ned och anses för prydnader. Piuá'oh made of reindeer leg fur and sewn from pieces in different colours. Red cloth strips here and there. The garter socks, liptah, are laced below the knee with a strap, which among the Bolshezemel'skaja Samoyeds’ hang down low and are considered decorations. Toobor Toobak, TN тобарʹ, тобакʹ ʻbootsʼ. According to Chomič, tobar refers to low chamois sealskin boots used when there is a heavy frost or when it is wet. Tobak, again according to her, are working boots. (Chomič 1966: 121) ett slags ge ofvan ofverstöflor utan skaft. fastgjorda ofver med band öfver smalbenet. Toobor Toobak cover boots without legs. Fastened with straps over the leg.
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Jimbuitta, TN имбыт”(д) ʻshirt, women’s dressʼ. According to Chomič, имбытʺ denotes a men’s parka made of fabric and worn over TN мальця. Имбытʺ is flaring and has wider armholes than мальця. (Chomič 1966: 118; Tereščenko 2003: 143; Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 238) skjorta, bäres af några få och är ett lån af Ryssarne. Jimbuitta, a shirt, worn by a few and is a loan from the Russians. Gördeln (Jih) Most likely a misunderstanding by Castrén. TN икадʹʹ ʻcollar’. Belt would be TN ни. (TaS, KL) är prydd utsirad med messings prydnader. The belt Jih is adorned with brass decorations. Hårsflätor (Tanjõ), TN таʺнëʺ ʻbraids’. Chomič described таʹнë similarly, albeit in more detail as an extension of natural braids made of fabric and fur and connected to each other with pearl or metal decorations. Additionally, there are decorations made of metal, chamois, or fabric at the end of the braid ribbons. Beginning from the back of one’s neck and stretching under the waist, the lace covers the braids and is left under the belt worn by a woman. Altogether, the piece might be of considerable weight and jingles as the woman moves. In the Eastern areas, known as TN ңэбтʹ. (Chomič 1966: 130–131) långa, hänga stundom ned till hälarne af band, betäckta med knappar och annan grannlåt. Sådana bära båda Ostjj[Ostjaker]. och Samojj[Samojeder]. vanl[igen]. tvenne. Plaits (Tanjõ) long, sometimes hanging down to the heels. Ribbons, covered with buttons and other trinkets. Both Ostyaks and Samoyeds wear these, usually two. Samojeder dels raka sitt hår, dels bära länga nedhangande lockar. The Samoyeds partly cut their hair and partly have long hair.
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Beståndsdelarne i en Samojedisk kåta (meäh): TN мяʺ(д) ʻtent’. The conical Nenets tent was described by most researchers and travellers who worked among the Nenets. Castrén is here describing the winter tent. Despite the furs, the tent might be covered with birch bark (during summer) and nowadays also with a tarpaulin. Additionally, one does not have a fire, but a small stove with a chimney in contemporary tents. There is also some regional variation in the structure of the conical tent. (See Chomič 1966: 101–109; IEAS 1961: 141, 163, 203–205; Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 216–237.) Saarowáh сярава ʻtied ones’ or TN мяд’ сарва [saaruah]. (TaS, KL) kallas tvenne de starkaste stån- ger, som först uppställas. De öfriga som uppre- sas omkring dem kallas: Uh. Pl. u'uh TN ңу, plural ңуʺ ʻpole(s) of the conical tent’ Pl. u'uh. Omkring stångarna utbredas dubbla renhudar, de på inre sidan med hårsidan inåt, de på yttre med hårsidan utåt. Den inre väggen kls[kallas] Myikóh, TN мюйко ʻinner covering of the tentʼ. In the winter tent, they are usually double, with the fur inside. Typically sewn from older, shabby hides or TN ея [jeejeh]. TN мюйко ха, literally мюйко’s ears denotes the corner pockets into which the poles are put when lifting up the poles. (Chomič 1966: 102–104) den yttre åter Jeejéh TN ея ʻouter covering of the tent’. In the winter tent, they are usually double, with the fur outside. Typically sewn from 25-40 new hides. TN ея ха, literally ея’s, ears, the corner pockets into which the poles are put when lifting up the poles. (Chomič 1966: 102–104) Siejéh TN сея ʻthe part of the tent around the door’, used for keeping everyday items such as clothes and household wares. Also considered the female part of the tent. (Chomič 1966: 108) kls[kallas] väggen å ömse sidor om dörren (njoh) TN нë ʻdoor of the tent’ Den mot dörren motsatta väggen heter Sii'ih TN сиʹ ʻthe place opposite the door’, behind the TN симзы pole [sinsih]. Сиʹ is considered to be sacred and pure and religious items, together with dishes and food, are stored here. Women should not cross сиʹ either inside or outside the tent. (Chomič 1966: 108; Stammler 2005: 85–87) Wau TN ваʺав ʻsleeping place, bed’ on both sides of the door. kallas bädden och väggen dervid. Härden, tjymju, TN тюмю ʻiron plate under the fire’. består af en jernskifva. Å ömse sidor om härden finnes ett golf, sfogadt af 3-4 släta bräder - Laatah TN латаʹ ʻflat wooden boards’ on both sides of the tent. As noted by Chomič, the boards tell of the wealth and so the poorer families did not have латаʹ in their tents. Bakom laata är bädden. Sålunda anredd: Förut nedsättes å snön en halmmatta, Uuntjer, TN ңутерʹ or ңум’ пэңа ʻmat made of straw’ placed on a birch mat, TN хуʺнерʺ. Note that Castrén seems to have a different understanding about the meaning of the word. (Chomič 1966: 105, 107) derå en matta, sflätad af (björk eller) vide-qvistar, den kallas Hunjier, TN ху”нер” ʻtwig mat made of birch’ placed on the snow under TN ңум’ пэңа and TN лата. hvarå ännu bredas ren- hudar. Till täcke brukas fårskinnsfällar, köpta af Ryssarne (Samojederne sofva splitter-nakna). Saaruah, TN мядʹ сарва ʻtop of the tent’ denotes the upper part of the tent. The smoke hole is called TN макодаʹ си. It can be partly covered on the side of the wind with TN тюсерʹ, a piece of fur, or TN есенабцьʹ, a piece of birch bark. (Chomič 1966: 107) kallas rökhålet i kåtan. Sinsih TN сымзы or сынзы refers to the sacred pole standing inside the tent, between the fireplace and the back of the tent. TN ти [tjih] is fastened to сымзы and the poles on each side of the door. Alternatively, ти can be attached to two additional poles on the door side of the tent. As noted by Chomič, in some areas an (inverted) U-shaped piece of wooden equipment might have been used over the fire instead of сымзы and ти. Оne cannot meet a notion of two сымзы poles in the ethnographic literature. (Chomič 1966: 106) (TaS, KL) kallas stänger, hka[hvilka] äro uppställda å ömse sidor om härden. De löpa till draghålet[rökhålet] The parts of the Samoyed tent (meäh) Saarowáh. The two strongest poles are set up first. The rest arranged around them are called: Uh. Double reindeer skins are spread around the poles, those on the inner side with the fur side facing inwards, those on the outside with the fur side facing outwards. The inner wall is called Myikóh, the outer Jeejéh Siejéh, the wall on both sides of the door (njoh).TN нë ʻdoor of the tent’ The wall opposite the door is called Sii'ih Wau, the beds and the wall next to them. The hearth, tjymju consists of an iron plate. On both sides of the hearth there is a floor, three or four flat boards – Laatah – joined together. Behind the laata there are the beds. Made like this: first, a straw mat, Uuntjer is placed on the snow, and over it, a mat braided from (birch or) willow twigs; it is called Hunjier and the reindeer hides are set on it. Sheepskins, bought from the Russians, are used as blankets (the Samoyeds sleep completely naked). Saaruah, the smoke hole in the tent. Sinsih, the poles which are erected on each sides of the hearth. They go to the smoke hole.
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och å hvardera sidan finnas tvenne, och emellan dem finnes en tvärstånge tjih. TN ти denotes the two horizontal poles at the height of 1.5 metres attached to each other and сымзы in the back of the tent and to the tent poles on both sides of the door. (Chomič 1966: 106) Ifrån tvärstången nedhänger Pa'ah, TN па”(д) denotes a bar with holes drilled on top and a hook under it. Паʺ is slipped into TN пад’ ню, a wooden or steel bar hanging on TN ти. Pots and tea kettles are hung on the паʺ over the fire. (Chomič 1966: 106; Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 226) hvarifrån grytorna äro nedhänga på en krok ( ). I Pa'ah finnas hål, genom hvilka stickor fasthålla den öfver tjih. Stickorna kallas paadojaaptaa. TN пад” ябта” ʻthe thin sticks’ (Tereščenko 2003: 455). (TaS, KL) and on each side there are two poles. Between them, there is a bar, tjih. The pa'ah from which the pots are hung on a hook, hangs from the tjih. In the pa’ah there are holes through which sticks hold it over the tjih. The sticks are called paadojaaptaa.
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Samojederne besitta kunsten att med knifven sirligt förfärdiga diverse husgeråd. Deras slädor, On constructing sledges, see Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 204–207. On drums, see Chomič 1966: 214–215 and IEAS 1961: 437, 451–452. On working bones and tusks, see Chomič 1966: 84–85. körredskap körstänger, fat m.m. äro vanl[igen]. mycket jemt bearbetade. Sina snusdosor (af horn), knifskate m.m. begjuta de med tenn ganska sirligt. The Samoyeds are able to use a knife neatly to make all kinds of household utensils. Their sledges, driving poles, drums, etc. are usually very accurately made. They cast their snuff boxes (made of horn), knife sheaths, etc. with tin quite neatly.
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Samojederne spisa ett hufvudmål [påkommer] om dagen, som intäges på aftonen. The Samoyeds eat one main meal a day, which is in the evening. Samojederne äta otroligt; men besitta tillika der wanan att uthärda hunger i flere dagar. Ofta ser man utan någon synbar och detta med den största likgiltighet. Många fattiga Samojeder äro så fattiga, att de ej komma ur stället, om de slagta blott en ren (d.ä. de ega blott 5-6 renar). Dessa lef- wa vanligen på sina bröders bekostnad. Om det nu händer, att en sådan Samojed på några dagar ej träffat rikare bröder och så uppä- tit alla sina förråder, till och gnagat alla ben- bitar, förtärt alla tarmar etc. ser man honom till sitta vid eldbrasan och spotta efter utseendet luga vid eldbrasan till synnet, utan att gläda sig det minsta öfver ankomsten af en person som räddar honom från hungerdöden. The Samoyeds eat unbelievably much; but they can also endure hunger for several days and with the greatest indifference. Many Samoyeds are so poor that they would not manage if they slaughtered only one reindeer (i.e. they own only five or six reindeer). These usually live at the expense of their brothers. If it happens that such a Samoyed did not meet his richer brothers for few days and ate all his supplies, gnawed all the bones, consumed all the intestines, etc., you could see him sitting by the fire and spitting calmly, without rejoicing in the least over the arrival of a person who saves him from starvation. Samojederne hafva intet Here, Castrén comes close to other 19th-century researchers or travellers describing northern peoples as “short-sighted, carefree, indifferent, slow, sluggish, clumsy, and gluttonous people who live for the moment”. (Leete 2014: 141) As noted by Leete (2014: 143), the description is based on ideas related to primitive peoples and their mindset and on theories about the impact of the environment on culture. begrepp om kons- ten att spara. Peningen aktar aktar han icke det minsta, utan kallas derföre silfvret brännvins-penning. Har han några kopp. öfverlopps, så är detta brännande käl på hans hufvud; han vet ej, huru han på det snaraste månde blifva qvitt denna The Samoyed has no idea of saving. He does not check money in the slightest, and therefore he calls silver “brandy money”. If he has a few spare kopecks, he tries to find a way to get rid of this
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öfverlopps-artikel. Så eger han intet begr[epp]. om att samla göra besparing af husförnöden- heter. När han t.ex. fiskar om sommaren, och fiska-fänget en dag aflöper efter önskan, så rör han sig den andra dagen ej ur tältet och begriper ej, huru h[var]före Ryssar idkeligen fiska, änskönt de afton nödgas låna fisk af Ryssarne. spare change as soon as possible. Similarly, he has no idea of saving household supplies. When, for example, he fishes in the summer, and one day the catch is bigger than hoped for, the next day he does not move out of his tent and does not understand why the Russians are constantly fishing, even though in the evening he is forced to borrow fish from the Russians.
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Samojederne pålägga ej sina qvinnor Traditionally, women’s space is centred in and around the tent and the camp, in contrast to men, who work and typically move outside the tent and the camp. The tent as a whole can be considered a women’s space, as putting up and taking down the tent is led by women, who also keep the tent warm and take care of its furnishing. (Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 234–237; Serpivo 2016) stränga arbeten: de fiska sjelfva, samla sjelfve sin ved, qvinnorna sitta mest i tältet, sy kläder, koka maten. The Samoyeds do not put their women to work rigorously: they fish and collect firewood, and the women mostly sit in the tent, sewing clothes and cooking food.
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Cap. IV. Chapter IV Giftermål. Matchmaking, roughly of a similar kind, is described in several sources. The dialogue is also noted down in note. (Zuev 1947: 60–62; Schrenk 1848: 474–479; Islavin 1847: 125–130; Chomič 1966: 162–173.) När fråga blir om giftermål, far brod- gummen att fria jemte entalman. Talmannen går i tsjum- men, men friaren stadnar utanföre vid sin släde.Tal- mannen andrager sitt ärende med följande ord. (Se min tryckta beskrifvning). Castrén’s description of a Nenets wedding, TN тюняʹ, is one of the earliest, together with Zuev’s and Beljavskij’s (Zuev 1947: 60; Beljavskij 1833: 118; see also Castrén 2019: 455–463. Marriage. When it comes to marriage, the groom travels to propose marriage together with the matchmaker. The matchmaker goes to the tent, but the groom stays outside in his sledge. The matchmaker announces his business in the following words. (See my printed description.) Hos Samojederne säljas döttrarna, af rika till ett ovanligt högt pris, t[ill]. och med 40 renar, samt dessutom kläde, räfvor fjällrockor m.m. Stundom har Alltid är priset så högt, att en fattig Samojed med mindre vållar i stort bekymmer och hufvudbry, när fråga blir om att komma sig till hustru. The amount and quality of the bride price, TN неʹ мирʹ, was negotiated by the spokesman and the father of the bride. According to Chomič, the bride price typically consisted of (female) reindeer together with hides and clothes and sacred reindeer used for pulling sacred sledges. The dowry, TN нгэдинзэй, мядинзэй, paid by the family of the bride, included sledges with women’s clothes, household goods, food, and even a tent. As noted by Stammler, in the bride price the reindeer cannot be considered only through their economic value, but as “a kind of cultural property for maintaining relations within the community sphere”. The sense of reciprocity in the bride price and dowry is central for the Nenets, and these gifts can also be considered, in addition to being a price, as an exchange that builds long-term connections between families. (Chomič 1966: 165–167; Stammler 2005: 176–178) I ett tält lefde för några år sedan på BS. T. [Bolschesemelska tundran] en gammal Samojedin med en ung hustru och en brorson. Familjen var fattig, och brorsonen ville nödv[ändigtvis]. gifta sig men egde ej medel att köpa sig hustru. Då sade En gång yttrar farbrodren: Jag här en gammal vorden och behafva mig är ingen hustru af nöden; tag du min hustru och lef med henne, såsom med din egen. Sål[unda]. kom brorsonen ur sin förlägenhet. Among the Samoyeds the daughters are sold, those of the rich at an unusually high price, even for 40 reindeer, as well as clothes, fox and Arctic fox skins, etc. The price is always so high that a poor Samoyed worries and troubles himself when it comes to finding a wife. A few years ago in the Bolshezemelskaja tundra, there was an old Samoyed living together with a young wife and a nephew. The family was poor, and the nephew insisted on marrying, but had no means to buy a wife. Once his uncle uttered: I will be old and in no need of a wife; take my wife and live with her as if she was your own. And that is how the nephew got out of his predicament.
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Obs. A Nenets wedding is a complex ritual that takes place in both the bride’s and the groom’s home camp. The wedding begins after the bride price and dowry are ready, when the groom comes, together with the spokesman and his family, to the tent of the bride. There, several ritual games, such as the capturing of the groom and his family by the bride’s family and the passing of a red cloth to the tent by the groom, take place. After a reindeer has been slaughtered and a meal served, the participants get ready to leave for the groom’s tent. Similarly, ritual games are played when the bride leaves, together with the dowry, to the groom’s tent: attempts are made to capture her from her sledge. Later, on the way, there might be people ritually stealing the bride. In the groom’s tent, a festive meal is also served. (See Chomič 1966: 167–171.) Bruden föres med wåld af qvinnor från brud- gummens anhöriga i släden och fastbindes och bringas i släptåg efter brudgummens mor till sitt nya hem. Efter bruden äro följa i släp- tåg slädar med hemgifte. Brudens renar böra vara betäckta med rödt kläde, så ock de renar, hvilka bringa hemgifte. NB: The bride is carried by force by the groom’s female relatives in a sledge, and brought after the groom's mother to his new home. The bride is followed by sledges with the dowry. The bride’s reindeer should be covered with red cloths, as should the reindeer which carry the dowry. Ett år efter giftermålet kommer hustrun att gästa en tid hos fadren. Hon erhåller då kläder och hvarjehanda gåfvor, se Pallas. Pallas 1776: 72–74; 1788: 96–98. Obs. kalym återgifves, om hustrun snart dör. One year after the marriage, the wife will spend some time in her father’s camp. She receives clothes and all kinds of gifts; see Pallas. NB: Kalym is given back if the wife dies soon after marriage.
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När en Samojedisk hustru är i beråd att föda, gör man för hennes räkning en liten tsjum (meädiko) och tillkallar en пови- валная бабка. För henne måste födelskan bekänna om hon varit sin man otrogen. Utan en slik bekän- nelse kan ingen förlossning ega rum. Samma likt är mannen underkastad. Similar habits were described by Kostikov (1930: 42–43) in the early 20th century. See also [ackuschörska]. When a Samoyed wife is about to give birth, she covers the costs of a little tent (meädiko) being made and calls for a midwife. The woman in labour must confess in front of the midwife if she has been unfaithful to her husband. Without such a confession, no childbirth can take place. Her husband is subjected to the same confession.
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Om fadren ej lefver, har den yngsta brodren rätt att äkta sin hustr syster (Se sjud[babts]. 4) If the father is not alive, the youngest brother has the right to marry his sister (See syudbabts 4) Om vintern begrafves ofvan, om sommaren in i jorden. See also pages [172], [175], and [178]. In the winter, the deceased are buried on the earth, in the summer, in the earth.
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[Cap. 5] National-Carakter National character, in relation to the philosophy of Hegel and Herder, can also be seen as a part of a wider phenomen in texts describing the ethnically or socially other in European travel writing and literature. It was part of the task of ethnography to describe the national character in the 19th century. In St. Petersburg, what were called psychic differences between nationalities by Nadeždin were emphasised. Although Castrén never visited the Russian Geographical Society, he was most probably aware of the discussions. De Kaninska och Timanska Samojederne hafva ett äkta Zijenare-lynne. Den rikaste bland dem anser det ej vara under sin värdighet att tigga och vägrar man dem, hvad de äska, gripa de till grafva ord och hotelser. Bedrägeriet är en annan ders utmärkande egenskap. En Samojed, som jag gjort till min förtrogne, varnade mig att alldrig betala skjutspe- ning i förskott eller betro Sam[ojed]. det minsta. En Samoj. Ofta söka de bedraga hvarandra genom fallska docu- menter. (Hände mig ock Ett sådant document utgafs i mitt namn, ett annat i Venjamins. En Samojed ville meddela mig falsk lärdom. Sådant hafva Samojj.[Samojeder] lärt sig af Ryssar och Syrjäner. Chapter V National Character The Kanin and Timan Samoyeds have a genuine gipsy character. Even the richest among them does not consider it to be below his dignity to beg and if one refuses to give what they ask for, they resort to coarse words and threats. Fraud is another of their distinctive skills. A Samoyed, who was my confidant, warned me never to pay for a ride in advance or to trust a Samoyed even a little. They often try to deceive each other through false documents. (One such document was given under my name, another in Veniamin’s.) One Samoyed wanted to give me false information. This is what the Samoyeds learned from the Russians and Syrians. Samojederne hafva mycken anlag för satir. The Samoyeds have a deep tendency to satire. Samojedernes förnämsta dygd är hjelpsamhet. The foremost virtue of the Samoyeds is helpfulness.
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Samojederne äro oförskräckta. På små båtar färdas de till Nov[aja]. Sem lja, och tyckas ej begripa att dervid är ngn[någon] fara. Härom talade frågade, jag med en Samojed, och yttrade frågade, att stormen lätt kunde om han ej hyste några fruktan för storm och oväder. "Blir det storm," menade Samojeden, "så finnes äfven andra öar, och det gör mig lika, om jag hamnar på Nov[aja]. Semlja eller på Waigats." Det kun- de ju hända, fortfor jag, att du hamnade i andra werlden, men hvarken på Nov[aja]. S[emlja]. eller Waigats. "Hamnar Ännu finnas der andra öar, t.ex. Dolgoj, fortfor Samoj[ed]. "Är du då viss på, att ham- na på någon af dessa öar och begriper du ej, att stormen kunde stjelpa din lilla båt." Alltid hamnar man någonslädes, och det gör mig lika, om stormen ock skulle föra mig till Matvájeff." The Samoyeds are fearless. They travel to Novaja Zemlja in small boats, and do not seem to understand that there is any danger. I once talked with a Samoyed and asked if he had no fear of storms and bad weather. “If there will be a storm,” said the Samoyed, “there are also other islands, and I do not care if I end up on Novaja Zemlja or on Vajgač.” “But it could happen,” I continued, “that you end up on other islands than Novaja Zemlja or Vajgač.” “There are other islands, such as Dolgoj,” continued Samoyed. “Are you sure that you could land on any of these islands and don’t you understand that the storm could sink your little boat?” “You always land somewhere, and I would not care if the storm brought me to Matveev.”
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Samojedd[er]. äro mycket omtåliga och mistänks[amma]. För ett snedt ord gifva de den största fördel till spillo. The Samoyeds are very impatient and are mistrustful. They can waste a large deal for only one angry word. Samojj.[Samojeder] stå bland Ryssar i högt ans[eende]. för sin andliga capacitet. De äro mkt[mycket] begripl[iga]. och öfvertr[äda]. derföre vid allm[änt]. lärowerk andra lärjungar. I s[ynner]het hafva de alla en afgjord färdighet att skrifwa. The Russians esteem the Samoyeds highly for their spiritual capacities. They are very clever and therefore they usually outperform the other students. They share a definite skill in writing.
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Liksom Lapparne iaktaga äfven Samojederne den sed, att du främma emot en främmande, att han ledes att sitta på högra sidan om spiseln vid vär- den och värdinnan. The Nenets tent is divided into two halves by a virtual line crossing the tent from the door to the back, TN сиʹ. The right-hand side is the men’s side and is higher in social status, whereas the left-hand side is the women’s and children’s. (Chomič 1966: 108–109; Stammler 2005: 85–87; Golovnev, Kukanov & Perevalova 2018: 216–237) Legafolket och barnen sitta på den venstra sidan. Like the Lapps, the Samoyeds also follow the custom that you set the stranger to sit on the right-hand side of the hearth beside the host and the hostess. The workers and the children sit on the left-hand side. Emedan Samojederne äro vana att föra ett stilla sittande lif, kunna deras ben ej härda ut att hellst nå- gra minuter stå upprätt. Äro de nödsakade att stå, iaktaga de då stödja de sig vanligtvis mot nå- gon vägg. Annars fråga de, om de ej an- lofligt att sitta. Because the Samoyeds are used to sitting and to a still life, their bones cannot endure standing upright even for a few minutes. If they are forced to stand, then they usually lean on a wall. Otherwise they ask if they could sit down. Wana att gå mycket försiqtigt i sin kåta, iaktaga de samma försigtighet in i hus. De gå i en lutande ställning och stiga på tårna.
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Gängse sjukdomar bland Samojeder och Ostjaker äro: venerisk smitta, lepra och skörbjugg. Common diseases among the Samoyeds and Ostyaks are venereal infection, leprosy, and scurvy.
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Cap. 6 Urier, en ryktbar Tadibé. Urier According to the travelogue, Castrén noted the narrative down from a female TN тадебя he met while travelling by boat from Kolva to the east in 1843. He also related the narrative in his letter to Collan (Castrén 2019: 513–515), and it ended up in his published travelogue, too (1852: 243, 270–274). The tale is of interest for Castrén because of its mythic nature and because it relates to the living environment of the Nenets and its history. Lehtisalo noted down a similar narrative in Mezenʹ and in the lower Obʹ area (Lehtisalo 1924: 78, 139). beslöt att fara till himlen, och taga med sig sina tvenne hustrur, af hvilka den sednare hustrun hade barn, men den förstgifta var barnlös. Urier befalte sina hustrur att sy åt sig och hvardera sjelf nya kläder. Intet gammalt stycke, ej ens ett förut nyttadt band skulle få finnas i kläderna. Kläderna voro färdiga och Ur[ier]. begifver sig uppåt. Renarne stadna på wägen. Urier inser, att hans befall- ning ej blifvit åtlydd och frågar af hustrurna, om något hvarföre man icke åtlydt hans befallning. Den sednare hustrun svarar, att det smärtat henne lemna barnen efter sig ock samt att derföre insydt ett gammalt band. Då lät Urier lat henne fara ned till jorden och; sjelf for han med den första hustrun till himlen och kör der ofvan på molnen, så att dånet höres ända till jorden. Stället defr.[derifrån] han begaf sig till himlen, visas ännu i dag på Uralska bergen och kallas Uriers шопка. Sjelfva Ural skall hafva bär fått sitt namn efter honom. Chapter VI Urier, a famous Tadibé. Urier decided to go to heaven and take his two wives with him. The second wife had children, but the one he had married first was childless. Urier commanded the wives to sew new clothes for himself and themselves. No old piece, not even a ribbon previously used, would be allowed to be in the clothes.The clothes were finished and Urier got up. The reindeer were standing ready. Urier realised that he had not been obeyed and asked the wives why they had not followed his orders. The second wife replied that it hurt her to leave the children and that she therefore sewed an old ribbon into the clothes. Urier let her go down to the earth and he himself went with his first wife to heaven and drove there over the clouds, so that the rumble was heard on the earth. From there he went to heaven, and even today he appears on the Ural Mountains and it is called Urier’s slope. The Urals themselves are named after him.
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På Waigats Vajgač Island (TN Хэхэʹ я, Хэбидя я) in the Pečora Sea at N70°1′13″ E59°28′56″. (TS, KL) finnes en såkallad Petschora пещера Bolvanskij Nos (TN Хэхэʹ саля) is a high cliff face with an open cave situated at the southern end of the island. The sacrificial place situated on the hill is also called TN Вэсако ‘Old man’, and it is further described on page 180. [180: Hähe salje] (Schrenk 1848: 353–354; Islavin 1847; 114–118; Bojarskij 2000: 80) tvenne пещеры, - en på Югорскiй шаръ (ej stor), vid sjelfva hafstranden. Den andra i mitten af Waigats, ifrån 4 arschin bred; till 1 arschin, löper 300 saschen till en flod, kld[kallad] Болванская река. The Bolvanskaja reka (TN Хэхэ' яха). A river flowing in the canyon between Bolʹšaja bolvanskaja gora and Malaja bolvanskaja gora. Castrén is here referring to what was later called the sacrificial place of the Bolʹšaja Bolvanskaja hill, situated in the highest place of the island. The place is also known as TN Хадако or Небяʹ хэхэ. According to Bojarskij, there is a long and deep cleft in the northern side of the place, “resembling a womb”. Vid denna пещера finnes stenen, den tillbedes, ej пещ[ера]. såsom mga[många] qvartar. Stället der omkring var fordom jemt och glatt; derefter infann sig dervid en sten af särdeles msklig[mänsklig] skepnad, «Efter skepnaden af dna[denna] sten göra de nu Gudabilder af träd.» åt den äras som Gud, deråt offras renar genom strypning «När renen blifvt strypt, slås den i flottet ges och rökes (brännes) för bolvanen, som ock bestrykes med renblod. Vid bestrykningen buga de sig tre ggn[gånger] för bilden. Offret göres till återvinnande af helsa, för god fångst etc. På sna[sådana] sätt offras för träd-beläten.» och stenen bestrykes med renblod. There are two so-called peščery in Waigats, one in Jugorskij šarʹʹ (not large), by the very seashore. The other in the middle of Waigats, from four to one arschin wide, runs 300 saschen to a river, called Bolvanskaja reka. At this peščera, there is a stone, which is worshipped, not a peščera, as in many other caves. The place around the place used to be even and smooth; then a stone with a human form appeared. «Nowadays, they make images of gods of trees following the shape of this stone.» it [the stone] is worshipped as a God; they sacrifice strangled reindeer to it. «When the reindeer has been strangled, it is beaten; the fat is given and smoked (burned) for bolvanen, which are also spread with reindeer blood. When spreading the blood, they genuflect three times to the image. The sacrifice is made for the recovery of health, for a good catch, etc. They sacrifice in a similar way for tree idols.» and the stone is spread with reindeer blood.