16 20 1683 https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/e7cb8753a246bc1ab16894b36554eefa.jpg 5b1868d920acb47a0515faa21b9a7e4c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 016 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="width: 222px;">De Samojeder, som under vinter idka hafsfiske, nomadise<br />rа äfven med sina renar vid hafvet.</td> <td style="width: 214px;"> <p>Those Samoyeds who during the winter are engaged in sea fishing also live with their reindeer by the sea.</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 222px;">Kaninska Samojeder meta <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> navaga </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>navaga</i>, TN <i>наваңа</i> ʻnavaga’. (Eleginus nawaga).</div> </div> om hösten under is i floder,<br />göra af bly en maschin <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> af följ[ande]. utseende. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Description and picture missing.</div> </div> <br />Navaga metas om hösten, är mager om vintern.</td> <td style="width: 214px;">The Kanin Samoyeds fish for navaga with a seine in the autumn under the river ice; they make a device of lead with the following appearance [description and picture missing]. Navaga are fished for with a seine in the autumn; they are lean in the winter.</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 222px;">Om sommaren fånga ock några få i floder <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> камбала </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>kambala</i>, TN <i>пелха</i> ʻEuropean plaice’ (Pleuronectes platessa).</div> </div> och<br /> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> голци </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>golec</i>, TN <i>няңгэхей</i> ʻArctic char’ (Salvelinus alpinus).</div> </div> med nät.</td> <td style="width: 214px;">In the summer some also catch European plaice and Arctic char with nets in the rivers.</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 222px;">Om vintern fångar man псецъ fjällracka, лисицъ (räfvor), utan medelst skydd äfven<br /> <div id="ijenguh">med кулома <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">(Ijenguh),</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Most probably TN <i>еся яңго</i> ‘foothold trap’, literally ʻiron trap’. Trapping was practised from November to March, when the fox fur was at its most beautiful and valuable. The traps were set just under the snow so that the bait, seal, lemming, or fat, would be below the wind. Often, the front leg was trapped. Foxes were also trapped with dead-fall and cage traps (<i>пя яңго</i>) and through communal hunting, in which a group of foxes was driven to an open space, for example a frozen lake cover, and then shot. (Chomič 1966: 66-68.)</div> </div> som är alldeles lik en råttfälla, blott något <br />större.</div> </td> <td style="width: 214px;">In winter Arctic foxes and foxes are also hunted with traps such as <i>kuloma</i> (<i>Ijenguh</i>), which are very similar to a rat trap, only slightly bigger.</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 222px;">Fattiga Samojeder kunna ej sysselsätta sig med промышление i hafvet eme-<br />dan härtill fordras båtar, fock och andra stora anstalter, redskap m.m. <br />Om det händes, att hösten är våt ocj slaskig och om derpå följes stränga froster, så kunna Samojederne ej qvarstadna till vintern vid Kanin Nos. Här är landet mycket lågt uch sankt, emedan samlar sig på tundran, och efter frosten kunna renarna ej för-skaffa sig bete.</td> <td style="width: 214px;"> <p>Poor Samoyeds are unable to engage in seafaring activities, because it requires boats, a headsail and other major preparations, equipment, etc. If it happens that the autumn is wet and sloppy and therefore there are severe frosts, the Samoyeds cannot stay on the Kanin Peninsula until winter. The country is very low and boggy, and that is why [the frost] accumulates on the tundra, and after the frost the reindeer cannot find food.</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 222px;">Wid Kanin Nos finnes треска, men man kan här ej fånga den, emedan här ej kutterna äro mycket grunda, och långre ut finnes ej ej hamn, inga öar, intet skydd mot storm och oväder, der, som ofta inträffas.</td> <td style="width: 214px;"> <p>There are cod off the shores of Kanin Nos, but you cannot catch them here, because the bays are not very shallow, and further out there are no harbours, no islands, no protection against storms and bad weather, which often occur.</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/eecbd0d40645383e2467563c45b35384.jpg 1e2235083233378a10a61b308c5b5b3a Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 015 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Kaninska Samojeder äro <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> rikare än Timanska, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Before the mid-19th century, when Castrén was travelling in the European Arctic, large-scale nomadic reindeer herding was developing fast, but, as shown by Krupnik (1976; 1993: 171–80), it never meant a stable number of reindeer herds, but rather there was a constant change in the number of herds as a result of ecological, political, and economic factors. In addition, it is important to note that instead of a total shift, there were always herders with fewer reindeer, which also means more reliance on fishing and hunting. The Kanin and Timan Nenets seem to have shifted to a pastoralist economy before the Bolʹšezemelʹskaja ones, which is why they also had more reindeer in the early 19th century. (See Tuisku 1999: 58–65; Stammler 2005: 62–66; Anderson 2014; Stepanoff et al. 2017; Dolgich 1970: 23–25.)</div> </div> de der<br />åter äro mycket fattiga. Rika Samojj[eder]. i Kanin hafver<br />ändå till 2000 renar, få hafva blott 2 eller 3, haf-<br />va så många, omkring 10 hafva 1000, många 5-600<br />fattiga hafva 25-50. Bland Timanska Samojeder<br />hafva blott 2 eller 3 pers. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> 500 Samojj. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The number of reindeer is one indicator of the development of a large-scale pastoralist reindeer economy. The variation in the sizes of the herds is not only a marker of economic stratification, but rather indicates that there were different kinds of economic strategies among the Nenets. Those who owned only a few reindeer used them as draught animals and focused on fishing and hunting, and were most probably hired by Russian or Komi merchants. With a few hundred reindeer, one could live by selling hunting products, whereas with thousands of reindeer, there was a possibility of living on reindeer products alone. (See Krupnik 1976.) As noted recently, the number of reindeer not only gave prestige and enabled movement but also tied the large-scale reindeer herders to the tundra and the herd (Golovnev 2004; Stepanoff et al. 2017). It is rather perplexing how fast the combination of large herds and the ability to move in the tundra became emblematic of the Nenets way of life, TN ненэй илеңгана, although pastoralism was still developing in the early 19th century. This is most probably related to the prestige related to large herds, but also their value in exchange and in hunting (Stepanoff et al. 2017). Additionally, there is a tendency in 19th-century explorers, such as Castrén, to describe reindeer herding as the emblematic and immemorial form of subsistence, which for a long time obscured the transition that was taking place. (For the development of reindeer herding, see also Losey et al. 2021; Anderson et al. 2019; Stépanoff 2017.)</div> </div> [Samojeder] Desse fiska<br />allmänt under sommaren mest i sjöar mindre i floder,<br />hvartill fordras dyra redskap, båtar, mat m.m.<br />minst <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> i hafvet. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Fishing has a significant role in Nenets subsistence. Fishing is focused on the rivers and lakes, and is especially important for the communities living near large rivers such as the Pečora, Pur, and Nadym. Fishing is carried out with the help of seines, nets, traps, and weirs. It is important for food, but also for extra income. In the 19th century, Nenets also worked as fishermen for Russian merchants and were part of fishing communities; see note [<a href="https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/items/show/1841#andra">af andra Samojj.</a>] and [<a href="https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/items/show/1843#Mezen">Mezen merchants</a>]. (Chomič 1966: 78–80.)</div> </div> Deras renar bevakas under ti-<br /> <div id="andra">den <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> af andra Samojj[eder]. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The Nenets formed communities called Ru <i>parma</i>, TN <i>парм</i> (reindeer herding) or Ru <i>edoma</i>, TN <i>нядʹʹма</i> (fishing and hunting sea mammals) in order to manage their seasonal hunting and fishing practices. According to Maslov, the communities were of close or more distant descent and often included both rich and poor families in terms of reindeer. During fishing and hunting, the reindeer herds were left within the larger herds of communities with more reindeer. (Maslov 1934; Terleckij 1934; Tuisku 1999: 82–83; similar in the Taz (Forest Nenets) region; see Lehtisalo 1956: LV–LVI.)</div> </div> Kaninska Samojeder fi-<br />ska ej, somliga skjuta морскихъ зверей<br /><span style="text-decoration: line-through;">i floder</span> neml. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> тюлены, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>tjulenʹ</i>, TN <i>явʹ сармик</i>, <i>няк</i> ʻseal’.</div> </div> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> нерпа, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>nerpa</i>, TN <i>няк</i> ʻringed seal’ (Phoca hispida Schreber).</div> </div> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> заеца. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>morskij zajac</i>, TN <i>ңартиʹ</i> ʻbearded seal’ (Erignathus barbatus Erxleben).</div> </div> Om vintern <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">skjuta de</span><br />färdes Timanska och Kaninska Samojeder<br />s[a]mt Ryska till hafvet, med <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> lodjor </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>lad’ja</i> or <i>lod’ja</i> is a wooden sailing and fishing vessel with pole masts and oars. The lodjas, together with larger karbas vessels, were widely used by the Pomors (MES 1991: lad’ja).</div> </div> mellan is, skjuta <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> моржевъ, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>morž</i>, TN <i>тивтей</i> ʻwalrus’ (Odobenus rosmarus Linnaeus).</div> </div> <br />заецей, <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> лысуни, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>lysun</i> (also <i>Grenlandskij tyulenʹ</i>), TN <i>няк</i> ʻGreenland seal’ (Phoca groenlandica Erxleben).</div> </div> нерпи, <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> белуги </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">A maritime economy, which was practised in the 17th century by communities living on the Arctic seashores, had disappeared by the 18th century, only to undergo a revival at the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries. Krupnik has proposed that the hunting of sea mammals in the 19th-century European Arctic was mainly a joint practice of the Nenets and the Russian Pomors, which is also implied by Castrén. Consequently, this does not represent the earlier indigenous maritime economy, but a seasonal practice based on commercial and collective hunting. (Krupnik 1993: 202–210)</div> </div> <br />Kaninska och Timanska fånga om vintern <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> псецъ, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>pesec</i>, TN <i>ңохо</i> ʻArctic fox’ (Alopex lagopus Linnaeus).</div> </div> ли-<br />сица, <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> волки </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>volk</i>, ТN <i>сармик</i> ʻwolf’ (Canis lupus Linnaeus).</div> </div> (litet); Timanska fånga äfven björnar och vildrenar,<br />samt куници</div> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">The Kanin Samoyeds are richer than those of Timan, who again are very poor. The rich Samoyeds in Kanin own up to 2000 reindeer, a few have only two or three, about ten [Nenets] have 1000, many have 5-600, and the poor own 25-50. Among the Timan Samoyeds only two or three persons own 500 [reindeer]. These Samoyeds commonly fish during the summer, mostly in lakes, less so in rivers, for which expensive equipment, boats, food, etc., is required; the least [fishing is done] in the sea. Their reindeer are guarded during the time [of the fishing] by other Samoyeds. The Kanin Samoyeds do not fish; some shoot sea mammals, in other words seals (seal, ringed seal, and bearded seal). In winter the Timan and Kanin Samoyeds and the Russians travel to the sea, using lodya boats to move through ice, and shoot walruses, seals, and whales. In winter the Kanin and Timan [Samoyeds] hunt Arctic foxes, foxes, and wolves (a little); the Timan also hunt bears and wild reindeer, as well as pine martens.</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Bolshezemelska Samojeder äro öfverhufvud genom<br />renor fattigare, men rikare genom sina öfriga närings-<br />grenor. Om sommaren fånga de fisk mest i flo-<br />der och i hafvet <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">(Хаибадра, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Chajpudyr Bay, situated on the western side of the Yugor Peninsula. N68°30′14″ E59°31′54″</div> </div> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Варандея, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Varandej Bay, situated on the western side of the Yugor Peninsula. N68°44′53″ E57°59′48″</div> </div> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Коратаеха</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Korotaicha flows into the Pečora Sea on the west coast of the Yugor Peninsula. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168933">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <br /> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Кара),</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Kara flows into Kara Bay on the east coast of the Yugor Peninsula. According to Schrenk, TN ”Harájjagha oder Harájagha, d.i. der bugreiche Fluss [Хараяга]” (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=198247">GVR</a>) (Schrenk 1848: 463; Šrenk 2009: 312)</div> </div> mindre i sjöar och i hafvet.<br />Om sommaren fara de на море och fånga<br />skjuta моржи, заеци, нерпы, <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> белуги </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>belucha</i>, ТN <i>вэбарка</i> ʻwhite whale, beluga’ (Delphinapterus leucas Pallas).</div> </div> <br />(mindre), hvita björnar (på is), vildren finnas och fångas obetydligt.<br />Om vintern fånga de ock горные fög[lar]., псецъ<br /> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> лисица, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>lisica</i>, ТN <i>тëня</i> ʻfox’ (Vulpes vulpes Linnaeus).</div> </div> волкъ, <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> куници. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru (<i>sosnovaja</i>) <i>kunica</i>, TN <i>иңгней</i> ʻpine marten’ (Martes martes Linnaeus).</div> </div> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"> <p>The Bol'šezemel'ja Samoyeds are in general poorer when it comes to reindeer, but richer when it comes to their other sources of livelihood. In the summer they fish, mostly in the rivers and in the sea (the Chaibadra, Varandeja, Korataecha, Kara), less so in the lakes and in the sea. In the summer they travel to the sea and shoot walruses, seals, whales (smaller ones), and polar bears (on the ice); there are wild reindeer, but hunting them is insignificant. In winter they also hunt mountain birds, Arctic foxes, foxes, wolves, and pine martens.</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/c453ad2daf657839e73465a88945e1a6.jpg 6b4947960eb59a6c0df6177e4112d4b6 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 012 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">II. Tiунскаго или Тиманскаго береговъ<br />alla ätter tillsammantagne utgörs 379. <br />III. Канинской тундры Tillsamman 429 <br />Anm[ärka]. Dessa utgöra de skattbetalandes<br />antal för år 1843. <br />Alla samtlige 2377 skattbt. / <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Köppen </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Peter von Köppen (Pëtr Ivanovič Kèppen, 1793–1864), a statistician and cartographer, who worked with ethnographic maps during the 19th century (Suchova 1993; Gibson 2022: 49–97). According to Köppen, there were 2390 Samoyed men and 2105 Samoyed women and in total 4495 Samoyed in the area between Cape Kanin and the Urals (Köppen 1843: 59).</div> </div> 2390./</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">II. Total number consisting of <br />all the tribes at the shores of Timan 379 <br />III. Total number in Kanin tundra 429. <br />Note. This is the number of <br />taxpayers in 1843. <br />Total 2377 taxpayers.</td> </tr> <tr></tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/ab243e3b6960631b8870520ffe46926e.jpg c5e15b75d63a5314fb2d3ab8e593a624 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 011 Description An account of the resource 1. Pustoserka Sloboden<br />1. Under the administration of Pustozersk<br /><br /> <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>Skattbetalande</p> <p>Number of taxpayers</p> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Тыссiи</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>312</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Ноготыссiи</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>181</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Локейскаго</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>343</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Выучейскаго</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>92</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p><span style="text-decoration: line-through;">Хатанзеискаго</span></p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>927</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p><span style="text-decoration: line-through;">Ванюты</span></p> </td> <td width="236"> <p></p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p>&nbsp;</p> Ischemska Sloboden.<br /> <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Хатанзейскаго</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>251</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Ванюты</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>101</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Выучейсскаго</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>10</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Валей</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>109</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>480</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p><span style="text-decoration: line-through;">Тiунскаго и Тиманскаго<br />берега</span></p> Устьцылемскаго ведомства.<br /> <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Хатанзейскаго</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>110</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>Выучеискаго</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>51</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="236"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="236"> <p>161</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p>&nbsp;</p> <p><span style="text-decoration: line-through;">II. Тiунскаго или Тимианскаго<br />береговъ<br />III.</span></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/0b74c44a6137f383c11c3d7acbaae81e.jpg 8d07a10569fbed15bf43a5e2c9e7c26e Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 010 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td width="152">Samojedernes antal i <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Mesenska kretsen: </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">See [<a href="https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/items/show/1837#mesenska">Mezen uezd</a>].</div> </div> </td> <td width="152">The number of Samoyeds in the Mezen' uezd</td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152">I. Устцылемскаго ведомства Большеземельских крещен ныхъ<br />I. Under the administration of Ust-Cylem, Bolshezemelsk Christians</td> <td></td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>1) въ числе Хатанзейскаго рода<br />Chatanzejskij</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>110</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>2) Выучейскаго<br />Vyu<span>čejskij</span></p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>51</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p></p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>161</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p><br /><br /></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td width="152"> <div id="yasak">II. Ижемскаго Ведомства ясашныхь <br />II. Under the administration of Izhem, yasak payers</div> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"></td> </tr> <tr tbody=""></tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="152"></td> <td> <p>Rubel<br />Roubles</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>1. Хатанзейскаго<br />Chatanzejskij</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>213</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>204</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>2. Валей<br />Valej</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>81</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>82</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>3. Ванюты<br />Vanjuty</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>101</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>92</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>4. Выучейскаго<br />Vyucejskij</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>10</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>11</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>5. Хатанзеискаго<br />Chatanzejskij</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>24</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>23</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>6. Валей<br />Valej</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>37</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>30</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>7 Хатанзеискаго<br />Chatanzejskij</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>14</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>5</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>480</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>447</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p>&nbsp;</p> &nbsp; <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="152">III. Тiунскаго л. Тиманского береговъ<br />III. Tiuskii or Timan Coast</td> <td> <p></p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>304</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>296</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> <tbody> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>Канинскаго Берега<br />Kanin Coast</p> </td> <td width="152"></td> <td width="152">354</td> <td width="152"><span>357</span></td> </tr> <tr tbody=""></tr> </tbody> <tbody> <tr></tr> </tbody> <tbody> <tr></tr> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>658</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>653</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p>&nbsp;</p> &nbsp; <table> <tbody> <tr> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>&nbsp;</p> </td> <td> <p>Rubel<br />Roubles</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152">Всего по Мезенссскому уезду Самоедов<br />Total number of Samoyeds in the Mezen' uezd</td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>2330</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>1245</p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td width="152">Всего по Мезенск. уезду крестьянъ<br />Total number of peasants in the Mezen\ uezd</td> <td></td> <td width="152"> <p>10430</p> </td> <td width="152"> <p>11566</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/77b47476fc08b4aa9d59f0507fea8358.jpg 9b8e8aeef6a4edc16f4c36b8e0ec7a08 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 009 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"> <div id="роды">Samojederne delar sig i stammar <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">(роды),</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The picture of Nenets communities began to evolve in the publications based on the Academic expeditions of the 18th century and later in the 19th century, when larger archival materials and First Census data could be used. However, the terms used for the types of Nenets communities derive both from Tundra Nenets practices and notions developed after the colonisation and during the development of taxation. Consequently, the Russian notion <i>rod</i> ‘family’, is strongly connected to the taxation practices. This is also reflected in the fact that the Nenets are listed according to the places where they were due to pay the tribute. The Tundra Nenets equivalents for family-based social categories would be <i>yerkar</i> or <i>tenz</i>. In addition to <i>yerkar</i> and <i>tenz</i>, <i>ngesi</i> ‘camp’, is also of importance: it is an everyday economic and social unit, whereas <i>tenz</i> and <i>yerkar</i> denote larger circles of social ties. Dolgich, Chomič, and Vasilʹev have summarised the often fragmented and variable data concerning the family names and the population numbers, and their conclusions are cited in the commentaries related to names. However, one should keep in mind that the social groups are not as stable as the notions might indicate. (Chomič 1966: 141–144; Chomič 1976: 96; Dolgich 1970; Vasilʹev 1979; Volžanina 2010: 17–24)</div> </div> och af dem finnas i <div id="mesenska"> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Mesenska kretsen </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The Mezenʹ uezd was founded in 1780, and it covered a large area from the River Mezenʹ to the Ural Mountains. Administratively, the uezd was part of the Arkhangel’sk oblast’ and Vologodskoe namestničestvo. In addition to the uezd centre, Mezenʹ, the slobodkas of Pustozersk, Ižma, and Ust-Cil’ma represented significant administrative centres. In 1835, the Nenets were given the right of possession of their ancestral lands, which were divided into the Kanin, Timan, and Bolšezmelʹskaja tundras. (Gosudarstvennyj archiv 2000: 264; Trošina &amp; Minčuk 2015)</div> </div> följande:</div> </div> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">The Samoyeds are divided into tribes (<i>rody</i>), and in the Mezen <i>uezd'</i> there are the following:</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">I I Pustoserska Sloboden (Пустозерской слободки)</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"> <p>I In Pustosersk <i>Slobodka</i></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"> <div id="Выйчейсскаго"></div> <ol> <li> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Выйчейсскаго </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Vyučeskoj. Vyučeskoj corresponds to the TN family Выуци or Вууци and Ңууциʹ; also Выуческойʹʹ. (Chomič 1966: 151; Chomič 1976: 103; Tereščenko 2003: 63, 405.)</div> </div> (рода)</li> <li> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Лохейсскаго </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Lochejsskoj. Also Logej, Lècheci, Lagejskoj, Lochejsskij. Corresponds to the TN family Лэхэ, fe. Лэхэй; also Лагейскойʹʹ. (Chomič 1966: 151; Chomič 1976: 105; Tereščenko 2003: 170, 206)</div> </div> </li> <li> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Ноготыссiи </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Nogotyssij. Corresponds to TN Нохо’ Тысъя, fe. Нохоʹ Тысъиʹ; also Ноготысыи. A branch of the Тысъя family (Dolgich 1970: 9–10; Chomič 1976: 105; Tereščenko 2003: 683).</div> </div> </li> <li> <div id="Тысссiи"> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Тысссiи </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">TN Тысъя. One of the six main branches of the European Nenets families (Dolgich 1970: 9–10; Chomič 1976: 108).</div> </div> </div> </li> <li>Канинскаго (берега) hör numera ej till Pustozersk</li> <li> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Таибары </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Tajbarej. Corresponds to TN Тайбарей, fe. Тайбариʹ. (Chomič 1976: 108; Tereščenko 2003: 616)</div> </div> </li> </ol> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"> <ol> <li>Vyučejsskoj</li> <li>Lochejsskoj</li> <li>Nogotyssij</li> <li>Tyssij</li> <li>[The shores of] Kanin no longer belongs to Pustozersk</li> <li>Taibary</li> </ol> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">II. <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Устцылемской слободки</span>.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"> <p>II In Ustcylemsk <i>slobodka</i></p> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"> <ol> <li> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Хатанзейскаго </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Chantanzejskij. Chantanzejskij corresponds to TN Хэтанзи, fe. Хэтанзиʹ. Хэтанзи is one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. (Dolgich 1970: 9–10; Chomič 1966: 151; Chomič 1976: 110)</div> </div> </li> <li>Выучейскаго.</li> </ol> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"> <ol> <li>Chatanzejskij</li> <li>Vyučesskoj</li> </ol> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">III. <span style="text-decoration: underline;">При Ижемской Слободке</span></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">III. In Ižemsk <i>Slobodka</i></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"> <ol> <li>Хатанзейскаго</li> <li>Выучейскаго.</li> <li> <div id="Вануйти"> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Вануйти. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Vanujta. Also Vanjuta, Vanojta. TN Ванойта, fe. Ванойʹ, Ванойтиʹ or Ванюта represents one of the six main branches of the European Nenets families. It has also been suggested to represent one of the exogamic groups of the Nenets, the other being Харючи. (Chomič 1976: 102–103; Dolgich 1970: 9–14; Tereščenko 2003: 41–42)</div> </div> <div id="valej"></div> </div> </li> <li> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Валей </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Valej. Corresponds to TN Валейской, Валеев. According to Dolgich, Valej is descended from Вэли (Вэʹʹли). Вэли represents one of the six main branches of the Nenets families. Again according to Chomič, the Вэли are a sub-branch of the Vanjuita. (Chomič 1976: 103; Dolgich 1980: 9–10; 55–59; Tereščenko 2003: 38)</div> </div> </li> <li> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Тiунскаго </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Tiunskij refers to the Timanskij or Timan tundra; see notes [<a href="https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/items/show/1831#timantundra">Timan tundra, Малая земля (Laptah)</a>] and [<a href="https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/items/show/1836#kaninska">Kaninska</a>].</div> </div> и <span style="color: grey;">«ej mera»</span></li> <li>Тиманскаго (берегов) <span style="color: grey;">«ej mera»</span></li> </ol> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"> <ol> <li>Chatanzejskij</li> <li>Vyučejskoj</li> <li>Vanujti</li> <li>Valej</li> <li>In (the shores of) Tiunsk and <span style="color: grey;">«not any more»</span></li> <li>Timan <span style="color: grey;">«not any more»</span></li> </ol> </td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Samojed-skatten </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The natives had paid the tribute (Ru <i>yasak</i>) in furs since the colonisation of the North and Siberia. Furs were one of the main exports of Russia and vital for the Empire’s economy. A regular amount of tax, consisting of both money and furs, was set after the 1822 Regulation for the administration of the natives or Speranskijʼs reform (<i>Ustav ob upravlenii inorodcev</i>). The 1835 law “On the administration of Samoyeds living in the Mezen’ district of the Arkhangel’sk region” (<i>Ustav ob upravlenii samoedami, obitajuščimi v Mezenskom uezde Arxangelʹskoj gubernii</i>) is roughly parallel to Speranskij’s reform, but concerns the Nenets living in the European Arctic. (Bachrušin 1955: 49–85; Forsyth 1992: 38–42; 156 Damešek &amp; Remnev 2007 (eds.): 215-235)</div> </div> är nu 3 Rub 30 kop, förut 3R, 30 och <br />för friska personer dessutom 2 hudar af ren eller <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> псець. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ru <i>pesec</i> TN <i>ңохо</i> ʻArctic fox’ (Alopex lagopus Linnaeus).</div> </div> <br />äfven sjuklingar betalte 3 Rub. 30 kop.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"> <p>The Samoyed tax is at the moment 3 roubles 30 kopecks, formerly 3R 30 and additionally two reindeer hides or псець for a healthy person. The sick also paid 3 roubles 30 kopecks.</p> </td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/69893813b4fece762af88cb97f2a5bbc.jpg 61747f9ee1f43249544f7d995f2d2224 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 008 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"> <div id="kaninska"> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Kaninska </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The following tables list the Nenets families and the number of Nenets taxpayers. The categories are somewhat disordered in Castrén’s notes. In the early 19th century, the Nenets living in the Arkhangelʹsk oblastʹ were administratively divided into five groups based on their living areas and on the <i>slobodka</i> ʻvillage, town’ where they customarily paid their taxes. 1. The Kanin Nenets lived on the Kanin Peninsula and the regions south-west and north-west of it. They paid their tribute in Mezenʹ. 2. The Timan Nenets lived in the northern tundra areas east of Kanin. They paid their tribute in Mezenʹ. 3. The Pustozersk or Jugor (<i>jugorskaja samojadʹ</i>) Nenets consisted of communities living in the plains of the Malaja tundra west of the River Pečora and northern tundra areas (Bolʹšezemelʹskaja tundra) east of Pečora. They paid their tribute in Pustozersk. 4. The Ustʹ-Cilʹma Nenets lived in the southern Pečora basin and its vicinity. They paid their tribute in Ustʹ-Cilʹma. 5. The Ižma Nenets lived mostly in the forest or tundra forest areas. They paid their tribute in Ižma. The Ustʹ-Cilʹma and Ižma Nenets were also designated as forest dwellers (<i>lesnye</i>), in contrast to their northern pastoralist tribesmen (<i>tundrovye</i>). The European Nenets are known to have paid their taxes regularly, but not always in the same slobodka, which is why the statistics based on their tax payments are not reliable in every sense. One should also note that the living areas were not as stable as among peasants: there was constant movement between the communities and also over the Ural Mountains. (Kolyčeva 1956; Dolgich 1970: 17; Vasilʹev 1979: 75–85)</div> </div> och Timanska tundran äro nu åtskilda från <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Pustozersk </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Pustozersk (TN Санэр” харад) was one of the most significant administrative centres of the Mezenʹ uezd during Castrén’s expedition. Founded in 1499 as a fort, it later developed into an important administrative, economic, spiritual, and cultural centre as well as a bridgehead for the northern expeditions in Siberia. Its significance had already begun to decrease in the late 18th century. Currently, there are no inhabitants in Pustozersk. Nevertheless, there is a museum (Pustozerskij kompleksnyj istoriko-prorodnyj muzej). N67°32′11″ E52°35′11″ (NAO-ES: 226.)</div> </div> <br />och Ishma, utgöra hvardera ett distr[ikt]. för sig. <br />I Kaninska tundran finnas följande роды.</div> </td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">The Kanin and Timan tundras are now separated from Pustozersk and Ishma; they both form a district. The following family groups exist in the Kanin tundra.</td> </tr> <tr></tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/c36d92894f687efebb5c76521126f082.jpg 7291c84fc1f1ec08b46e9142de823e2c Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 007 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Floder på Kanin Nos</span></td> <td><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Rivers on Kanin Nos</span></td> </tr> <tr> <td>Fallande i Hvita hafvet: 1. Чиза, 2. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Волосова, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Volosova flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163496">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 3. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Кия, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Bolʹšaja Kija flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163500">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 4. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Шоина </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Šojna flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163475">GVR</a>)</div> </div> l[eller]. Soina, 5.<br />6. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Торна </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Torna flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163507">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 7. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Салница </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Salʹnica flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163452">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 8. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Болша/Бугриница </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Bolʹšaja Bugrjanica flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163497">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Малая Бугриница</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Malaja Bugrjanica flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163478">GVR</a>)</div> </div> mfl.</td> <td>Flowing into the White Sea: 1. Čiza, 2. Volosova, 3. Kija, 4. Šoina or Soina, 5. [missing] 6. Torna 7. Salnica 8. Bolša-Bugrinica, Malaja Bugrinica, etc.</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Fallande i Ческая Губа på högra sidan. <br /><span><span>1.</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Kambalnitsa; </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River (Bol’šaja) Kambalʹnica flows into Lake Beloe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163484">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span><span>2.</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Velika, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Velikaja flows into the Barents Sea.</div> </div> <span>3.Moskvina</span></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Flowing into the Českaja guba on the right. <br />1. the Kambalnitsa; 2. the Velika; 3. the Moskvina</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Sjöar</span>, på Kaninska tundran få, på Timanska många fiskrika. De förnämsta: <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Sorvan </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Sorvanskaja Viska flows into Lake Bolʹšoe Sorvanskoe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163866">GVR</a>)</div> </div> (Sam.[jedska]), sj[ö] <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Inditskoj </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Indigskaja Viska flows out Lake Nižnoe (pervoe) Indigskoe. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163758">GVR</a>)</div> </div> (Rys[ka]), <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Pätova Urjer</span> (Urdiga Ryska),</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Possibly Lake Urer-Chasyrej, out of which the River Urer-jaga flows. Schrenk notes that Lake ”Ùrdu̇ga, samojed. Úrjėr” in Nenets. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168353">GVR</a>) (Schrenk 1848: 651)</div> </div> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Сухо-озеро (Tesibaej-toh), </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Lake Suchoe. TN Тэсьбэй ʻhaving been reindeerless’. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163679">GVR</a>) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Anutieh </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Sojma flows out of Lake Anutej-to (Anutejskoe, Anutej). (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=167287">GVR</a>)</div> </div> (R[yska].-tiej), <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Lii</span>=<span style="text-decoration: underline;">suteèh </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Lake Lysutej-to flows into Lake Anutej-to. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=167220">GVR</a>)</div> </div> (R[yska]. tej), <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Teavan-toh </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">TN тэва ʻtail’. (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Хвостовый), <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Jeedurtsae tieh</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">TN едюрця ʻEuropean whitefish (Coregonus lavaretus)’. (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Цирово), <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Nilkatieh </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Nalim-Ju flows out of Lake Nilʹketejty (Nilʹkotej). (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=166684">GVR</a>)</div> </div> (Селдьовка), <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Häevudo-wae vuko </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">TN хэвда вэвако ʻbad-sided’. (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Людиво), <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Sjaatorej-toh </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">TN сяторэй ʻpike’ (Esox lucius). (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Сущи-озеро)</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Lakes, on the Kanin tundra few, on Timan abundant, rich in fish. The most important: Sorvan (TN), the Lake Inditskoj (RU), Pätova Urjer (Urdiga RU), Сухо/озеро <br />(Tesibaej-toh), Anutieh (RU -tiej), Liisuteèh (RU tej), Teavan-toh (Chvostovyj), Jeedurtsae tieh (Cirovo), Nilkatieh (Selʹdovka), Häevudo-waewuko (Ljudivo), Sjaatorej-toh (Sušči-ozero)</td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/0c2b55513d89df042b6afad6b8c44121.jpg 2e33f32628190425c8c6c5cbbe054831 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 006 Description An account of the resource <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td><span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">«från камень траванка faller i</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Wolonga.»</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Volonga flows into Čëša Bay. TN хэвды ʻrib, side’. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164386">GVR</a>) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> </td> <td><span style="color: grey;"><span>«</span>from Kamenʹ the Travanka flows into the Wolonga.<span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">»</span></span></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">eydi</span>, här finnas björnar) 25. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Svoina</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Suvojnaja flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164184">GVR</a>)</div> </div> [faller i hafvet], 26. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Pesщanka</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pesčanka (TN Хоʹ яха, ʻBirch river’) flows into the Barents Sea. Again according to Schrenk, Peščanka would be ”Jarájjagha, d.i. Sandfluss (Ярайгa) in Nenets. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164313">GVR</a>) (Schrenk 1848: 318; Šrenk 2009: 218)</div> </div> [faller i hafvet] (Hoojaha)<br />af hoo, björk, some växer här) 27. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Peredni</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Srednjaja flows into the River Velikaja. TN ен ʻbowstring’. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164274">GVR</a>) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Jienjaha) <span style="color: grey;">«D.ä. Timanska floderna komma från камень.»</span> 28. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Welä=likoj[a]</span>(<span style="text-decoration: underline;">Häehijaha;</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Velikaja flows into the Barents Sea. ТN xэхэ ’idol’. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164343">GVR</a>) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> <br />[faller i hafvet], af Hähe) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">28)<span style="text-decoration: underline;">Subnoj</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The Subnoj. Note that number 28 exists twice in the list.</div> </div> 29. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Черна </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Čërnaja (TN Пэʹ яха) flows into the Barents Sea. TN посавэй ʻone who blows’ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164345">GVR</a>) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Poo-<br />suvuj), 30. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Uäskenoj </span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Vas’kina. According to Schrenk, a coastal river near Čajcyn Nos. TN нюня ʻArctic loonʼ. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164364">GVR</a>) (Schrenk 1848: 668) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Jyynièh), 31. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Lemtsa</span>; </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Ljamca. According to Schrenk, a coastal river near Čaicyn Nos. (Schrenk 1848: 668)</div> </div> 32. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Wuerej</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Vyrej flows into the River Indiga.</div> </div> <br />[33. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Iijovka</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Iëvka flows into the River Indiga. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164340">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 34. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Gusintsa</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Gusinec flows into the River Indiga. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164399">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 35. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Bogatoj</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Bogataja flows into the River Indiga. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164400">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 36. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Bäla (Бѣла) </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Belaja flows into the River Indiga. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164408">GVR</a>)</div> </div> falla] i <br />37) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Indiga</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Indiga (TN Пэʹ яха ʻStone River’) flows into Indiga Bay in the Barents Sea. According to Schrenk, the River Indiga is “Steinflus[es], Pájjaghá [Пайяга]” in Nenets. N67°24′45″ E49°28′37″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164365">GVR</a>) (Schrenk 1848: 649; Šrenk 2009: 432)</div> </div> (Paejaha), 38. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Святый Janajaha </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">According to Schrenk, the River Bol’šaja Svetlaja is “Janájjaghà, d.i. der stille Fluss [Янайяга]” in Nenets. Consequently, TN Яна яха. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164335">GVR</a>) (Schrenk 1848: 653; Šrenk 2009: 435)</div> </div> <br />39) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Мало-Святый </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Malaja Svetlaja flows into the River Indiga. According to Schrenk, the River Malaja Svetlaja is “Háwyrájagha (von háwyrá, eine magere Holzung [Хaвырайяга]” in Nenets, stemming from the word хавыра ʻgaunt forest’. TN хабер ʻtrunk, torso’. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164366">GVR</a>) (Schrenk 1848: 653-654; Šrenk 2009: 435) (TaS, KL))</div> </div> (Haverojaha) 40. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Inditska-Wiska</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Indigskaja Viska flows into the River Indiga. ТN сë ʻthroat, tributary’. (NAO-ES. 114; <a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164367">GVR</a>) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> <br />(<span style="text-decoration: underline;">Totsjo</span> af toh, озеро och sjoh, виска, d.ä. en flod som lö-<br />per ut från en sjö), 41. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Soina</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Sojma flows into the River Sula. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168185">GVR</a>)</div> </div> (Tovutah), går faller från<br /> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Urosja</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Urer-jaga flows into the River Čërnaja. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168147">GVR</a>)</div> </div> i Sula ? 42. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Urditska-Viska</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Urdjužskaja Viska flows into the River Sojma. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168147">GVR</a>)</div> </div> faller i Soina. 43. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Sula</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Sula, a left-bank tributary of the Pečora. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168020">GVR</a>)</div> </div> faller<br />i Petshora. 44) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Tshulim</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Čuloma flows into the River Jaržeb. ТN халясяда ʻfishless’. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168113">GVR</a>) (TaS, KL)</div> </div> (Haaleseada), faller i Viska,<br />45) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Jarschap</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Jaržeb flows into Lake Malyj Elardyj. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168203">GVR</a>)</div> </div> faller i Viska, 46) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Viska</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Viska flows into the Borščevyj Strait. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=168199">GVR</a>)</div> </div> faller i<br />Petshora Шарь. 47. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Matorska-Petshora</span>.</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pečora (TN Санэроʺ яха) flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=166832">GVR</a>)</div> </div> </td> <td style="width: 230.688px;">eydi, there are bears around here); 25) the Svoina [flows into the sea]; 26) the Peščanka [flows into the sea] (Hoojaha) from [Tundra Nenets word] hoo, birch that grows here); 27) the Peredni (Jienjaha); <span style="color: grey;">«i.e. the Timan Rivers flow from Kamenʹ.»</span> <br />28) the Welälikoj[a] (Häehijaha) [flows into the sea], from Hähe; 28) the Subnoj; <br />29) the Černa (Poosuvuj); 30) the Uäskenoj (Jyynièh); 31) the Lemtsa; 32) the Wuerej; [33) the Iijovka; 34) the Gusintsa; 35) the Bogatoj; 36) the Bäla (Bela) flows into <br />37) the Indiga (Paejaha); 38) Svjatij (the Janajaha); 39) Malo-Svjatij (the Haverojaha); 40) the Inditska-Wiska (Totsjo from [Tundra Nenets] toh ‘ozero’, and sjoh ‘viska’, i.e. a river that flows out of a lake); 41) the Soina (Tovutah), flows from the Urosja and into the Sula?; 42) the Urditska-Viska, flows into the Soina; 43) the Sula, flows into the Petshora; 44) the Tshulim (Haaleseada), flows into the Viska; 45) the Jarschap, flows into the Viska, 46) the Viska, flows into the Petshora Šar'. 47) the Matorska-Petshora.</td> </tr> </tbody> </table> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/02205316a30b423eee2ba52a41666261.jpg b2eca8e9749d087a81a84e41e2e9d7e7 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 005 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td width="50%"> <div id="kaninskakyrkan">Floder: 1) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Pija</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pyja, a tributary of the Mezenʹ. N65°58′29″ E44°13′34″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163037">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span class="add" title="addition">Рыя</span>, 20 verst från Mesen, 1 hus vid utloppet. 2) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Somsja</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Sëmža, north of Mezenʹ, has its source in Lake Sëmža. N66°11′03″ E44°40′07″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=162992">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 40 verst<br />från Mesen by. &lt;---&gt; Invid <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Somsja by </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Sëmža on the eastern shore of Mezen’ Bay at N66°8′51″ E44°7′3″. (TS)</div> </div> utfaller Mesen i Hvita Hafvet. <br />3) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Mgla</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Bolʹšaja Mgla in the Kanin Peninsula flows into the White Sea. Mgla (Verchnaja Mgla) on the eastern shore of Mezenʹ Bay at N66°29′53″ E44°26′50″. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163458">GVR</a>) (TS, KL)</div> </div> (2 hus,) 70 verst från Mesen. 4) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Nes</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Nesʹ (TN Хэйяха) flows from Lake Nesʹ into the White Sea. N66°27′18″ E44°56′09″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163434">GVR</a>)</div> </div> &lt;&lt;kyrka och by&gt;&gt; faller ut 15 verst vid kyrkan, från den <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Kaninska kyrkan </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The church, situated in Nesʹ and built in 1830–1835, is related to the Orthodox mission that took place in the European Arctic in 1826–1830. Currently, there is a church in the name of the Annunciation of Our Most Holy Lady in Nesʹ, built in 1868. See [<a href="https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/items/show/1934#omvändelse">omvändelse</a>] (Veniamin 1855; Schrenk 1848: 241-247; Chomič 1979)</div> </div> i Hvita Hafvet. Vid kyrkan finnes en liten <br />Rysk by, kld[kallad] Nes efter floden, med 9 ömkliga gårdar, som lifnä-<br />ra sig genom boskapsskötsel, fiske, jagt och Samojed-<br />handel;</div> </td> <td>Rivers: 1) the Rija [Pyja], 20 versts from Mezen, one house at the outlet; <br />2) the Somsja, 40 versts from the village of Mezen. &lt;---&gt; Near the village of Somsja, the River Mezen flows into the White Sea; 3) the Mgla, (two houses,) 70 versts from Mezenʹ; 4) the Nes, &lt;&lt; church and village &gt;&gt; flows into the White Sea 15 versts from the Kanin church. At the church there is a small Russian village, called Nes after the river, with nine miserable farmhouses that make their living through livestock farming, fishing, hunting, and trade with the Samoyed;&nbsp;</td> </tr> <tr> <td>5) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Jolguj</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Elguj flows into the River Nesʹ. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163331">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;">«Jolguj-ostroff, ett det enda ställe i tundra der gran växer - Jalka-joki»</span>, liten å, faller i Nes, 6) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: line-through;">Kruta</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Krutaja flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164205">GVR</a>)</div> </div> en liten å, faller i hafvet, <br /><span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">«a)</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Чиза</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Čiža flows into Mezenʹ Bay. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163417">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">faller i Hvita Hafvet. Midt emot löper b)</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Чоша,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Čëša (TN Падра) in the southern part of the Kanin Peninsula, flows into Čëša Bay (Čëšskaja guba). (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164042">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">c)</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Golybnitsa </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Golubnica flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164125">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">d) Нина е)</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Perepuska,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Bolʹšoj Perepusk flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164065">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;">f) Kruta,&nbsp;faller i Ческая губа. Medelst dem var Kanin Nos förut afdeladt i en ö, v. f.»</span></td> <td>5) the Jolguj, <span style="color: grey;">«Jolguj-ostroff, the only place in the tundra where spruce grows – Jalka-joki»</span>, a small river, flows into the Nes; 6) the Kruta, a small river, flows into the sea, <span></span><span style="color: grey;">«a) <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Чиза</span>, Čiza, flows into the White Sea. On the opposite side of the Kanin Peninsula run b) the Čoša, c) the the Nina е) the Perepuska, f) the Kruta, flowing into the Českaja guba. These rivers formerly made Kanin Nos into an island; see above.»</span></td> </tr> <tr> <td>7) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Wiisas</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The Vižas flows into Čëša Bay (Češskaja guba), in the Barents Sea, at N66°49′10″ E46°1′15″. TN сямб ’marsh, swamp’ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164104">GVR</a>) (TaS, TS, KL)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;">«På Samoj. Saambijaha»</span> med 1 gård, 8) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Vorovka</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Vorovka flows into Čëša Bay (Češskaja guba), in the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164178">GVR</a>)</div> </div> faller i hafvet, 9) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Rossocha</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Possibly Rassocha Maloj Krutoj. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164162">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 10) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Le&lt;n&gt;tinska</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Letinskaja flows into the River Oma. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164235">GVR</a>)</div> </div> faller i hafvet,</td> <td>7) the Wiisas <span style="color: grey;">«TN Saambijaha»</span> with one farmhouse; 8) the Vorovka, which flows into the sea; 9) the Rossocha; 10) the Le&lt;n&gt;<n>tinska, which flows into the sea; </n></td> </tr> <tr> <td>11) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Ooma</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Oma (TN Хэта) flows into Čëša Bay (Češskaja guba) at N66°49′24″ E46°33′36″. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164199">GVR</a>) The first residents of Oma were Old Believers called Kokin, because of whom the village was originally named Kokiny. (NAO-ES, 200) (TS, KL)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;">«2) <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Häetáh</span>»</span> (чумище) med <br />1 hus. 12) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Paltsova</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Palcevaja flows into the River Oma. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164213">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 13) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Panova</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Panova flows into the River Oma. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164181">GVR</a>)</div> </div> från sjöar, 14) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Omitsa</span>, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Omica flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164120">GVR</a>)</div> </div> 15) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Petshanka</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pesčanka flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164313">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <br />[faller] i hafvet,&nbsp; 16) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span class="add" title="addition">liten</span> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Snopa</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Snopa flows into Čëša Bay (Češskaja guba). The village of Snopa is on the eastern bank of the river. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164236">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;">«3) </span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">Jietáh</span>»</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">According to Castrén, the River Snopa is called Етаʹ in Tundra Nenets.</div> </div> med ett hus, 17) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <span style="text-decoration: line-through;">Wis Snopa med ett hus</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Vis Snopa. Komi вис ʻtributary, side stream’. Accordingly, a tributary of the River Snopa.</div> </div> <br /><span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">«a)</span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Medväsi </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Medvežʹja (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164238">GVR</a>) flows into the Small Snopitsa River (Malaja Snopica). (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164264">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">&lt;&lt;liten bäck&gt;&gt;, b) <span style="text-decoration: underline;"></span></span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Snopitsa </span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Snopica flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164217">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"></span>[faller] i hafvet, c) <span style="text-decoration: underline;"></span></span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"> Gravesnoj</span>,</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Grabëžnaja flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164151">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">d) <span style="text-decoration: underline;"></span></span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Jegorova</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Jegorova flows into the River Pëša.</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;">faller i Pjosja» <span style="text-decoration: underline;"></span></span> 18) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Pjoshja,</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pëša (Tëša) flows into Čëša Bay (Češskaja Guba) at N66°53′38″ E47°34′28″. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164218">GVR</a>) (TS, KL)</div> </div> <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">«4) <span style="text-decoration: underline;"></span></span></span> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Peastíh</span></span><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="color: grey;"></span><span style="color: grey;">»</span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Verxnjaja Pëša is a village on the left bank of the River Pëša. It has been known since the early 19th century. Schrenk notes that in addition to the houses built for the priest and deacon, there was one Russian peasant family making its living from fishing and raising cattle. According to Schrenk, the Nenets name of the river is “Waldfluss[es], Pástyjaghà” (Пастыяга) The name is derived from TN пя, ʻtree, wood’ (Schrenk 1848: 675; Šrenk 2009: 451–452; NAO-ES: 83). (TaS, KL)</div> </div> , med kyrka och 1 gård vid <br />kyrkan, samt tvenne 20 verst lägre ned. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Pjoshja kyrka </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The church, situated in Nižnaja Pëša and built in 1833, is related to the Orthodox mission that took place in the European Arctic in 1826–1830. See [<a href="https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/items/show/1934#omv%C3%A4ndelse">omvändelse</a>] (Veniamin 1855; Schrenk 1848: 675; Chomič 1979)</div> </div> är 40 verst från hafvet. Man har <br />varit betänkt att flytta den närmare hafskusten för att Samojj.[Samojeder] måtte bättre kunna betjena sig deraf. <br />(Nes 15 verst från hafvet.) Floden är ganska stor och vidsträckt, tar sin början från <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">Чайшинь. </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Čajcynskij Kamenʹ, a mountain range situated in Timan krjaž. Schrenk and Islavin also mention “Чáïzyn kámenj (Чаицын Камень)” or “Paj (Пай)” and its north-eastern spur, “Pámbòj (Памбой)”. (Islavin 1847: 7; Schrenk 1848: 668-671; Šrenk 2009: 441–445)</div> </div> Wid <span style="text-decoration: underline;">dna[denna]</span> flod finnas tjock granskog och mkt[mycket] wildt, äfven björnar. 19) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Gusinitsa</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Gusinec, a tributary of the River Pëša. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164322">GVR</a>)</div> </div> &lt;&lt;Gusinets&gt;&gt; i Pjosja, 20) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Pjosjitsa</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pëšica flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164280">GVR</a>)</div> </div> <span style="text-decoration: underline;">[faller] i hafvet</span>, 21) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Prisetjenok</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Priščatënok flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164251">GVR</a>)</div> </div> [faller] i hafvet (Muermajaha), 22) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Prisjetinitsa</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Priščatinica flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164271">GVR</a>)</div> </div> [faller] i hafvet, <span style="color: grey;">«21 och 22 förena sig»</span> 23) <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span style="text-decoration: underline;">Pesuusna</span> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Bezuzna (Bezužna) flows into the Barents Sea. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164311">GVR</a>)</div> </div> , 24) <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Wobo&lt;&lt;u&gt;&gt;nga</span> liten (Hä=)</td> <td>11) the Ooma <span style="color: grey;">«2) <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Häetáh</span>»</span> (<i>čumišče</i>), one house; 12) the Paltsova; 13) the Panova from lakes; 14) the Omitsa; 15) the Petshanka [flows] into the sea; 16) the Small Snopa <span style="color: grey;">«3) <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Jietáh</span>»</span> with a house; 17) the Wis Snopa, with one house, <span style="color: grey;"><span style="color: grey;">«a) the Medväsi &lt;&lt; small stream &gt;&gt;, b) the Snopitsa [flows] into the sea, c) the Gravesnoj, d) the Jegorova flows into the Pjosja)»</span></span> <div id="pjoshja">18) the Pjoshja</div> <span style="color: grey;">4) <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Peastíh</span></span>, with a church and one farmhouse at the church, and two more [farmhouses] 20 versts down. The Pjoshja church is located 40 versts from the ocean. They have considered moving closer to the sea coast so that the Samoyeds might exploit it better.<br />(The River Nes 15 versts from the sea.) The river is quite large and wide; has its source in the Чайшинь. By the banks there are thick spruce forests and a lot of game as well, also bears; 19) the Gusinitsa &lt;&lt;Gusinets&gt;&gt; [flows] into the Pjosja; <br />20) the Pjosjitsa [flows] into the sea; 21) the Prisetjenok [flows] into the sea (Muermajaha); 22) the Prisjetinitsa [flows] into the sea; <span style="color: grey;">«21 and 22 merge.»</span> 23) the Pesuusna; 24) the Wobo &lt;&lt;u&gt;&gt; nga the Small (Hä =)</td> </tr> <tr> <td></td> <td></td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/2e0606c51dce4f0502a0202560baff9d.jpg 6020749cfc1859a8518bf41813e5cf85 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 004 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="width: 222.375px;"><span style="color: grey;">Addition at the end of the page: «Канинскiй камень, på Samoj[e]d[isk]: Sale-paj. Тиманскiй камень, på Samoj[edisk]»</span><br /><br />Ifrån Mesen till <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Nes </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Nesʹ is situated on the shore of the River Nesʹ (TN Хэйяха) near the west coast of Kanin Nos at N66°36′2″ E44°40′44″. (TS, KL)</div> </div> räknas 100 verst, hken[hvilken] sträcka är bemär-<br />ken med svag granskog. Wid Nes upphör l[ärk]gran-regionen den <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tootip-trigger-ethnographica">Kaninska tundran, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The name Kaninskaja tundra is often used for the Kanin Peninsula (TN Саля) and the area between Mezenʹ Bay and the River Pëša. (NAO-ES, 119–120.)</div> </div> <br />som på Ryska kls[kallas] Kanin Nos (Sal'eh, Sam[ojedisk].) vid<br />tager omkring 100 verst från Nes består denna tundra af lågt &lt;---&gt; <br />sankt, torfbevuxet land; derefter vidtaga berg, <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">(Kaninska)</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Kanin kamenʹ (TN Саляʹ пай) is a ridge in the northern part of the Kanin Peninsula.</div> </div> <br />(Канинскiй каменъ) Kanin Nos i östlig riktning till <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica">udden Mikulkin.<span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Mysʹ Mikulʹkin or Mikulkin Nos is the easternmost point of Kanin Nos at N67°48′39″ E46°41′37″. (TS)</div> </div> Således omkr[ing]. 380 verst från Mesen till Kanin Nos.</td> <td style="width: 214.825px;"><span style="color: grey;">«Kaninskij kamenʹ, TN Sale-paj. Timanskij kamenʹ [TN translation missing])»</span><br /><br />The distance from Mezen' to Nes is 100 versts, and the land between them consists of shabby spruce forest. Around Nes the larch tree areas cease at the Kanin tundra (Sal’eh), which in Russian is called Kanin Nos (TN Sal'eh), and start about 100 versts from Nes. This tundra consists of low &lt;---&gt; soft, peat-covered land; the mountains, extend from Kanin Nos to the east to the Mikul'kin headland. Therefore, around 380 versts from Mezen' to Kanin Nos.</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 222.375px;">Ända till Kanin Nos finnas här och der vid floden svag <br />granskog, så ock pä Timanska tundran, men på Kanin Nos <br />växer blott <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> &lt;Era&gt;.</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">dwarf birch (Betula nana)</div> </div> </td> <td style="width: 214.825px;">As far as Kanin Nos, shabby spruce forests are found here and there by the rivers, which also concerns the Timan tundra. But on Kanin Nos only dwarf birch grows.</td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/22613fafb4b2b5afaf095242a376406e.jpg f983504305b97a314b0f3b29c7476205 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 003 Description An account of the resource <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">Cap. 1</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">There are several texts related to this one in Castrén’s manuscripts, which relates to the importance of the description of the landscape and settlements within the field of ethnography. This is also included in the instructions drawn up for Castrén, which indicates the inherent link between ethnography and geography and developing an understanding of space as one important defining factor for ethno-linguistic communities (Gibson 2022). The beginning of Chapter I until the end of page 007 can be related to “Bidrag till Mesenska kretsens hydrografi”, written in early 1845 (Castrén 1870: 120–128). The Russian Academy asked Castrén to specify and comment on the earlier knowledge about the rivers in Russia’s European north (Castrén 1870: 120n1).</div> </div> </td> <td>Chapter I</td> </tr> <tr> <td> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">Kanin Nos</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Cape Kanin Nos forms the north-western end of the Kanin Peninsula. N68°39’16” E43°16’35”</div> </div> omgifves i v[äst] af Hvita Hafvet, i n[ord]. af Ishafvet, i ö[st]. af <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">Ческая губа.</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Čëša Bay (Čëšskaja guba) is situated east of Cape Kanin Nos. (TS)</div> </div> är belägen 68°18' nord[lig]. bredd, och 61° östlig l[än]g[d] fr[ån] Ferro.</td> <td>Kanin Nos is located at a latitude of 68°18' north, and a longitude of 61° east from Ferro.</td> </tr> <tr> <td> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica">Святой Nos<span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Cape Svjatoj Nos is on the north-eastern coast of the Kanin Peninsula at N68°8′54″ E39°46′16″. (TS)</div> </div> [är belägen] 67˚53' [nordlig bredd] 57 1/2 [˚ östlig längd]</td> <td>Svyatoi Nos is located at a latitude of 67˚53' north and a longitude of 57 1/2˚ east.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kaninska hallfön, hvars nordl[iga]. spets kls [kallas] Kanin Nos. Förut skiljdes dna [denna] halfö från sydl[iga]. delen af <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">Mesen</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Mezenʹ is a town at the mouth of the river of the same name, N65°50′39″ E44°14′47″. In Castrén’s time it had ca. 1600 inhabitants. (Statističeskija tablicy 1840: 2.) (TS)</div> </div> genom tvenne för sina söta vatten berömda floder <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Чижа, </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Čiža (TN Оду) in the southern part of the Kanin Peninsula, flows into the White Sea. N67°05′29″ E44°24′11″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=163417">GVR</a>)</div> </div> som föll i Hvita hafvet och <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica">Чеша,<span></span></span></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Čëša (TN Падра) in the southern part of the Kanin Peninsula, flows into the Čëšskaja guba, Barents Sea. N67°18′23″ E44°50′07″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164042">GVR</a>)</div> </div> som hade sitt utlopp i Ческая губа. Dessa floder hade sin upprinnelse från samma sjö, och genom dessa samtlige watten fördades man med små båtar mellan Mesenska och Kaninska landet; men nu är denna sjö vorden till ett mossbevuxet <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica">kärr. <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The route is known as Čëškij volok, ‘the Čëškij route’, and one could reach the Barents Sea from the White Sea without going round the Kanin Peninsula using the route. It leads from the upper reaches of the River Čiža, through Lakes Parusnoe and Melkoe and a swamp, and into the upper reaches of the River Čëša (Žitkov 1904: 22–41).</div> </div> </td> <td>The Kanin Peninsula, whose northern end is called Kanin Nos, is surrounded by the White Sea in the west, by the Arctic Ocean in the north, and by Českaja Bay in the east. Previously, the peninsula was separated in the south from [the town of] Mezen' by two rivers famous for their sweet waters: the Čiža, which flowed into the White Sea, and the Češa, which had its outlet in Českaja guba. These rivers originated from the same lake, and they moved between the lands of Mezen' and Kanin through these waters in small boats. However, the lake has become a moss-covered marsh by now.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Från detta ställe sträcker sig Kaninska halfön 150 verst mot <br />norr. Hela Kaninska landet är sten, och utgöres af bergssträckningar, som löpa från norr till söder. Mellan dem finnas moras på hka [hvilka] Samojedernes renar lifnära <br />sig af den här växande renmossan. <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Kaninska bergsträckningen</span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Kanin kamenʹ is a ridge in the northern part of the Kanin Peninsula. N68°17′57″ E44°59′31″</div> </div> <div id="timantundra">sänker sig och fortsades genom Ческая губа till andra sidan af viken, bär derefter namnet af <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><u>Timanska</u> eller <u>Tiuska kamen</u> <span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Timanskij krjaž, ʻTiman Ridge’, is a ridge around 950 km long in the Timan tundra. N64°35′55″ E50°24′24″</div> </div> (каменскiй l.[eller] <br />Tiускiй камень), som ännu synes vid floden <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica">Вычегда. <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Vyčegda has its source in the Timan Ridge and flows into the Northern Dvina at Kotlas. N61°54′55″ E50°57′52″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=159158">GVR</a>)</div> </div> Från dna[denna] bergssträckning <br />löpa floden åt öster och söder till <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <u>Печера</u> </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pečora (TN Санэроʺ яха) flows into the Barents Sea. N63°57′16″ E56°39′59″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164767">GVR</a>)</div> </div> och <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Вычегда</span>, åt ve-<br />ster till Mesen; ja sjelfva <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="&quot;tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Mesen </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Mezenʹ flows into the Arctic Ocean. N65°11′51″ E46°24′47″ (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=162678">GVR</a>)</div> </div> tager härifrån sin upprinnelse.</div> </td> <td>From this place the Kanin peninsula extends 150 versts towards the north. The whole Kanin peninsula consists of rock, mountain ranges that run from north to south. Between them, there are swamps where the reindeer of the Samoyeds pasture, eating the reindeer moss growing there. The Kanin mountain range becomes lower and continues through <span>Českaja guba</span> to the other side of the bay, which bears the name Timanska or Tiuska kamen' (kamenskij or Tiuskij kamenʹ). The mountain range is still visible by the River Vyčegda. From this mountain range, the rivers flow eastward and southward to Pechera and Vyčegada and to the west to Mezen'. The River Mezen' itself has its source here.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>På denna bergsrygg synas på många ställen <span style="text-decoration: underline;">Schiffer</span>-lager, och dfr.[derföre] <br />flyta i några floder neftan-källor (нефтьнныя капи), hvaraf man kan<br />sluta, att deri finnes <u>stenkol</u> (флеци каменнаго уголья). Dessutom<br />finnes der i mängd svafvel-kis och koppar-ämne.</td> <td>On this ridge, Schiffer bearings can be seen in many places, and therefore in some rivers, one can see oil springs (<i>neftjannyja kapi</i>) flowing, from which one can conclude that there exists coal (<i>fleci kamennago ugolʹja</i>). In addition, pyrites and copper are found in abundance.</td> </tr> <tr> <td>Kaninska stranden sträcker sig till <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> <u>Pesha,</u></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The River Pëša (Tëša) flows into Češskaja Guba Bay at N66°53′38″ E47°34′28″. (<a href="http://textual.ru/gvr/index.php?card=164218">GVR</a>) (TS, KL)</div> </div> här vidläger Timan-<br />ska stranden och sträcker sig till <u>Petshora</u>. En del af <br />Timanska tundran kls[kallas] Малая земля <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica">(Laptah), <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">The Timan tundra is a plain (TN Лапта) stretching from the River Pëša to Pečora Bay. Contrary to what Castrén suggests, Malaja zemlja or the Malozemelʹskaja tundra (TN Нюдя я) is a narrower area between the Rivers Indiga and Pečora. (NAO-ES, 154, 256–257),</div> </div> d[et]. ä[r]. <br />halfön emellan <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica"><span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"> Колокольковская губа </span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Guba Kolokolʹkova, ʻKolokolʹkova Bay’, is situated west of Pečora Bay. The River Neruta flows into Kolokolʹkova Bay.</div> </div> och <br /> <div class="tooltip-container-ethnographica">Petshora viken.<span class="tooltip-trigger-ethnographica"></span> <div class="tooltip-content-ethnographica">Pečorskaja guba, Pečora Bay is a gulf of the River Pečora in the Barents Sea.</div> </div> </td> <td>The Kanin coast stretches to Peša, where it joins the Timan coast and extends to Pečora. Part of the Timan tundra is called Malaja zemlja (Laptah), in other words the peninsula between Kolokolʹkovskaja guba and Pečora Bay.</td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/a90183d54cd73a15d2d6a4dc73726a5c.jpg dafafc07b7865c1b4864c344a0232306 Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, Historiska och Statistiska Anmärkningar Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ethnographiska, historiska och statistiska anmärkningar. 001 Description An account of the resource <p></p> <table class="invisible-table"> <tbody> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Innehåll</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Contents</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Cap 1. p. 1-48</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Chapter I</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Orters läge</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Location of places</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Orters beskaffenhet</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Characteristics of places</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Berg, floder, sjöar, haf</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Mountains, rivers, lakes, the ocean</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Jordmon.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Soil</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Årstider.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Seasons</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Climat</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Climate</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Naturalia: Fiskar, foglar, träd, bär</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Naturalia: fish, birds, trees, berries</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Husdjur.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Pets</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Cap. 2 p.48-96</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Chapter II</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Näringsmedel.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Food</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Lefnadssätt a om sommaren, b) om vintern.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Lifestyle in summer, b) in winter</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Renar och deras bevakning.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Reindeer and their guarding</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Renmärken</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Reindeer marks</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Renens olika benämning på olika tider.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">The reindeer’s different names at different times</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Körredskap, renprydnader.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Driving equipment, reindeer ornaments</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Båtar. Vildrensfångst.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Boats. Wild reindeer hunts</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Jagt öfverhufvud.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Hunting in general</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Fiskredskap.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Fishing gear</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Cap. 3 p. 96-120</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Chapter III</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Hus och hemvisten.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">House and residence</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Klädedrägt</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Clothing</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Spis och matlagning.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Stove and cooking</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Cap 4. p. 121-144</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Chapter IV</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Giftermål, (bröllop, barnsdop, namn.)</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Marriage, (wedding, christening, name)</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Arfsrätt</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Inheritance law</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Begrafning</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Funerals</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Tjenstefolk</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Servants</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Cap 5 p. 145-168</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Chapter V</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">National-charakter.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">National character</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Umgänges-art</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Communication</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Sätt att helsa</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Ways of healing</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Husmedicin.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Family medicine</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Kunskaper öfverhufvud.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Knowledge in general</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Bomärken.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Marks, signatures</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Cap 6. p. 169-216</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Chapter VI</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Gudalära</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Mythology</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Magie. Urier.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Magic. Urier</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Omvändelse till Christendom.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Conversion to Christianity</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;"></td> <td style="width: 223.312px;"></td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Cap 7 p. 217</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Chapter VII</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Folkets fordna styrelse (i stammar)</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Ancient governance (in tribes)</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Dess närvarande styrelse-sätt</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">The present governance</td> </tr> <tr> <td style="width: 230.688px;">Dess historiska minnen.</td> <td style="width: 223.312px;">Historical memories of the people</td> </tr> </tbody> </table> <p></p> https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/bbcade2dd07ace341d6614a6b1ee3978.pdf 4c9ef6c517f48b7264f559707631e19d PDF Text Text Ostiacica References Ahlqvist� August,1880. Über die Sprache der Nord, Ostjaken. Sprachtexte, Wörtersammlung und Grammatik. Helsingfors. ALH = Acta Linguistica Hungarica. Budapest. Bartens� Raija, 2000. Permiläisten kielten rakenne ja , kehitys. MSFOu 238. Csepregi� Márta, 1998. Szurgut osztják Chrestomathia. , Szeged. DEWOS� = Steinitz, Wolfgang: Dialektologisches und etymologisches Wörterbuch der ostjakischen Sprache. Berlin 1966–84. FUF�= Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen. Helsinki. FUFA� = Anzeiger zu den Finnisch-Ugrischen Forschungen. Helsinki Honti� László, 1977. Beobachtungen über die Laut, und Morphemlehre gegenwärtiger Surguter Mundarten des Ostjakischen. ALH 27: 271–286. Honti� László, 1979. Characteristic Features of Ugric , Langugages (Observations on the Question of Ugric Unity). ALH 29: 1–29. Honti� László, 1984. Chrestomathia Ostiacica. Tan, könyvkiadó, Budapest. Honti� László, 1985. Ősmagyar hangtörténeti talá, nyok. MNy 81: 140–155. Honti� László, 1988. Die Ob-ugrischen Sprachen; I , Die wogulische Sprache, II Die ostjakische Sprache. Sinor D. (ed.), The Uralic Languages; Description, History and Foreign Influences: 147–196. Leiden  – New York – København – Köln. Honti� László, 1993. Die Grundzahlwörter der urali, schen Sprachen. Akadémiai kiadó, Budapest. Honti� László, 1998. Ugrilainen kantakieli – erheelli, nen vai reaalinen hypoteesi? Oekeeta asijoo; Commentationes in honorem Seppo Suhonen sexagenarii: 176– 187. MSFOu 228. Janhunen� Juha 1981: Uralilaisen kantakielen sanas, tosta. JSFOu 77: 219–271. Janhunen� Juha, 1982. On the structure of Proto, Uralic. FUF 44, 23–42. JSFOu�= Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki. 174 Karjalainen� K. F., 1902. Zur ostjakischen Dialekt, kunde. FUFA 2, 77–78. Karjalainen� K. F., 1948. Ostjakisches Wörterbuch. , Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Y. H. Toivonen. LSFOu X. Karjalainen� K. F., 1964. Grammatikalische Aufzeich, nungen aus ostjakischen Mundarten. Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. MSFOu 128. Korhonen� Mikko, 1991. Remarks on the structure , and history of the Uralic case system. JSFOu 83: 163– 180. KT�= Karjalainen 1948. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 1989. The Passive in Ob-Ugrian. , MSFOu 203. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 1993. Johdatus unkarin kielen , historiaan. Suomi 170. SKS. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 2001a. Zum n-Element der , zweiten Personen besonders im Obugrischen. FUF 56: 151–174. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 2001b. Über die Deklinati, on der Personalpronomina in der finnisch-ugrischen Grundsprache. Congressus nonus internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum, Tartu 7.–13.8.2000. Pars V, Dissertationes sectiorum: Linguistica II: 178–182. Liimola� Matti, 1963. Zur historischen Formenlehre des , Wogulischen. I. Flexion der Nomina. MSFOu 127. LSFOu�= Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae. Helsinki. MNy�= Magyar Nyelv. Budapest. MSFOu� = Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki. Paasonen� Heikki, 1926. Ostjakisches Wörterbuch , nach den Dialekten an der Konda und am Jugan. Zusammengestellt, neu transkribiert und und herausgegeben von Kai Donner. LSFOu II. Paasonen� Heikki, 1965. Ostjakische grammatikali, sche Aufzeichnungen nach den Dialekten an der Konda und am Jugan. Bearbeitet, neu transkribiert und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. JSFOu 66,2: 1–96. Rédei� Károly, 1968. Nord-Ostjakische Texte (Kazym, Dialekt) mit Skizze der Grammatik. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen; Philologisch-historische Klasse; Dritte Folge Nr 71. Göttingen. �References Rédei� Károly, 1988. Uralisches etymologisches Wörter, buch I–II. Budapest. Sauer� Gerd, 1967. Die Nominalbildung im Ostjaki, schen. Finnisch-Ugrische Studien V. Berlin. SKS�= Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, Helsinki. Sosa� Sachiko, 2017. Functions of morphosyntactic al, ternations, and information flow in Surgut Khanty Discourse. University of Helsinki. SSA�= Erkki Itkonen & Ulla-Maija Kulonen (ed.), Suomen sanojen alkuperä. SKS 1992, 1995, 2000. Steinitz� Wolfgang, 1950. Geschichte des ostjakischen , Vokalismus. Finnisch-ugrische Studien I. Berlin. SüdostjK�= Vértes, Edith, 1975. SüdostjP�= Vértes, Edith, 1980. UEW� = Rédei, Károly (ed.), Uralisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Otto Harrasowitz, Wiesbaden 1988–1991. Vértes� Edith, 1967. Die ostjakischen Pronomina. Bu, dapest. Vértes� Edith, 1975. K. F. Karjalainens südostjaki, sche Textsammlungen. Neu transkribiert, berabeitet, übersetzt und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. Bd I; MSFOu 157. Vértes� Edith, 1980. H. Paasonens südostjakische Text, sammlungen. Neu transkribiert, berabeitet, übersetzt und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. Bände I–IV. MSFOu 172–175. Virtanen� Susanna 2015: Transitivity in Eastern Man, si; an Information Structural Approach. University of Helsinki. 175 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource References (Ostiacica) Subject The topic of the resource <em>Ostiacica</em>. Manuscripta Castreniana, Linguistica V. 175 p. ISBN 978-952-7262-00-9 (print/hardcover), ISBN 978-952-7262-01-6 (online/pdf). 50 €. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ulla-Maija Forsberg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Finno-Ugrian Society Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno-Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/6c7eb45894916ed518565e1fffbabd10.pdf 085dc331e45c7e73c48d5a8f9f992972 PDF Text Text Ostiacica Abbreviations Abl. ABL Acc. ACC Adv Afg. Ber C CAR Cher. CL CNJ Dat. DAT DN DT Du DU Est Fi Fi. Finn. frequ. fut. G Hu. = Ablative = Ablative = Accusative = Accusative = Adverbial = Afghan = Berëzov (dialect of Khanty) = Consonant = Caritive = Cheremis (Mari) = Clitic = Conjunction = Dative = Dative = Northern Demjanka (dialect of Khanty) = Demjanka (dialect of Khanty), informant Tajlakov = Dual = Dual = Estonian = Finnish = Finnish = Finnish = Frequentative = Future (present) tense = Genitive (Possessor) = Hungarian IMP IMPF INF Instr. INSTR Iran Irt Kaz Kh Ko Ko KO Kr Lapp. Likr Loc. LOC LS. Md Mn MnE MnN mom. Mr M.T. N 172 = Imperative = Imperfect (tense) = Infinitive = Instructive(-final) = Instructive-final = Iranian = Irtyš (dialect(s) of Khanty) = Kazym (dialect of Khanty) = Khanty = Konda (dialect of Khanty, in the grammar) = Komi (in the word list = Zr.) = Upper Konda (dialect of Khanty) = Krasnojarsk (dialect of Khanty) = Lappish (Saami) = Likrisovskoje (dialect of Khanty) = Locative = Locative = The dialect on the lower side of Surgut = Mordvin = Mansi = Eastern Mansi = Northern Mansi = Momentaneous = Mari = Turkish or Tartar in Minušinsk = Northern �Abbreviations N = Noun = Negative Nen = Nenets Ni = Nizjam (dialect of Khanty) O = Obdorsk (dialect of Khanty) O = Object Obd. = Obdorsk (dialect of Khanty) OPT = Optative O.Sam. = Ostyak-Samoyedic (Selkup) PASS = Passive PFU = Proto-Finno-Ugric Pl. = Plural PL = Plural Plur. = Plural Pret. = Preterite PRS = Present (tense) PRTC = Participle PTCL = Particle PU = Proto-Uralic PUgric = Proto-Ugric PX = Possessive suffix R. = Russian Ru. = Russian S = Subject S. = The dialect of Surgut Saa = Saami Sal = Salym (dialect of Khanty) NEG Sam Sav Šer Sg. SG Sing. Slk So Sur Sur. Surg. Syn Tat Tra Trj Ts Tu. Turk. Ud US. V V Vart Vj VVj Zr. 173 = Samoyedic (mainly Nenets) = Savodnija (dialect of Khanty) = Šerkaly (dialect of Khanty) = Singular = Singular = Singular = Selkup = Sosva (dialect of Mansi) = Surgut (dialect(s) of Khanty) = The dialect of Surgut = The dialect of Surgut = Synja (dialect of Khanty) = Tartar = Tromagan (dialect of Khanty) = Tremjugan (dialect of Khanty) = Cingala (dialect of Khanty) = Turkic (Turkish) = Turkish = Udmurt = The dialect on the upper side of Surgut = Vach (dialect of Khanty) = Verb = Vartovskoje (dialect of Khanty) = Vasjugan (dialect of Khanty) = Vach and Vasjugan (dialects of Khanty) = Zyrian (Komi) � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Abbreviations (Ostiacica) Subject The topic of the resource <em>Ostiacica</em>. Manuscripta Castreniana, Linguistica V. 175 p. ISBN 978-952-7262-00-9 (print/hardcover), ISBN 978-952-7262-01-6 (online/pdf). 50 €. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ulla-Maija Forsberg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Finno-Ugrian Society Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno-Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/94809e4d8e126a4ddcdf0401d12e879b.pdf 20486a6fd8bb3af557acc3606b6eaac7 PDF Text Text Ostyak Word List419 �Ostiacica Udmurt, Mn = Mansi, MnN = Northern Mansi). By “Sam.”, Castrén mainly refers to Nenets, but the abbreviation is kept unchanged, thus Sam = Samoyedic; however, “O. Sam.” > Slk = Selkup. Also in the references to UEW, Sam refers to a correspondence in any Samoyedic language, which is not necessarily the same comparison Castrén has made. For Surgut, Castrén’s abbreviations (or their translations) are used in their original form, i.e. S. or Surg. = Surgut dialects, (“OS.” >) US. = Upper Surgut (upstream from the town of Surgut), (US. >) LS. = Lower Surgut (downstream from the town of Surgut). There is also an abbreviation “NS.”, which has not been explained. It seems to stand for the Swedish term Nedre Surgut ‘lower S.’ and has accidentally been left in the German version in some words on the list. Here it is replaced with LS. For the Turkish languages, the names are kept in their original form, thus Turk = Turkish (in general), Tat = Tartar, MT = Minushinsk (Siberian) Tartar. The references to the most important dictionaries are provided at the end of each lemma. These are: Wolfgang Steinitz Dialektologisches und etymologisches Wörterbuch der ostjakischen Sprache (DEWOS), K.F. Karjalainen  & Y.H. Toivonen Ostjakisches Wörterbuch (KT) and Károly Rédei & al. Uralisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (UEW). If the Khanty word has a cognate in Mansi, it is given in brackets ( ) after DEWOS; if the word has cognates in other Uralic languages, this information is given in brackets ( ) after UEW. Page numbers are given for the Khanty dictionaries, because they encompass all Khanty dialects and thus follow an etymological order instead of a traditional alphabetical one. Page numbers are given only for the beginning of the lemma; one lemma might go through several pages (in DEWOS, each column has its own number). The modern (or standardized phonematic) form for the words in other Uralic languages can be found in UEW; they are not copied here. If necessary, other references to literature are also given. 419. The word list has been rewritten, translated and commented on along the following principles: The lemma is transcribed from Castréns “Ossetian” Cyrillic script according to the same rules that are used in the grammar part. It is followed in brackets [ ] by the form that follows the standard southern Khanty phonematic transcription (in DEWOS, standardized by Wolfgang Steinitz, with minor exceptions, e.g. ĕ in the first syllable instead of ǝ). The same goes for additional forms (derivations and compounds) from the southern dialect, which are introduced later in the same lemma. If the lemma is given only in its Surgut form (“S.”), and mainly does not exist in southern Khanty, the standardized phonematic form in brackets [ ] is given from Trj (Tremyugan) or another modern (according to KT or DEWOS) Surgut dialect. In cases where Castrén has added a variant from Surgut to the southern dialect lemma, a Trj or other modern Surgut dialect form is given in brackets [ ]. The translation is given according to Cast­ rén’s original translation, taking into account the semantics of the modern Khanty word; if there is a more significant difference, the modern, actual meaning is given in brackets [ ]. References to other languages are given according to Castrén either with a comma or semicolon only, or with “cf.” (“vergl.”). The possible borrowing languages (“Turkish” for mainly Siberian Tartar; Russian or Komi) are not commented on separately, but the modern view of the possible borrowing is given according to Steinitz in brackets ( ) after the DEWOS reference. The correspondences in the Uralic languages are marked with [≠] (no etymological correspondence) or [=] (reliable comparison) separately for each language. For the Finno-Ugrian languages, abbreviations of the modern names are used in the translation (“Lapp.” > Saa = Saami, “Tscher.” > Mr = Mari, “Syrj.” > Ko = Komi; Fi = Finnish, Est = Estonian, Hu = Hungarian) as well as in the references (Md = Mordvinian, Ud = 124 �Ostyak Word List A ājemdem [äjǝmt-] ‘to glue’; LS. ējem­ dem, eijemdem; US. ējem­tim, ei­ jemtim [Trj ĕjǝmtǝ-] DEWOS 24, KT 12. ājoxtep, aijoxtep [äj-oχtep] ‘smallish, quite small’; DEWOS 12, 33, KT 3, 32. āmdem [ämət-] ‘to rejoice’; frequ. āmdīdem [ämtit-]; DEWOS 106, KT 47–48. amlep [omlep (DN), Ko Kr ămlip] ‘hole in the ice’ DEWOS 100, KT 48. āmp [ämp] ‘dog’; [=] Hu eb; DEWOS 101, KT 48, UEW 836 (Kh = MnN āmp, Hu). āna [ănǝ] ‘thick’; Surg. ānex [Trj äṇǝ]; āna-paŋ [ănǝ-päŋ] ‘thumb’; āna-sābet [ănǝ-säpǝt] a black and blue coloured duck with a thick (āna) neck (sābet) [Anas fuligula]’ DEWOS 109, KT 52. anǯa, anǯe [änčǝ] ‘rose hip’; Surg. anǯex [Trj äṇčǝɣ]; anǯa-jux [änčǝ-juχ] ‘rose shrub’; Surg. an­ǯex-jux [Trj äṇčǝɣ-juɣ]; DEWOS 112, KT 54. aŋasem [aŋχəs-, Kr eŋχəs-] ‘to take off one’s shoes; undo (a knot), unbutton (one’s coat)’; S. ünacem [Trj ăn­tǝksǝ-] DEWOS 142, KT 39, UEW 11. aŋen [oŋǝt; ‑n probably a misprint] ‘chin’; DEWOS 140, KT 34. aŋa, aŋe [äŋkə] ‘mother’; Surg. anki [Trj äŋki], [≠] Hu anya, Turk ana; ēn-aŋa [enǝ-äŋkǝ] ‘grand­ mother’, āi-aŋa [äj-äŋkǝ] ‘moth­ er’s younger sister; (female) cousin’; DEWOS 136 (Kh = MnN āŋk°), KT 36. adak [ä̆tak] ‘storm’; [≠ Sam] hād DEWOS 214 (Kh ? < Turk), KT 102. adam [ätamǝ] ‘man, person’, Mr edem, Turk. adem; cf. xui; DEWOS 217 (Kh < Tat), KT 103. ādaŋ; ādeŋ [ätǝŋ] ‘morning’; Surg. āȡaŋ, āȡeŋ [Trj äʌəŋ]; DEWOS 83, KT 117. ādem [ätəm] ‘bad, evil’; Surg. ātem [Trj ätəm]; DEWOS 215, KT 103. ādem [ăt-] ‘to sleep’; Surg. āȡam, ōȡam, ōȶem[Trj ŏʌ-]. Frequ. ādī­ dem [ătit-]; DEWOS 66, KT 126. adaša, odoša [ătaša] ‘stallion’; DEWOS 72 (Kh < Tat). āgan, āgań [ä̆kań] ‘doll’; Ko akań; DEWOS 45 (Kh < Ko), KT 24. āgerna [äɣərnə] ‘ide, L. Cyprinus rutilus (Leuciscus idus)’; āger­ na-tūjax [Trj äɣərnə-ʌojək] ‘red kite, L. Falco milvus’; DEWOS 47, KT 25. āxtem [aχət-] ‘to vomit’; Surg. ūgo­ ȡem [Trj uɣət-]; cf. [≠ Fi] oksennan, [≠] Hu okád; DEWOS 48, KT 26, UEW 716 (Fi = Md Mr Ko Ud). āi [äj] ‘small’; DEWOS 12, KT 3. ai [ăj] ‘luck’; DEWOS 20, KT 6. aidadem [ä̆jtat-] ‘to drive, to chase’; [≠] Fi ajan; DEWOS 26, KT 14, UEW 4. aidem [ăjǝt-] ‘to find’; Surg. ojoȡem [Trj ojǝɣtə-]; DEWOS 22, KT 13. ajaŋ, aijaŋ [ăjǝŋ] ‘lucky [fortunate (e.g. at catching fish)]’ DEWOS 21, KT 6. ājem [äjǝm] ‘glue’; Surg. ējem, eijem [Trj ĕjǝm]; DEWOS 24, KT 12. 125 �Ostiacica ☙ 80 ❧ as [äs] ‘the river Obʹ’; ās-jax [äsjaχ] ‘the Ostyaks’; awas āsjax [ŏwəs ä.-j.] ‘the Ostyaks in Berezov’, num ās-jax [num ä.-j.] ‘the Ostyaks in Surgut’ [the Ostyaks on the lower vs. upper reaches of Obʹ seen from Samarovo (today: Chanty-Mansijsk)]; ās-pai [Trj äs-påj] ‘poplar’; DEWOS 184–86 (= MnN ās), KT 84–85. āsad [asat] ‘free, idle, lazy’; DEWOS 197, KT 89. āsem [ăsǝm] ‘pillow’; DEWOS 195 (= MnN osma), KT 88, UEW 18. aš [aš, äš] ‘white clay’; Surg. ač [not attested] DEWOS 5, KT 96, UEW 3 (Kh ? = Md ašo Ma oš ‘white’). āt (at) [ät] ‘night’; [=] Mr jut; DEWOS 199, KT 100, UEW 99 ˊ (Kh = MnN ēti, Mr Sam). ātmem [ätǝm-] ‘to lift’; Surg. īȶmem [Trj äʌəm-]; DEWOS 76 (Kh = MnN ālm-), KT 125. āttem [ättǝ-] ‘to carry’; Surg. īȶȶem (Trj äʌt- : prs. iʌtəm) [cf. previous]. ˊ ˊ ata [Trj äti, O äśi] ‘father’, [≠] Fi isä, [≠] Hu atya, [≠] Saa ačče [áhčči], tattje, [≠] Turk ata, [≠] Mr ätjä; DEWOS 226, KT 93, UEW 22 (Kh = MnN āś, Sam). au [aw] ‘door’; [=] Fi ovi; DEWOS 26, KT 14, UEW 344 (=MnN āwi, Fi Sam) aŋaŋa [äŋk-äŋkǝ] ‘grandmother’; Surg. aŋk-aŋki [Trj äŋk-äŋk]; DEWOS 136, KT 36. āŋet, ānket [äŋkət] ‘stump, pillar, mast’; Surg. āŋkeȶ [Trj äŋkəʌ]; DEWOS 138 (= MnN āŋk°al), KT 38. ańaxa, ańaga [ăńǝχə] ‘stepmother; uncle’s wife’; LS. ajanki, US. ańakai [Trj ăńə̑ki ̮]; DEWOS 130, KT 64, UEW 10 (= Sa ?Md ?Ud Ko Mn Hu Ne Slk). āńgeš [äńkǝš] ‘pea’; Surg. āńkic [Trj äńkǝč]; Ko ańkycj [ań-ki ̮č]; DEWOS 130 (Kh < Ko), KT 38. ār [är, DN ar] ‘a lot, many’; cf. [≠] Fi suuri, [=] Sam ār ‘big’, [≠] Turk. ār ‘heavy’, [≠] Hu ár ‘price’; DEWOS 155, KT 70, UEW 75 (Kh = Sam) āra [ärǝ] ‘song’; Surg. ārex [Trj ärǝɣ], [≠] Turk. ir, er; tūrumāra [turəm-ärə, Trj tŏrǝmärǝɣ] ‘prayer’; DEWOS 165 (Kh = MnN ēriɣ), KT 73. ārent [ärǝnt] ‘debt’; [≠] MT ālem, [≠] Fi. velka; DEWOS 172 (Kh < Ru), KT 77. ārendeŋ (ārndeŋ) [ärǝntǝŋ] ‘in debt’; DEWOS 172, KT 78. āres [probably i ̮rǝš, irǝš; Ko i ̮ršaś‘threaten’] ‘troublemaker’; Tat. arisch, DEWOS 164 (Kh < Tat i ̮ri ̮z ’quarrel’), KT 78. ārgem, ārkem [ärǝ-] ‘to sing’; Surg. īrgem [Trj ärǝɣ-]; DEWOS 166, KT 73. 126 �Ostyak Word List auguȡem, S. [Trj ä̆ɣ°əʌ-] ‘to become replete’; see pidem; DEWOS 40, KT 20. awas, owas [ăwǝs, ŏwǝs] ‘lower, the one below [downstream]’; awas-wōt [ŏwǝs-wot] ‘north [wind]’, cf. jit-wōt]; DEWOS 29, KT 17. E ēbet [epǝt] ‘smell’; Surg. āpeȶ [Trj ä̆pəʌ], [=] Sam. āpt, DEWOS 148, KT 68, UEW 83–84 (Kh = MnN at, Saa Md Mr Ko Sam). ede [ĕtǝ] ‘lid’; Surg. aȶe [Trj ä̆ʌə] [E  wälə ‘roof, lid’]; DEWOS 70, KT 116, UEW 574 (Kh = MnN ala, Fi ylä- etc.) edem [ĕt-] ‘to heat’; US. üȡim [Trj ö̆ʌ-], frequ. edīdem [ĕtit-]; DEWOS 64, KT 129. ēdem, eidem [et-] ‘to leave (tr.), to let go’; [≠] Fi jätän, [≠] Mr kodem, [≠] Ko kolja; DEWOS 204 (unclear), KT 129. edep [etǝp] ‘verst’; Surg. ettep [Trj ä̆təp]; DEWOS 203, KT 104. eder, ēder [etər] ‘bright, clear’; Surg. ater, atter [Trj ä̆tər]; DEWOS 218 (= MnN atər), KT 104. ederoxtep [etər-oχtep] ‘somewhat clear’. ele, elle [ĕlǝ] ‘sapwood’; Surg. ül [Trj ö̆ḷ], [≠] Fi jälsi; DEWOS 90, KT 41. emem [em-]’to suck’; [=] Fi imen, [=] Hu emik, [≠] Turk emmek; DEWOS 97, KT 50, UEW 82 (Kh = Fi Hu Sam). emerdem [ĕmǝrt-] ‘to scoop, to bail’; Surg. emregdem [Trj ä̆mǝr-, ä̆mräɣtə-]; cf. jāxtem; DEWOS 102, KT 44, UEW 25 (Kh = MnN āmart-, Ud). ēne [enə] ‘big; thick’, also ūna; Surg. ēnȶ [Trj ä̆ṇə]; cf. Ko una, Fi enempi ‘more’, enin ‘most’, [≠] Hu ennyi ‘this much’; DEWOS 109, KT 52, UEW 74 (Kh = MnN janəɣ, Fi Saa ?Ud ?Ko Sam) ēnmem [enǝm-] ‘to grow’; Surg. ānmem [Trj ä̆nǝm-]; DEWOS 110, KT 52. ēnmettem [enmǝttǝ-] ‘to grow (tr.), to raise’ DEWOS 110, KT 53. ēndep, ēntep [ĕntǝp] ‘belt’; DEWOS 117 (= MnN ēntǝp), KT 58. eŋedīdem [ĕŋǝtit-] ‘to neigh’; DEWOS 141, KT 34. 127 �Ostiacica ☙ 81 ❧ ēpsendem [epsint-] ‘to sniff, to smell’; Surg. āpsindem [Trj ä̆psintǝ-]; DEWOS 148, KT 68, UEW 83. erek (erx) [ĕrǝ] ‘extra, too much, too many’; LS. ürük (ürx) [Trj ö̆rəɣ]; DEWOS 167 (Kh = MnN ariɣ), KT 74. ēsem [esǝm] ‘breast, nipple’; ēsemjink [esǝm-jĕŋk] ‘sweet milk’, actually ‘breast-water’; DEWOS 194, KT 89. ēsemdem [esǝmt-] ‘to suck’; see emem. ēssig, ēssix, eissig (actually ēsjig) [ĕs-jĕɣ, ĕssəɣ] ‘old man’; [≠] Hu ősz; DEWOS 187, KT 87. estem [estə-] ‘to release, to let go, to let come (in)’; US. asȶem, LS. esȶim [Trj ä̆sʌ-], [≠] Fi päästän; DEWOS 193, KT 91, UEW 71 (Kh = MnN is-, Ud Ko Hu Sam). et [ĕt, ĕtǝ] ‘simple, common’; et-wax [Trj ä̆t-wăχ] ‘iron’; DEWOS 68, 69, KT 109. ēt, eit [et] ‘body, item’; DEWOS 56, KT 110. ētteptem [ettitǝpt-, *ettəpt-] ‘to show, to point at smth’; DEWOS 220, KT 108. ēttīdem, eittīdem [ettit-] ‘to look, to watch’; also: eikīdem; DEWOS 220, KT 108. ēwa [ewǝ] ‘girl, daughter’, Surg. ēwi [Trj ä̆ɣ°i]; DEWOS 37, KT 16, UEW 835 (Kh = MnN āɣi Hu). ewedem, eudem [ewət-] ‘to cut, to shave’; Surg. agdem [Trj ä̆ɣ°ət-]; DEWOS 50 (Kh = MnN jakt-), KT 18. I īma [imǝ] ‘old woman, wife’; Surg. īmi [Trj imi]; cf. [≠] Fi emä ‘mother’, [≠] Hu eme ‘female’; DEWOS 97, KT 43, UEW 74 (Kh ≠ Fi Hu Sam). īmel [iməl] ‘a vehicle’ [a fish species]; DEWOS 100, KT 44. īn [in] ‘now, just (now), at the moment’; Surg. īt [Trj in]; KT 51. inar [inar] ‘saddle’; Tat ijar; DEWOS 116, KT 53. idai [itǝn] ‘evening, night’, Surg. itn [Trj itǝn], [≠ ] Fi ilta; DEWOS 217, KT 104. idem [item] ‘shameful [shame]’; Surg. īȡem [Trj iʌem]; DEWOS 79, KT 119. īȡek S. [Trj iʌek] ‘strainer, sieve’; see puš; DEWOS 74, KT 123 ika, iga [ikə] ‘old man, husband’; Surg. iki [Trj iki], [≠] Fi ukko, [≠] Hu agg; DEWOS 34, KT 23, UEW 72 (Kh = MnN aki, Saa Sam). 128 �Ostyak Word List īndep, jīndep [jĕntǝp, Trj ji ̮ntəp] ‘needle’; Turk ine, īnge, [≠] Mr īm, [≠] Ko jem, [≠] Fi äimä; DEWOS 381 (Kh = MnN jūntǝp), KT 175. īnem S. [Trj ĕj-näm] ‘all’; see per; DEWOS 19. ǝ ǝ īŋisem [ĕńtˊ s-, Trj ińtˊ ksǝ-] ‘ask’; DEWOS 131, KT 65. isar [isar] ‘stupid, simple-minded’; DEWOS 197, KT 89. īsem [is-] ‘to grind’; īsendem [isǝnt-] id.; DEWOS 188, KT 90. īsen [isǝn] ‘grinder’; DEWOS 189, KT 89. īšen [išǝn] ‘window’; DEWOS 11, KT 99. iǯem [ič-] ‘to move (tr.), to push’; DEWOS 5, KT 98. ičex, US [ičək] ‘younger sister [endearment]’; see ńeŋa; DEWOS 10, KT 99, 193. X xaint [χent] ‘birch bark basket’; [=] Fi kontti; DEWOS 516, KT 315, UEW 177 (Kh = MnN χūnt, Fi Ud Ko), SSA 1 398 (Fi = Kh Mn) xaida [χăjćǝ] ‘scissors, shears’; Turk kaitse, kaitje; DEWOS 449 (Kh < Tat), KT 283. xaleu [χălew] ‘tern, seagull’; Surg. kallek [Trj kăḷe̮k]; DEWOS 487, KT 300. xama [χŏmǝl(‑)] ‘bladder, blister’; S. komlaŋ [Trj komḷǝŋ]; DEWOS 497, KT 305. xanda [χăntǝ] ‘a khanty person’; S. kanda-ku [Trj kăntǝk-ko]; DEWOS 517, 518, KT 317, UEW 206 (Kh ? = Fi Saa Md Hu Sam). xanem [χăn-] ‘to touch [to get caught, to adhere, intr.]’; DEWOS 504, KT 316. xadań [χătań] ‘Tatar’; S. katań-ku; DEWOS 575, KT 362. xadem [χăt-] ‘to die’; Surg. kaȡem [Trj kăʌ- : kŏʌǝm], [=] Fi. kuolen, [=] Hu hal, [=] Mr kolem, [=] Ko kula; DEWOS 469, KT 373, UEW 173 (Kh = MnN χɔ̄la-, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). xaxrem [χăχǝr-] ‘to tickle [to scratch, to scrape, to rub, to shave]’; DEWOS 460, KT 293. ˊ ˊ xaid em, xaiǵem [χet-] ‘to stay, to remain; to be left’; DEWOS 576, KT 346. ˊ ǝ xaid eptem [χetˊ ptǝ-] ‘to leave (tr.)’; DEWOS 577, KT 347. xaimak [χajmaχ] ‘sour whole milk, thick cream’; Tat kaimak; DEWOS 447 (Kh < Tat), KT 283. xainem [χen-] ‘to dig’; Surg. kinem [Trj ki ̮ṇ-], [≠] Fi kaivan; DEWOS 508 (Kh = MnN χūn-, Ko Hu), KT 318. 129 �Ostiacica ☙ 82 ❧ xanǯem [χănč-] ‘to make colourful [to stich, to embroider; to write]’; DEWOS 513 (Kh = MnN χans-); KT 313. xanǯeŋ [χănčǝŋ] ‘colourful’; DEWOS 512, KT 313. xaŋdep [χaŋtep] ‘ladder, stairs’, S. kaŋdep [Trj kåŋti ̮p]; DEWOS 528, KT 297, UEW 127 (cf. χoŋχ-). xaŋsa [χamsa, χaŋsa, χaŋχsa] ‘pipe’, S. kaŋsa [Trj kansa], Turk kañsa; DEWOS 693, KT 306. xar [χăr] ‘field, an even place in general’; e.g. tant-xar [täntχăr] ‘(corn) field’, num-xar [num-χăr] ‘meadow’, xot-xar [χot-χăr] ‘floor’; S. kara [Trj kårə]; DEWOS 544, KT 327. xār [χor] ‘oxen [male animal]’; S. kār [Trj kår]; cf. [≠] Fi härkä, [=] Sam hora; ai-xār [äj-χor] ‘stallion’; DEWOS 535, KT 328, UEW 168 (Kh = MnN χār, Fi Ko Hu Sam). xardagan [χărtǝχan] ‘falcon’; DEWOS 558 (Kh < Tat), KT 341. xatt, xat [χăt (χătt-)] ‘sun, day’ [χăt ‘provision, supplies (“Vor­ rath”)’ is a separate word]; S. kaȶ [Trj kătʌ̥], [≠] Mr kedƈe; DEWOS 469, KT 365 (χăt ‘store, supplies’), DEWOS 571, KT 354. xōdaŋ, xōteŋ [χŏtǝŋ] ‘swan’; S. kōtteŋ [Trj kŏtǝŋ]; DEWOS 575, KT 362, UEW 857 (Kh = MnN χotaŋ, Hu hattyú id.). xōdar [misprint, ɔ: хо̄дап i.e. χotəp] ‘net‘; DEWOS 479, KT 371, UEW 120 (Kh = MnN χūlǝp, Fi Ko Hu Sam). xōdem [χot-] ‘to stay overnight’; S. kūȡem [Trj kåʌ- : kuʌə̑m]; DEWOS 462, KT 375, UEW 120 (= MnN χūl-, Ud ?Ko Hu). xōxtem [χoχət-] ‘to jump [to run]’; DEWOS 457, KT 294, UEW 198 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Ko Hu Sam). xōjem [χojəm] ‘ashes’; DEWOS 446, KT 281, DEWOS 194 (Kh = ˊ MnN kul ǝm, Hu ?Md). xomas [*χoməs] ‘violin [formerly used by Tatars and southern Khantys]’; DEWOS 500 (attested only by Castrén and Patkanov; Kh < Tat). ˊ ǝ ˊ xomd e [χamtˊ ] ‘whip’; S. kamd i ˊ [Trj kåmti ̮]; DEWOS 503 (Kh < Tat), KT 306. xon [χon] ‘emperor, khan, czar’; S. kan [Trj kån]; Tat khan; DEWOS 503 (Kh < Tat), KT 307. xon, xonai [χŏn] ‘stomach’ [χŏnaj ‘front part’]; DEWOS 509, KT 308. xonaŋ [χŏnǝŋ] ‘pregnant’ [from χŏn ‘stomache’]; DEWOS 510, KT 309. xonaʒa [χŏnaćǝ] ‘young cow, heifer [also of a reindeer or an elk]’; DEWOS 519, KT 312. xondak [? *χŏntǝk] ‘yeast’ [not in modern dictionaries]. xonttem [χŏnt-] ‘to escape, to flee’; S. kondem [Trj kŏnt-]; DEWOS 517, KT 319. ˊ ˊ xontˊ[χŏńtˊ] ‘fever’ [χŏńt-, χońt- ‘to have fever, to be ill’]; DEWOS 524, KT 322. xōŋam [χoŋχ-] ‘to climb, to go up­ stream’; S. kūŋdem [Trj ku­ ŋət-]; DEWOS 528, KT 296, UEW 127 (Kh = MnN χāŋχ-, Hu ?Ko). 130 �Ostyak Word List xordem [χŏrǝt-] ‘to bark’; frequ. xordīdem [χŏrtit-]; DEWOS 553, KT 338. xorem [χŏr-] ‘to skin, to peel’; S. koroȡem [Trj kŏr-]; cf. [≠] Fi kuorin; DEWOS 542, KT 340, SSA 1 442 (Kh ? = MnE χor, Fi). xōs [χos] ‘a species of duck’; DEWOS 559; KT 342. xosem [χŏs-] ‘to urinate’, [=] Fi kusen; DEWOS 561, KT 343, UEW 211 (Kh = MnN χuńś-, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). xoǯem [χočǝm] ‘hot, warm’; DEWOS 427, KT 348, UEW 114 (? = Udm Ko). xōt, xāt [χot] ‘tent, house’; S. kāt [Trj kåt], [=] Fi kota; [=] Saa goatte, [=] Mr kuda; DEWOS 565, KT 357, UEW 190 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). xou [χŏw] ‘long, distant’; S. koux [Trj koɣ°]; cf. [=] Fi kauwan; DEWOS 450, KT 285, UEW 132 (Kh = Fi Saa Md), SSA 1 330 (Kh = Fi ?Md). xowoxtep [χŏw-oχtəp] ‘longish’. xowat [χŏwat] ‘along’, adv. [instrumental-comitative case of χŏw ‘long’]; DEWOS 452, KT 286. xūdandem [χutǝnt-] ‘to listen’; S. kōȡendem [Trj koʌəntə-]; DEWOS 465, KT 377, UEW 207 (Kh = MnN χūntǝl- Hu ?Fi), SSA 1 457 (Kh = Mn Hu Fi). xūdem [χut-] ‘to hear’; S. kūȡem [Trj koʌ- : kuʌəm], [=] Fi kuulen, [=] Hu hall, [=] Mr kolam, [=] Ko kyla; DEWOS 465, KT 377, UEW 197 (Kh = MnN χūl-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). xūdesem [xutes-] ‘to DEWOS 463, KT 366. cough’; xui, xajat [χoj, χuj; χăjet, χăjat] ‘human [χăjet, χăjat], man, male [χoj, χuj]’; S kui, ku [Trj ko : (px.1sg) kuje̮m]; DEWOS 423, 449, KT 279, 282; UEW 166 (Kh = MnN χuj, Saa Sam). xujem [χuj-] ‘to spawn’; DEWOS 440, KT 285, UEW 194 (Kh = Mn Fi Saa). xūla [χulə] ‘soot, dirt’; DEWOS 474; KT 299. xūlax [χuləχ] ‘raven’; US. kōlak, LS. kōlank [Vart koḷǝk, Trj ko­ḷǝŋk]; DEWOS 487, KT 300, UEW 200 (Kh = MnN χulaχ Hu Sam). ˊ ˊǝ xūlatem [χulettˊ -] ‘to soot, to make dirty’; DEWOS 475, KT 299. xump [χump] ‘wave’; S. kump [Trj kump], [=] Sam kumba; DEWOS 498, KT 306, UEW 203 (Kh = MnN χump Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Hu Sam). xuntˊ [χuńtˊ] ‘sunrise, sunset’; S. kunȶˊ [Trj kuńʌ̥́], [=] Fi koi, koitto, [? =] Slk kuend, [=] Ko kya; idai-xuntˊ [itaj-χuńt,ˊ Trj itn̥ -kuńʌ́] ‘sunset’; xodaixuntˊ [χŏt-χuńtˊ] ‘sunrise’; DEWOS 217 (itn̥ -kuńʌ́), 464 (χŏt-χuńtˊ), 522, KT 323, UEW 167 (Kh = Mn Fi Ko ?Sam). xuran [χuran, χŏran] ‘stable’; DEWOS 555, KT 336. xūs [χus] ‘star’; DEWOS 561, KT 343, UEW 210 (Kh = MnS kōńś Ud Ko Hu Sam). xūt [χut] ‘cough’; S. kōȶ [Trj koʌ]; DEWOS 463, KT 365, UEW 223 (Kh = Saa Md Ko Sam). 131 �Ostiacica ☙ 83 ❧ xūt [χut] ‘spruce’; S. kōȶ [kŏʌ], [=] Fi kuusi, [=] Ko kōz, [=] Sam xadi; DEWOS 464, KT 366, UEW 222 (Kh = MnN χowt Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Sam). xutˊ [χutˊ] ‘fish’; S. kuȶ [Trj kuʌ], [=] Fi kala, [=] Hu hal; DEWOS 466, KT 380, UEW 119 (Kh = MnN χūl, Fi Saa Md Mr Hu Sam). J jādam [jătǝm] ‘seine net’; S. sājep [Trj såjǝp]; DEWOS 419, KT 197, 820. jadem [jătǝm] ‘patch’ [”patched” from jăt- (Trj jŏʌ-) ‘to patch’]; KT 199. jāgai [jăχaj, DN jăɣaj] ‘occiput; (nape of the) neck’; DEWOS 334, KT 147. jāgal [jaχəl] ‘fork; step’; S. jāgart [Trj jåɣə̑rt ‘fork, branch’]; DEWOS 341, 342, KT 147, 150. jāgam [jaχəm] ‘heath’; DEWOS 343, KT 148. jāgem [jok-] ‘to dance’; S. jīkum [Trj jek°- (: jik°əm)]; DEWOS 330, KT 141, UEW 96 (Kh = MnN jēk°-, Ud Ko). jāxleŋ [jaχləŋ] ‘with a branch’; DEWOS 341, KT 147. ˊ ˊǝ jāxletem [jaχlettˊ -] ‘to step’; DEWOS 342, KT 148. jāxtem [jaχət-] 1. ‘to scoop (water with a smaller scoop)’ 2. ‘to unload’; DEWOS 352 (= MnN jɔ̄χt-), KT 151. jāja [jäjə] ‘elder brother [male relative older than me, younger than my father]’; DEWOS 317, KT 133. jāk [jäk] ‘clerk’; DEWOS 324 (< Ru), KT 141. jantkem, jantxem [jănt-: jăntkǝm, jăntχǝm, jănkǝm] ‘to play’; DEWOS 381 (= MnN jonɣ-), KT 174. jāŋam [jăχ-, jăŋχ-] ‘to walk’; frequ. jāŋaidem [jăŋɣit-]; DEWOS 386, KT 155. jāŋk [jäŋk] ‘nail [wooden, iron]’; DEWOS 387, KT 158. jara [jăra] ‘other; strange [, not related]’; DEWOS 403, KT 182. jaran [jărǝn] ‘samoyed’; S. jargan [Trj jărɣan]; DEWOS 405, KT 184 (Kh = MnN jɔ̄rn). jardem, jaradem [jărǝt-] ‘to forget’; S. joroȡem [Trj jŏrǝ̑ɣʌǝ̑-], [≠] Sam jurau; DEWOS 405, KT 185. jāsax [ječək] ‘poor’; DEWOS 10 (same word as Trj ičək ‘dear’ see ičex), KT 193. jāseŋ [jäsəŋ] ‘speech [; language]’; DEWOS 414, KT 190. jāstem [jästə-] ‘to say; to speak’; [≠] Fi haastan; Frequ. jāstīdem [jästit-]; DEWOS 415, KT 191. jatt, jat, jattax [jăt] ‘lazy’; DEWOS 416, KT 195. 132 �Ostyak Word List jēŋdem [jeŋǝt-] ‘to spin’; LS. jāŋdem [Trj jä̆ƞ°ət-]; DEWOS 385, KT 157. jēŋet [jeŋət] ‘spindle’; S. jeuŋet [Trj jä̆ŋ°ət]; DEWOS 385, KT 157. jenk [jeŋk] ‘ice’; [=] Fi jää, [=] Mr ī, [=] Ko ji, [=] Hu jég; DEWOS 391, KT 159, UEW 93 (Kh = MnN jāŋk, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). jeŋeŋ [jeŋkəŋ] ‘icy’; S. jenkeŋ [jeŋkəŋ]; DEWOS 391, KT 160. jermak, jirmak [jĕrmak] ‘silk’; DEWOS 409 (Kh < Ko), KT 186. jert [jert] ‘rain’; [≠] Mr jur, [≠] Ko zer; DEWOS 411, KT 187. jerdeŋ [jertəŋ] ‘rainy’; DEWOS 411, KT 187. jesnā [jesna] ‘[elder] sister’s husband [; aunt’s husband, wife’s elder brother]’; DEWOS 414 (< Tat), KT 191. ječe S. [Trj jä̆čǝ] ‘middle; place in the middle’, see kuttep; DEWOS 314, KT 193. ječem S. [Trj jä̆č-, imperat. jĕčä] ‘to twist, to braid’; DEWOS 311, KT 193. jēčem [ječčǝ-] ‘to be in time, to ripen’; DEWOS 315 (< Ko), KT 194. jeu [jew] ‘perch’, S. jeux [Trj jä̆ɣ°]; DEWOS 330, KT 134 jeura [jewrə] ‘wolf’; S. jeurex [Likr jä̆ɣ°rəɣ]; cf. [≠] Fi peura, [≠] Turk būr; DEWOS 352, KT 141. jēwdem [jewət-] ‘to shoot’; DEWOS 356, KT 135. jāwetmem [jäwǝtmǝ-] ‘to hit, to knock’ [moment. from jäwǝt‘to flail’]; DEWOS 338, KT 136. jeaga [jeχə] ‘small river, tributary’; [? =] Fi joki, [? =] Saa joga; DEWOS 319, UEW 99. jederŋai [jĕtǝrŋaj] ‘black grouse, Tetrao urogallus’; LS. jeterŋi, US. jeterki [Trj jä̆tərŋi, Vart jĕtǝrki]; DEWOS 420, KT 198. jegan [jekan] ‘reed mat’; LS. jeki [Trj jä̆ki]; DEWOS 344 (< Tat), KT 146, 149. jem, jemm [jĕm] 1. ‘good, fresh’; 2. ‘seed’ [this is a separate word: jem (< Tat) DEWOS 367]; cf. [≠] Fi hyvä ‘good’, [≠] jyvä ‘seed’; [=] Hu jó ‘good’; DEWOS 367, KT 167, UEW 850 (Kh = MnN jomas, Hu). jemsai [jĕmsaj] ‘right; on the right hand side’; S. jemse [Trj jĕmsi]; DEWOS 369, KT 169. jemettem [jemǝt-] (from jem [Trj jim ‘taboo’]) ‘to be ashamed’; is said about the bride, when she bashfully covers her face in front of men; DEWOS 371, 373, KT 171. ˊ ˊ ˊ jēnd em, jānd em [jäńt-] ‘to drink’; S. ˊ ˊ ǝ jīnd em [Trj jeńt- (jińtˊ m)], [=] Fi juon; DEWOS 383, KT 176, UEW 103 (Kh = Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Mn Hu). ˊ ˊǝ jenttem [jäńttˊ -] ‘to give to drink’; DEWOS 384, KT 177. 133 �Ostiacica ☙ 84 ❧ jiba [jĕpǝ] ‘eagle owl, L. Strix bubo’; LS. jipex, US. jiwex [Trj jĕpǝɣ]; DEWOS 395, KT 177, UEW 98. jībel [jĕpǝl] ‘shadow’; S. jīpel [Trj jĕpǝḷ]; DEWOS 396, KT 178. jideŋ [itǝŋ] ‘the lower, the one below’; DEWOS 61, KT 112 (it ‘the one below’). jīdep, jēdep [jĕtǝp] ‘young, new’; S. jīȡep [Trj jĕʌǝp], [≠] Sam jedaei, jedeä, [≠] Fi uusi; DEWOS 358, KT 201, UEW 73 ˊ (= MnN jil pi ‘new’, Fi elää ‘to live’ etc.) jig, jix [jĕɣ, jĕχ] ‘father; bear’; [the word for ‘bear’ is separate: ˊ ˊ iɣ] LS. ate [Trj ati]; DEWOS ˊ 324 (jĕɣ, jĕχ), 226 (ati), 27 (iɣ); KT 145 (jĕɣ, jĕχ), 93 (ati), 22 ˊ (iɣ). jigdeŋ [jĕɣtəŋ] ‘stepfather’; DEWOS 326, KT 146. jigem [jik-] ‘to harness’; cf. [≠] Ru иго ‘yoke’; DEWOS 327 (< Tat), KT 156. jinda [jĕntǝ, jintǝ] ‘towline’; e.g. jā­ dam-jinda [jătǝm-jĕntǝ] ‘lace, towline’; ńot-jinda [ńŏt-jĕntǝ] ‘string of a bow’; S. jün­dex [jö̆ntəɣ], [=] Fi jännet; DEWOS 382, KT 174, UEW 92 (Kh = MnN jāntǝw, Fi ?Saa Mr Hu Sam). jīŋet, jēŋet [jĕŋǝt] ‘basket, box [made of birch bark or wood]’; S. jīŋet [Trj jĕŋǝʌ]; DEWOS 393, KT 158 jink [jĕŋk] ‘water’; [≠] Sam ji’, [≠] Fi wesi, [≠] Mr wit; DEWOS 387, KT 160, UEW 93 (cf. jenk). jiŋeŋ [jĕŋǝŋ, jĕŋkǝŋ] ‘watery, wet’; DEWOS 390, KT 162. jinktep [jĕŋktǝp] ‘a place where there is supposed to be a treasure; [a flame can be seen above it,] similar to the Finnish aarnin hauta’; DEWOS 392, KT 164. jirem [jĕr-] ‘to bind, to tie, to knit (e.g. socks)’; [≠] Fi kuron; DEWOS 402, KT 188. jirnas [jĕrnas] ‘shirt’; S. jernes [Trj jä̆rnäs]; DEWOS 409 (< Ko), KT 187 ˊ ˊǝ jirta, jirca [jĕrttˊ ]: the wife’s younger brother is called like this by the husband; DEWOS 412, KT 187. jiǯem [jĕč-] ‘to cut, to draw’; S. jersem [Trj jä̆rəs-]; DEWOS 311 (jĕč-), 404 (jä̆rəs-), KT 194, 186. jiǯep [jĕčǝp] ‘cut, strake’; S. jer sem [jä̆rsəm]; DEWOS 312 (jĕčǝp), 404 (jä̆rsəm) KT 194, 186. jīsem S. [Trj jis-, Kr jes-] ‘to weep’; ˊ see telem; DEWOS 412, KT 189. 134 �Ostyak Word List jit [it] ‘the one below’; S. iȶ [Trj iʌ], [=] Mr ul, [=] Fi ala; jit-xōt [itχot] ‘space under the living room (in a cottage)’, jit-kan ‘sail’; jit-wōt [jit-wot] ‘north’ [”north wind”, the word jit for ‘north’ is a separate lexeme]; DEWOS 61 (il ‘below’), 360 (jit ‘north’), KT 112 (it ‘below’), 200 (jit ‘north’), UEW 6 (il ‘below’ = MnN jol-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). jiwem, juwem [jĕ-, jĕw-] ‘to come, become, to start (doing something)’; LS. jigem, OS. jugam [Trj jö̆-, jö̆ɣ-, jĕɣ°-]; DEWOS 309, KT 196. jogadem [joχat-, joχa-, DN joɣa-] ‘to loose’; DEWOS 354, KT 150. jōgon S. (Trj jŏɣən] ‘night’; see āt; DEWOS 345, KT 135. jōgot [joχət] ‘bow’; US. jōgoȶ, LS. jaugoȶ [Trj jăɣ°əʌ], [=] Fi jousi, [≠] Turk jai, [=] Hu ív; paijōgot [päj-joχət] ‘rainbow’; DEWOS 339, KT 153 UEW 101. jōxtem [jŏχət-] ‘to come, to enter’; LS. jōgodem, US. jūgocen [Trj jŏɣət-, jŏɣ°ət-]; frequ. jōxtidem [jŏχtit-]; DEWOS 355, KT 152. jom LS. [Trj jŏm] ‘rain’; see jert; DEWOS 375, KT 166. jōndem [jont-] ‘to sew’; US. jūndem, LS. jūntim [Trj jånt- (juntǝm)], frequ. jōndīdem [jontit-]; augm. jōndesem [jontǝs-]; DEWOS 380, KT 175. jourai, joura [jăwra] ‘twisted, slanted’; S. jagrax, jograx [Trj jăɣ°re̮ɣ], [≠] Turk egri, [≠] Fi wäärä; DEWOS 351, KT 141. jourem [jŏwǝr-] ‘to roll, to wind, to drill’; DEWOS 347, KT 137. jouraxamdem, joworxamdem [jŏw­ rǝχəmt-] ‘to rotate quickly; turn suddenly’; DEWOS 348, KT 137. judem [jüt-] ‘to rub, to tan (a skin)’, S. juȡem [Trj juʌ-]; DEWOS 363, KT 137. jūx [juχ] ‘tree, wood, forest’; DEWOS 331, KT 143. jukan [jŏkan] ‘lot, share’; cf. Fi jako ‘share, division’, Ko juka ‘divide’ [Kh < Ko = Fi]; DEWOS 345, KT 149, UEW 87. jūm [jum] ‘black bird cherry’; S. jōm [jom]; [=] Fi tuomi; jūmjux [jum-juχ] ‘black bird cherry tree’; DEWOS 374, KT 166, UEW 65 (Kh = Mn Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). jūrax [jurǝχ] ‘side’; DEWOS 405 (< Tat), KT 183. 135 �Ostiacica ☙ 85 ❧ K kabak US. [Trj kåpǝk] ‘light(weight)’; cf. [≠] Fi kepiä; see kēne; KT 289. kāgert [käɣərt] ‘white stork [white bird, like swan but smaller; northern pintail, Anas Acuta]’; see petŋai; DEWOS 611, KT 393. kaiŋi [kĕjŋaj, käjŋaj] ‘mosquito’; DEWOS 599, KT 385. kāk [käk] ‘tickle, itch [scab]’; DEWOS 599, KT 390. kāń [käń] ‘arctic fox, Canis Lagopus’; LS. kȫń, US. kōń [Trj keń, Likr köń], Ko kynj; DEWOS 651 (Kh > Ko), KT 413. kār [kär] ‘bark; crust’; [≠] Fi kuori, [≠] Mr kargas, [≠] Ko kyrs; kār-mox [kärǝ-moχ] ‘egg’, i.e. a young animal with a crust; DEWOS 659, KT 415, UEW 148 (Kh = MnE kēr, Fi keri, Saa Md Mr kǝr, Ud Ko kor, Hu). kāreŋ [kärǝŋ] ‘with a crust’; DEWOS 660, KT 416. kariš [DN Kr kä̆rə] ‘a small white Sterlet’; DEWOS 673, KT 421 [cf. kera]. kar-ȶau S. [Trj kår-ʌăɣ°] ‘stallion’; see adaša [see xār]. kaš [käč] ‘boring, a long time [pleasure, fun; käčəm χŏtat ‘I get/got bored’]’ S. kač [Trj käč]; DEWOS 585, KT 443. kaǯem [käš-] ‘to have hickups [,  to burp]’; S. kaugnīdem [ɔ: ‑ȡem] [Trj kö̆ɣən-]; DEWOS 587 (käš-), 606 (kö̆ɣən-), KT 449 (käš-), 391 (kö̆ɣən-). kattem [kättə-] ‘to grab, to take, to hold’; S. kiȶem [Trj kätʌ- : kitʌä]; [≠] Ko kuta, [≠] Fi pidän, [≠] Mr kodƈem; DEWOS 699, KT 459. kattesem [kättəj-] ‘to praise, to commend’; DEWOS 619, KT 459. kawa [käwə] ‘chamber [”Kammer”, ɔ: Hammer]’; LS kewi, US. kawi [Trj keɣ°i, Likr käɣi]; DEWOS 602, KT 387. kawala ‘curl’; see šegara [not in modern dictionaries]. kāwert [käwər-] ‘it is boiling’; LS. kēwerȶ, US. kōwerȶ [Trj keɣ°ər-, Vart köɣərtə-]; DEWOS 609, KT 388. kawrak [kä̆wrak] ‘weak, loose, sloppy’; DEWOS 712 (Kh < Tat), KT 390. keban [kepan] ‘hay stack’; DEWOS 656 (< Tat), KT 414. kēle [kelǝ] ‘a reindeer skin, which is worn instead of a shirt with hair against the body [; reindeer fur coat with hair outwards]’; DEWOS 626, KT 398. kelša [kelšǝ] ‘barbel (L. Cyprinus Barbus) [; roach (Rutilus Rutilus)]; S. kilsi [Trj kiḷsi]; DEWOS 629 (Kh < Ko), KT 400. 136 �Ostyak Word List kēne [kenə] ‘light, not heavy, easy’; LS. kannex [J kö̆nəɣ], US. kabak; [≠] Fi kewiä, kepiä, [=] Hu könnyü; DEWOS 648, KT 407, UEW 862 (Kh = MnE kiɣnə, Hu). kenǯem [kĕnč-] ‘to seek; to hunt, to fish’; S. kinǯem [Trj kĕṇč-]; DEWOS 644, KT 411, UEW 145 (Kh = MnE kinš-, Mr Ud Ko). kenč [kenč] ‘socks made of soft reindeer fell’; DEWOS 645 (Kh = MnE kēns], KT 410. kendeŋ [kĕntǝŋ] ‘angry’; DEWOS 649, KT 412. kenmājem [KoP kĕnmaj-, pass.; J Irt kĕntǝm-, kĕntmoj-, pass.] ‘to get angry’; DEWOS 649, KT 412. ker [kĕr] ‘wooden mortar for tobacco’; LS. kewel, US. kowel [Trj keɣ°i, J kewi ‘hammer’]; Ko gyr; DEWOS 602, KT 387 (käwə ‘hammer’); DEWOS 661, KT 417 (kĕr ‘mortar’). kera [Ts kĕrǝ] ‘red Sterlet’; LS. kari, US. kori [Trj käri, Vart kö̆ri]; DEWOS 673, KT 421. keredem [kerǝt-] ‘to return [; to turn around]’; S. kirigȡem [Trj kirǝɣtə-]; cf. [≠] Fi kierrän; DEWOS 668, 669, KT 424. keremsa, keremse [kĕrǝmsǝ] ‘twig, rod [willow]’; DEWOS 680, KT 427. kerap, kerep [kerap] ‘vehicle [boat, barge]’; S. kerep [Trj kirip]; DEWOS 682, KT 428. kereptem [Ts kerəptə-, DN kerɣəp­ tə-] ‘to drop’; DEWOS 677, KT 431. kereš [kĕrǝš] ‘high [, tall]’; [≠] Fi korkia; DEWOS 674 (< Ko), KT 430. kergem, kerkem [kerǝ-] ‘to fall’; S. korgem [Trj kɔ̈̆rəɣ-]; frequ. kerkīdem [kerɣit-]; DEWOS 676, KT 431. kesā, kesē [DN Kr kĕsa, Ts kĕsaj] ‘pocket’; DEWOS 691 (Kh < Tat), KT 436. kēsem [kĕs-] ‘to run, to race’; DEWOS 690, KT 438. kesem [no data from KhS] ‘to rip, to tear’; S. kossem [Trj kɔ̈̆s-]; DEWOS 690, KT 439. keš ‘how husband and wife call each other’ [? kŏššǝkǝ ‘thank god; ?darling’; DEWOS 593, KT 447; cf. MnE äśśǝkē ‘thank god; darling’]. kēǯe [kečǝ] ‘knife’; LS. kāčex, US. kōčex [Trj kɔ̆čəɣ], [=] Hu kés, [=] Mr kize, [≠] Fi veitsi; DEWOS 503, KT 445, UEW 142 (Kh = MnN kasaj, Mr Hu). keǯe, köǯe [kĕčǝ] ‘illness’; S. kiče [Trj kĕčǝ], [≠] Fi kipu; DEWOS 591, KT 446. keǯeŋ, köǯeŋ [kĕčǝŋ, kĕčeŋ] ‘ill’; DEWOS 592, KT 446. 137 �Ostiacica ☙ 86 ❧ keǯedem, köǯedem [kĕčǝt-] ‘to be ill’; DEWOS 592, KT 447. ket [kĕt] ‘dew’; S. kaȶa, kaȡa [Trj kä̆ʌə]; DEWOS 620, KT 461. ket [ket] ‘word’; S. koȶ [Trj kɔ̈̆ʌ]; DEWOS 615, KT 462, UEW 144 (Kh = Fi kieli ‘language’, Saa Ud Ko ?Mn Sam) ̆ kēt [ket] ‘hand’; S. kōt [Trj kɔ̈t], [=] Fi käsi, [=] Hu kéz, [=] Mr kit, [=] Saa gietta, [=] Ko ki; DEWOS 698, KT 452, 453, UEW 140 (Kh = MnN kāt, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). kēt-jit [ket-jĕt] ‘wrist’; kēt-pete [ketpĕt] ‘palm’; DEWOS 698, KT 453. keu [kew] ‘stone’; LS. kaux, US. koux [Trj kä̆ɣ°, Vart kɔ̈̆ɣ], [=] Fi kiwi, [=] Hu kö, [=] Mr kū; DEWOS 600, KT 385, UEW 163 (Kh = MnN kaw, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). keweŋ [kewəŋ] ‘stony’; keweŋjert [kewəŋ-jert] ‘hailstone’; DEWOS 601, KT 386. kīda [kitə] ‘brother-in-law, sisterin-law’; S. kūdi [Trj kiʌi, J küʌi]; DEWOS 620, KT 463, UEW 135 (Kh ? = Mn Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Sam) kīdem [kit-] ‘to rise, to stand up’; DEWOS 617, KT 465, UEW 133 (Kh = MnN k°āl-, Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu) kijem S. [Trj ki ̮j-, DN χăj-] ‘to leave (tr.)’; see ēdem; DEWOS 438, KT 283. kila [kila] ‘penis [; hernia]’; [≠] Fi kulli; DEWOS 625 (Kh < Ru), KT 398. kimdek S. [DN kĕmtǝ, Trj kĕmʌəɣ] ‘wolverine’; DEWOS 639, KT 406. kīmet [kimǝt] ‘tail (of a cloth), seam’; S. kīmeȶ [Trj kimǝʌ]; DEWOS 638, KT 404. kirem [kir-] ‘to sow’; DEWOS 663, KT 434. kirendem [kirǝnt-] ‘to sow’; DEWOS 663, KT 434. kiser [kisǝr] ‘playing card’; LS. keser, US. koser [Trj kesär, V kösär]; DEWOS 694 (Kh < Ko), KT 437. kiš, kišmar [kiš, kiš-măr] ‘curlygrained wood, gnarl, [kišänǝ] small cup’; S. kič, kičmar [Trj kĕč, kĕč-măr]; [≠] Fi wisa; DEWOS 587, KT 444. kitem [kit-] ‘to chase, to drive, to send’; DEWOS 697 (Kh = MnN kēt-), KT 458. kitmesem [kitǝm-] ‘to pray devotedly’; DEWOS 704 (Kh < Ko), KT 456. kiuri S. [DN kiwrə, Trj kiɣ°ri, kiwri] ‘hole in the ice’; see adem; DEWOS 610, KT 390. komat S. [Trj kŏmǝt] ‘wide’; see uideŋ; DEWOS 501, KT 304. konkai LS. [J konki ̮] ‘ladle, scoop’, see umbā; DEWOS 526, KT 296. końar [końar] ‘poor’; LS. keńer, US. köńer [Trj keńär, Likr kɔ̈̆ńär], [<] Ko konjer; DEWOS 651 (Kh < Ko), KT 413. kōr [kor] ‘oven’; S. kȫr [Likr kör, Trj ker]; DEWOS 667 (Kh < Ko), KT 416. 138 �Ostyak Word List kunxŋii [Trj kö̆ŋ ͑ni]; DEWOS 647, KT 408 (s.v. kŏnč), UEW 158 (Kh = MnN konəl-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). kupa, kuba [kŏpǝ] ‘churn’; DEWOS 655, KT 413. kur [kŏr] ‘foot, leg’; kur-pura [kŏrpurǝ] ‘calf’; kur-jattaŋ [kŏrjăttaŋ] ‘heel’; kur-jit ‘shin bone’ [kŏr-jĕt ‘ankle’, kŏrwăχ ‘shin bone’]; kur-pede [kŏr-pĕtǝ] ‘sole’; kur-pelek [kŏr-pelǝk] ‘lame, limping’; DEWOS 664, KT 418, 419. kurem [kŏrǝm] ‘step’; DEWOS 666, KT 426. kurmadem [kŏrmat-] ‘to (take a) step’; DEWOS 666, KT 427. kurmaŋ [kŏrmǝŋ] ‘nimble-footed’; DEWOS 666, KT 426. kurek [kŏrt] ‘steam, vapour [coal gas]’; DEWOS 678, 686, KT 433. kuruk [kŏrǝk] ‘eagle’; DEWOS 677, KT 424. kus [only Castrén] ‘a fur coat of reindeer, which is worn over the kēle’; LS. kuŋuš, US. kuŋaš [Trj kö̆ŋəś]; DEWOS 654, KT 396. kušmem [kŏčǝm-] ‘to burn (tr, intr)’; DEWOS 590, KT 450. kušmetem [kŏšmǝttǝ-] ‘to burn (tr); to kindle’; DEWOS 590, KT 450. kut [kŏt] ‘place in between’; DEWOS 701, KT 450. kuttep [kŏttǝp] ‘middle’; [=] Hu közép; DEWOS 702, KT 452, UEW 163 (Kh = MnN kotˊ l , ǝˊ Mr Hu). korsan [kersan] ‘trough, washbasin’; DEWOS 685 (Kh < Tat), KT 433. ˊ ˊ košul a [košül a] ‘fur coat’; DEWOS 594 (< Ru), KT 448. kowa [kä̆wə] ‘cuckoo’; LS. kawi, kagi, US. kogi [Trj kä̆ɣ°i, J kä̆wi, Vart kɔ̈̆ɣi]; DEWOS 603, KT 387, SSA 1 471 (cf. Fi käki). kowel US. [Trj keɣ°əḷ, Vart köɣəḷ] ‘ladle, scoop’, see konkai; DEWOS 604, KT 391. kūgur [kŏkǝr] ‘birch bark basket, box’; S. kukkur [Trj kö̆kər]; DEWOS 608, KT 392. kui [kŏj] ‘morass’; [≠] Mr kup; DEWOS 597, KT 383. kujanda [kujantə] ‘scales [yoke (for carrying water)]’; Tat kujanta; KT 385. kul ˊ [kŭl ˊ] ‘evil spirit’; Ko kulj; DEWOS 624 (Kh < Ko), KT 397. kunč [kŏnč] ‘(finger)nail’; [=] Fi kynsi, [=] Ko kyź, [=] Mr kidƈ; DEWOS 645, KT 408, UEW 157 (Kh = MnN kos, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). kunǯeŋ [kŏnčǝŋ] ‘with nails’; kunǯeŋika [kŏnčǝŋ-ikǝ] ‘bear’; DEWOS 646, KT 408. kunǯem [kŏnč-] ‘to comb, to rake’; DEWOS 646, KT 408. kunǯep [kŏnčǝp] ‘comb’; DEWOS 646, KT 409. kunǯeŋ [kŏnčǝŋ] ‘smth that rakes’; kunǯeŋ-jux [kŏnčǝŋ-juχ] ‘harrow, rake’; DEWOS 646, KT 408. kunǯalax [Kr kŏnčǝlaχə] ‘handful’; KT 409. kuŋnai [(DN Fil Koš) kŏšŋaj, (KoP Kr Ts) kŏŋnaj] ‘elbow’; S. 139 �Ostiacica ☙ 87 ❧ ˊ ˊ kuttem [kŏt-] ‘to follow the track of an animal’; DEWOS 707, KT 441. ˊ ḱelem [tĕl-] ‘to weep’; [≠] Fi kiljun; DEWOS 1509, KT 909. kutar, kud ar [kŏtar] ‘ermine’; S. ˊ ˊ ˊ k ˊ kutˊ er [Trj kö̆tɣər]; DEWOS, KT 441. L lenka [leŋkǝ] ‘poor person’; DEWOS 844, KT 482. lep [lĕp] ‘two-tipped arrow’; DEWOS 846, KT 488. lībet, līpet [lipǝt] ‘leaf’; [≠] Fi lehti, [=] Hu lewél; DEWOS 851 (Kh  = MnN lupta, Hu), KT 489, UEW 259. linda [lintə] ‘bullfinch [snow bunting]’; S. lünti [Trj ḷinti, Likr ḷünti]; DEWOS 837, KT 485. lintˊ S. [Trj li̬ńtˊ] ‘spit’; see palax; DEWOS 839, KT 487. lislup [lis-lup] ‘snow storm [snowfall, wet snow]’; DEWOS 847, KT 491. lōgom [Trj lŏɣ°əm] ‘peaceful, quiet [; good-natured]’; DEWOS 826, KT 476. lōx [lŏχ] ‘inlet, bay’; [≠] Fi lahti; DEWOS 817 (Kh = MnN lōχ, ?Fi), KT 473, UEW 234. lopatˊ US. [Likr ḷŏpǝtˊ] ‘rain’; DEWOS 852, KT 470. lottem [lottǝ-] ‘to bury’; DEWOS 857, KT 493. lād ek [lätˊ k] ‘wide; loose’; cf. [≠] Fi ˊ ǝ lawia; DEWOS 861, KT 492. laŋem [läŋk-] ‘to cover’; S. linkem, lünkim [Trj ḷeŋ°k°-]; DEWOS 842, KT 480. laŋadem [laŋχət-] ‘to split’; DEWOS 841, KT 479. laŋaep [laŋχep] ‘split, crack, cleft’; S. lenkep [Trj ḷi ̮ŋki ̮p]; DEWOS 841, KT 479. lāt S. [Trj ḷåt, Irt lot] ‘hole, pit’; see wanx; DEWOS 855, KT 492. lattem [lăttǝ-] ‘to leave, to get out’; [≠] Mr läktäm, [≠] Fi lähden; DEWOS 860, KT 495. lāwettem [läwǝttǝ-] ‘to pick up, to peel’; DEWOS 863, KT 470. lawlak US. [Vart ḷɔ̆wḷǝk] ‘chin [gills]’; see ńaxsem; DEWOS 850, KT 471. lāwum [läwǝm] ‘charcoal’; DEWOS 825, KT 470. lēk LS. [Trj lek°] ‘track [, way]’; US. lȫk [Vart ḷök]; DEWOS 820, KT 472. lemak [lĕmək] ‘thick, dense [sour milk; thick (porridge)]’ DEWOS 833, KT 483. 140 �Ostyak Word List luk [lŏk] ‘capercaillie’, xui-luk, pegda-luk [χuj-lŏk “male c.”, pĕɣət-lŏk “black c.”] ‘male capercaillie’, neŋ-luk, xanǯeŋluk [neŋ-lŏk “female  c.”, χănčǝŋ-lŏk “colourful c.”] ‘female capercaillie’; DEWOS 819, KT 474. lula [lulə] ‘water bird’ (гнярька) [‘loon, Gavia arctica’]; S. lūli [ḷuḷi ̮]; DEWOS 830, KT 482. ˊ l opi US. [Vart ʌ́opi ̮] ‘overcoat’; DEWOS 873, KT 1118. M madamdem [mătǝmt-] ‘to show’; DEWOS 924, KT 557. madem [măt-] ‘to cook’; DEWOS 923, KT 559. mag [mäɣ] ‘honey’; [≠] Ko ma, [? =] Mr mu, [≠] Hu méz, [≠] Fi mesi; DEWOS 898 (Kh = MnN māɣ), KT 502, UEW 266 (Kh = Mn ?Mr) max [maχ] ‘beaver’; [≠] Fi maja or majava, [≠] Ko moi; DEWOS 897, KT 502. maxta [măχtə] ‘Salix pentandra, bay willow’: S. magdi [Trj măɣʌi ̮]; DEWOS 911, KT 516. mānedem, mēnedem [menǝt-] ‘to bend’; DEWOS 933, KT 526. mardadem [mărtat-] ‘to measure’; Ko murtala; DEWOS 966 (Kh < Ko), KT 542. māren [märən] ‘spawn’; DEWOS 963 (Kh = MnN mārn), KT 540. mattax ‘gun, rifle’; Turk maltak [not in modern dictionaries]. meg, mex [mĕɣ] ‘clay, land; [=] Ko mu, [=] Fi maa; morda-meg [mŏrtǝ-mĕɣ] is the name of the land where the ducks migrate in the autumn; S. mortimex [Trj mårt̬i-mĕɣ]; DEWOS 898, 966, KT 504, 543, UEW 263 (Kh = MnN mā, Fi Mr Ud Ko Sam). megdēŋ [meɣtəŋ] ‘Cyprinus dobula, [Leuciscus, dace]’; DEWOS 917, KT 515. megder ‘angleworm’ [not in modern dictionaries]. mēget [meɣət] ‘breast’; S. maugeȶ [Trj mä̆ɣ°əʌ]; DEWOS 909, KT 514, UEW 267 (Kh = MnN māɣl, Saa Md Mr Ud Hu). mejem [mĕ-] ‘to give’; [=] Sam miʼiu; UEW 275 (Kh = MnN mi-, Fi Saa Sam; ?Ud ?Ko). mēlek [melǝk] ‘warm, warmth, thaw’; US. mēllek, LS. mēllenk [Vart mä̆ḷǝk, Trj mä̆ḷǝŋk], [=] Hu meleg; DEWOS 928, KT 521, UEW 868 (Kh = MnN māltip, Hu). 141 �Ostiacica ☙ 88 ❧ menem [mĕn-] ‘to go’; [=] Sam mi­ ñam, [=] Hu menni, [=] Fi me­nen, [=] Ko muna; frequ. me­nī­dem [mĕnit-], mom. me­ ne­mem [mĕnǝm-]; DEWOS 931, KT 527, UEW 272 (Kh = MnN min-, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). menǯem [mĕnč-] ‘to rip, to pluck’; DEWOS 936, KT 526, UEW 870 (Kh = MnN manǝmt, Hu). meń, meńeŋ [meń ‘daughter-in-law’, meńńǝŋ ‘bride’] ‘daughterin-law’; [=] Fi miniä, [=] Ko monj, [=] Hu meny, [=] Sam mejeä; DEWOS 939, KT 529, UEW 276 (Kh = MnN māń, Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu Sam). meredem [mĕrǝt-] ‘to dive’; Hu [≠] márt, [=] merít; frequ. merdīdem [mĕrtit-]; DEWOS 965, KT 541, UEW 869 (Kh = MnN māraχt-, Hu). mērek [mĕrǝk] ‘wing’; mērgeŋ [mĕrkǝŋ] ‘with wings’; DEWOS 963, KT 539. merīdem [mĕrǝj-] ‘to thunder’; pai me­rīdet [päj mĕrǝjǝt] ‘it is thundering’; [≠] Est mür­ris­ tab; DEWOS 959, KT 537. meǯek [mĕčǝk] ‘fist’; LS. meček [Trj mĕčǝk]; DEWOS 892, KT 551. met [mĕt] ‘deep’; S. metˊ [Trj mĕʌ], [=] Hu mély; DEWOS 919, KT 556, UEW 870 (Kh = MnN mil, Hu). ̆ metem S. [Trj mät-: imperat. mĕtä] ‘to get tired’; DEWOS 971 (Kh = MnN mat-), KT 554. mīdadem [mitat-] ‘to rent, to hire’; S. mīteȡem [Trj mitäʌ-], Ko medala; DEWOS 973 (Kh < Ko), KT 552. mīdašem [mitaš-] ‘to take a job’; DEWOS 973, KT 552. mil [mil] ‘cap’; S. mül [Likr müḷ, Trj miḷ]; DEWOS 926, KT 520. mis [Sotnik mis, DN mäs] ‘cow’; Ko muös, Turk mys; mīs-saxsa [mis-săχsə] ‘butter’; DEWOS 969 (Kh < Ko), KT 544 mīt [mit] ‘salary [; rent]’; Ko med; mīxtui [ɔ: <mītxui> mit-χŏj] ‘employee (man)’, mīt-neŋ [mit-neŋ] ‘employee (woman)’; DEWOS 973, KT 552, 553. mōgo [moɣə] ‘crucian carp’; S. mūgi [Trj muɣi ̮]; DEWOS 905, KT 507. mōgoŋ [moχəŋ] ‘pregnant’; S. mōkŋ [Trj mokə̑ŋ]; DEWOS 903, KT 503. mōx, mox [moχ] ‘pup cub [; child]’; S. mōk [Trj mok]; cf. [≠] Fi muna ‘egg’; xar-mōx [kärǝmoχ] ‘egg’, am-mōx [äm-moχ] ‘puppy (of a dog)’; sagar-mōx [săɣər-moχ] ‘calf (of a cow)’; DEWOS 902, KT 503. moxsaŋ, moxseŋ [mŏχsəŋ] ‘a species of salmon, muksun’; DEWOS 916, KT 515. 142 �Ostyak Word List moi [moj] ‘wedding’; DEWOS 894 (Kh = MnN mūj), KT 499 moiteg [mŏjtek] ‘soap’; S. maitek [Trj måjti ̮k], Ko maitäg [mojtek]; DEWOS 896 (Kh < Ko), KT 501. mōnt,ˊ māntˊ [mońtˊ] ‘tale, story’; [≠] Hu monda; DEWOS 942, KT 531. ˊ ˊ mond em [mońt-] ‘to tell stories’; S. ˊ ˊ mūnd em [trj måńt-]; [≠] Hu mond; DEWOS 942, KT 531. mōŋasem [DT moŋǝs-, DN moŋɣəs-] ‘to rub, to plane [; to wipe]’; S. mūŋdem [Trj moŋǝ̑-]; DEWOS 951, KT 519. moŋnīdem, moŋnidājem [Kr moŋǝn­ mitaj- pass.] ‘to doze off’; DEWOS 913, KT 509. monà, manà [ɔ: <mońa, mańa>, măńǝ] ‘younger brother’; S. mońi [Trj măńi ̮]; DEWOS 941, KT 530. mōrom [morǝm] ‘fold’; S. māram [Trj mårə̑m]; DEWOS 962, KT 539. mosem [mos-] ‘to love, to kiss’; DEWOS 968, KT 546. mōsenḱ [mosǝńtˊ] ‘sulphur’; Tibet musi; DEWOS 971, KT 545. most [mos-] ‘it is possible, it is necessary’; S. moǯi, moči [Trj mås-]; DEWOS 967 (Kh MnN mūst- etc.), KT 545. mūgot [muɣət] ‘liver’; S. mūgoȶ [Trj muɣə̑ʌ], [=] Fi maksa, [=] Mr moxs, [=] Ko mus, [=] Hu máj, [=] Sam muid; DEWOS 910, KT 512, UEW 264 (Kh = MnN mājt, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). mūjep [müjǝp] ‘riddle’; DEWOS 896. mūjeptem [müjǝptǝ-, mojǝptǝ-] ‘to solve [make] riddles’; DEWOS 896, KT 500, UEW 284 (Kh = Fi Md Mr Ud Ko, ?Hu). mūker [mŏkǝr] ‘hunch, hump’; DEWOS 914, KT 509. mūkreŋ [mŏkrǝŋ] ‘with a hunch’; DEWOS 914, KT 509. mūlem [mulem, mulim] ‘smoke [; vapour; mist]’; DEWOS 929 (Kh = MnN mūlat-), KT 521. muŋol [muŋχəl] ‘knot’; DEWOS 949, KT 517. muŋolǯem [muŋχəl- ? muŋχəlč-] ‘to tie, to knot’; LS. munxlodem; US. munxlaxtim [Trj muŋ­ ḷaɣtə̑-]; DEWOS 949, KT 517. mūrax [murǝχ] ‘cloudberry’; LS. mōrak [Vart morə̑k]; US. mōrenk [Trj mŏrə̑ŋk]; KT 538, UEW 287 (Kh = MnN mōrax, Fi Ko Sam). mūrtem [mŏrttǝ-] ‘to break (tr.)’; [? =] Fi murennan, [? =] Hu morczol; mom. muremem; DEWOS 958, KT 537, UEW 288 (Kh = MnN murl-, Fi Hu Sam, ?Saa). mušnà [ɔ: <mušńa>, mušńa] ‘bag, pouch’; S. mošńi; DEWOS 971, KT 552. mösek [mĕšǝk] ‘cat’, [≠] Hu macska; DEWOS 893 (Kh < Tat), KT 551. 143 �Ostiacica ☙ 89 ❧ N nart [nărt] ‘bridge [, step (in duckboards etc.)]’; DEWOS 1017 (Kh = MnN nortǝχ), KT 595. narwa US. [Vart nărwǝ] ‘grass mat (used as a bed)’; DEWOS 1017, KT 593. nāurem [näwǝr-] ‘to jump’; LS. nīurem [Trj neɣ°ər-]; DEWOS 995, KT 565. nēbek, nēbak [nepak] ‘paper’; S. nīpek [Trj nipik]; DEWOS 1007, KT 584. nem [nem] ‘name’; [=] Fi nimi, [=] Sam nim, nep; [=] Hu név; DEWOS 998, KT 579, UEW 305 (Kh = MnN nam, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). neŋ [neŋ] ‘(a married) wife [, woman]’; LS. ne, US. ni, [=] Hu nö, [=] Sam nè, cf. [≠] Ko nyy, [≠] Fi neiti ‘girl’; KT 576, UEW 305 (Kh = MnN nē, Saa Md ?Ko Hu Sam). nerem [nĕr-] ‘to run’; frequ. nerīdem [nĕrit-]; DEWOS 1012, KT 595. nerkem [ner- : nerǝm, nerɣəm] ‘to copulate [; to hit oneself]’; DEWOS 1011. neu [nĕw] ‘twig’; LS. noux [Trj nŏɣ°], US. nox [Vart nŏχ]; KT 564. nikibem S. ‘to push’ [not in modern dictionaries] ˊ nīndèm [ńińt-] ‘to rest’; [≠] Sam ǹiǹañ; DEWOS 1062, KT 625. nink [ńĭŋk] ‘maggot in a spoilt food’; DEWOS 1006, KT 618. nāgar [naχər] ‘cedar nut [; cedar cone]’; DEWOS 994, KT 572, ̮ UEW 298 (Kh = MnS nɛ̄r, Fi nauris). nai [näj] ‘fire’; Obd. ‘sun’, [≠] Hu nap ‘sun’; KT 561. nāmat, nāmet [nämǝt] ‘felt’; buddhist Sanskrit (namata), Afg namd; DEWOS 1003 (Kh < Iran), KT 580. namas [nămǝs] ‘sense, intelligence’; DEWOS 1001, KT 582 namseŋ [nămsǝŋ] ‘wise, intelligent’; DEWOS 1002, KT 582. namasem [nămǝs-] ‘to think, to remember’; S. namaxsem [Trj nŏmǝ̑ksǝ̑-]; DEWOS 1000, KT 582. namattem [nămǝttǝ-] ‘to remember’; DEWOS 1001, KT 583. nānk [näŋk] ‘larch’; DEWOS 1005, KT 578. naram [nărǝm] ‘sauna bench [; shelf, rack]’; DEWOS 1020, KT 592. nārep [närǝp] ‘hemp knife’; DEWOS 1020 (Kh = MnN nārap), KT 592. nāres [närǝs-] ‘playing (of an instrument)’ [abstracted noun; only in compounds, as]; nāres-jux [närǝs-juχ] ‘violin [string instrument]’; DEWOS 1012, KT 594. nāresem [närǝs-] ‘to play (an instrument)’; LS. nareksem [Trj närǝksǝ-], US. nerim [Likr nir-]; DEWOS 1012, KT 593, 594. 144 �Ostyak Word List nodem [ńot-] ‘to help’; DEWOS 1023 (Kh = MnN ńɔ̄t-), KT 642. nogem [noχ-] ‘to pick with a beak [, to stick, to sting]’; [≠] Fi nokin; DEWOS 987, KT 575. nōgolǯem [Ts noɣəlča inf.] ‘to support, to prop’; DEWOS 993, KT 571. nōgolǯep [*noɣəlčǝp] ‘support, prop’ [cf. nōgolǯem]. nojesem [nojes-] ‘to swing’; DEWOS 983, KT 564. nōptem [nopət-] ‘to flow, to go upstream’; LS. nōpȶojem [Trj nopʌojə̑m, pass.] US. nūp­ ȶūjem; DEWOS 1008 (Kh = MnN nāt-), KT 586. nowa [nŏwǝ] ‘white’; LS. newi [Trj neɣ°i], US. nogi [Likr näɣi]; KT 562, 563. nowoxtep [nŏw-oχtəp] ‘whitish’. nui [nŭj] ‘scarf’; Ko Sam noi; DEWOS 982 (Kh < Ko; Kh > Slk), KT 562. nuigem ‘to get tired (said mostly about animals)’ [cf. V ńi ̮ɣi ̮ ‘tiredness’, ńi ̮ɣə̑jaŋ weli ‘tired, weak reindeer’]; DEWOS 1030. nūm (num) [num] ‘the above’; S. nōm (nom) [Trj num]; cf. Sam num; nūm-wōt [num-wot] ‘south [wind]’; DEWOS 988; KT 566. numem [num-] ‘to remember’; S. nomem [Trj nŏm-]; DEWOS 1000, KT 581. nüȶ [nĕt] ‘handle of a knife’; DEWOS 998, KT 598, UEW 304 (Kh = MnN nal, Fi Saa Hu Sam). Ń ńāgam [ńăχ-] ‘to laugh’; DEWOS 1028, KT 602. ńāget, ńāgit [Ts ńäɣət, DN ńiɣət] ‘path’; DEWOS 1036, KT 611. ńāx (ńax) [ńăχ] ‘laughter’; DEWOS 1027, KT 601. ńaxsem, ńanxsem [DN ńaŋχšǝm, Kr ńaχšǝm] ‘chin, jaw’; DEWOS 1064, KT 615, UEW 311 (Kh = MnN ńaχśam, Saa Mr Sam). ńāxsem, ńāgasem [ńăχəs-] ‘to peel’; DEWOS 1038, KT 608. ńaxtesem [ńăχtes-] ‘to sneeze’; DEWOS 1040, KT 613. ńadajem [ńătǝj-] ‘to lick’; S. naȡem [Trj ńăʌ-], [=] Fi nuolen, [=] Mr nulem, [=] Ko njula, [=] Hu nyal; DEWOS 1047, KT 650, UEW 321 (Kh = MnN ńolant-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam) ńādam, ńādem [ńätǝm] ‘tongue’; S. ńāȡem [Trj ńäʌəm], [=] Hu nyelv, [≠] Sam nja ‘mouth’, [=] Saa njalme ‘mouth’; DEWOS 1049, KT 649, UEW 313 (Kh = MnN ńēlǝm, Saa Mr Hu). 145 �Ostiacica ☙ 90 ❧ ńerdem [ńĕrt-] ‘to feed (a rope)’; ([≠] Fi lapan) augm. ńerdesem [ńĕrtǝs- ‘to follow a rope’]; KT 639, 638. ńerem [ńĕrǝm] ‘twig, whip’; KT 635. ńeremem [ńĕrǝmǝ-] ‘to grab, to take away’; DEWOS 1068, KT 638. ńeš [ńĕš] ‘blunt’; Ko nysh, [≠] Mr nischke; DEWOS 1025 (Kh ? < Ko), KT 641. ńešmem [ńĕčǝm-, ńĕšmǝ-] ‘to become blunt’; Ko nyschma, [≠] Mr nischkemäm; pass. ńeš­ mā­jem [ńĕšmajəm]; DEWOS 1025, KT 641. ńešmettem [ńĕšmǝttǝ-] ‘to make blunt’; DEWOS 1025, KT 641. ńettem [ńettǝ-] ‘to swallow’; [=] Mr neläm, [=] Fi nielen, [=] Hu nyel, [=] Sam njalam; DEWOS 1042, KT 648, UEW 315 (Kh = MnN ńalt-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). ńīr [ńir] ‘boot’; DEWOS 1070, KT 629. ńogattem [ńŏχattə-] ‘to swing’; DEWOS 1032, KT 610. ńogo, ńoga [ńŏχə] ‘flesh, meat’; S. ńōgoi [Trj ńăɣ°i ̮]; DEWOS 1030 (Kh = MnN ńɔ̄wl ˊ), KT 603. ńogoida [ńŏχəjta] ‘fleshless, skinny’; DEWOS 1031, KT 604. ńogodem [ńŏχtə-] ‘to move (tr.)’, LS. ńoxtim [Trj ńŏɣ°tə̑-]; DEWOS 1032, KT 610. ńāl a [ńälə] ‘spoon’; DEWOS 1052, ˊ KT 615. ńalkam S. [Trj ńăḷǝk-] ‘to rejoice’; see āmdem: DEWOS 1053, KT 616. ńālak [ńĕwlak] ‘weak, soft, sloppy’; cf. kaurak; DEWOS 1053, KT 616. ńambal [ńămpəl] ‘mud, sludge’; DEWOS 1057, KT 621. ńań [ńäń] ‘bread’; Ko njanj; DEWOS 1061 (Kh < Ko), KT 623. ńapem [ńăp-] ‘to bite (fish)’; DEWOS 1065 (= MnN ńap-), KT 626. ńāra [ńärǝ] ‘bare [; raw]’; DEWOS 1076 (Kh = MnN ńār), KT 630. ńarša [ńärsǝ, ńäršǝ] ‘a willow species’ (Ru талъ), S. ńarse [Trj ńärsi]; DEWOS 1079, KT 636. ńasamdem [ńăsǝmt-] ‘to slide, to slip’; DEWOS 1080, KT 640. ńatxa [ńătχə] ‘silver fir, abies picea’; S. ńatkai [Likr ńăʌki, Trj ńăʌə̑ŋki ̮]; DEWOS 1049, KT 651, UEW 327 (Kh = MnN ńuli, Mr Ud Ko Sam). ńaurem [ńäwrem] ‘young [; child]; S. ńeurem, [≠] Fi nuori; ai-ńau­ rem [äj-ńäwrem] ‘child’; xuińau­rem [χoj-ńäwrem] ‘boy’; neŋ-ńaurem [neŋ-ńäw­rem] ‘girl’; DEWOS 1038, KT 601. ńāwer [ńäwər] ‘foam’; S. ńēwer [Trj ńeɣ°ər]; DEWOS 1037, KT 600. ńeŋa [ńĕŋǝ] ‘younger sister’; LS. ńeŋi [Trj ńĕŋi]; DEWOS 1063, KT 613. 146 �Ostyak Word List ńōgos [ńŏχəs] ‘sable’; DEWOS 1039, KT 607, UEW 326 (Kh = MnN ńoχəs, Ud Ko, ?Fi ?Sam). ńox US. [Trj ńŏχ : pl. ńŏɣ°ət] ‘elk’; LS. ńoux [J nŏw]; DEWOS 1029, KT 603. ńōxrem [ńŏɣər-] ‘to cut, to carve’; S. ńōgrem [ńŏɣə̑r-]; DEWOS 1037, KT 606. ńōnxrem [ńoŋχrəs-] ‘to gnaw’; frequ. ńōnxrīdem [ńoŋχrit-]; DEWOS 1064, KT 614. ńōrdem, ńōrodem [ńorət-] ‘to press’; DEWOS 1075; KT 635. ńorom [ńurǝm] ‘morass’; see kui; DEWOS 1078, KT 633, UEW 328 (Kh = MnN ńūrǝm, Fi Saa) ńot, ńat [DN ńăt, DT ńŏt] ‘nose, front of a boat’; S. ńaȶ [Trj ńŏʌ], [≠] Fi nenä, [≠] Mr nēr, [≠] Ko nyr; ńot-wes [ńăt-wĕs] ‘nostril’; DEWOS 1045 (Kh = MnN ńol), KT 642. ˊ ˊ ńotèm LS. [ɔ: <ńotem>, Trj ńăt-, ˊ ńä̆t-] ‘to pluck; to skin’; US. ńacim; see sōxtem; DEWOS 1082, KT 640. ńūlem [ńüləm] ‘wound’; DEWOS 1054, KT 617. ńūr [ńür] ‘strap’; [≠] Fi nuora; DEWOS 1072, KT 626. ńura ‘bare, empty’ [= ńāra ‘bare, raw]; DEWOS 1076, KT 622. ńūt [ńătǝ ‘rust’] ‘red earth’; DEWOS 1044, KT 646. ńutwedem [ńut-wet-] ‘to fight (hit each other)’; DEWOS 1048, KT 647 (s.v. ńuta ‘together’). O ōdam [otǝm, Trj åʌəm] ‘sleep’; [≠] Fi uni, [=] Mr ōm, [≠] Sam. āng, āngu; DEWOS 67 (Kh = MnN E ūlǝm, Hu álom id.; ← ăt-, Trj ăʌ- ‘to sleep’), KT 126, UEW 335 (= Md Mr Ud Ko Mn Hu) ōdeŋ [otǝŋ] ‘first, outermost [;  beginning, (other) end]’; S. āȶeŋ, āȡeŋ [Trj äʌǝŋ], [≠] Fi esi; ōdaŋ paŋ [otəŋ päŋ] ‘fore­ finger’; DEWOS 81, KT 118, UEW 6 (Kh = MnN ōwl, Fi ?Saa ?Sam) ōdap [otǝp] ‘hero; strong forest devil’ DEWOS 84, KT 104, 121. ōȡap, ōȡep S. [Trj ŏʌǝp] ‘sleeping tent; bed curtain’, see ūdap; DEWOS 84, KT 121. ˊ ˊ ǝ ōd a, oid a, oiǵa [atˊ ] ‘sour, acidic’ DEWOS 225 (Kh < Tat), KT 93. ˊ ǝ ōd edem, oiǵedem [atˊ taj- (passive)] ‘to sour’; DEWOS 225, KT 93. 147 �Ostiacica ☙ 91 ❧ ōŋda, ōŋdep [oŋtǝ] ‘stake, spear’, LS. āŋdep [Trj ăŋ°tǝ̑p]; DEWOS 144, KT 40. ōŋdeŋ [oŋtǝŋ] ‘horny, with horns’; DEWOS 144, KT 34. ōŋet [oŋǝt] 1. ‘horn’ 2. ‘snuffbox (made of horn)’ 3. ‘jawbone’ [separate word: Trj uŋǝʌ ‘jowl’]; S. āŋet [Trj åŋǝt], [≠] Sam āmd; DEWOS 140 (‘jawbone’), 143 (Kh oŋǝt ‘horn’= MnN āńt), KT 34. onx [oŋχ] ‘resin’; S. onk [Trj oŋk]; DEWOS 135, KT 35. opa, oba, aba [ăpǝ] ‘elder sister’; LS. opi [Trj opi ̮], [≠] Saa obba, oabba, Sam apa, appa, oppe; DEWOS 146 (Forest Nenets < Kh), KT 66. ōrdem [ort-] ‘to divide’; S. ūrdem [Trj årt-, urtə̑m]; DEWOS 174, KT 243. ōros [arəš] ‘rye’, Ru. рожь, Fi ruis [<  Germ]; DEWOS 184 (Kh < Tat), KT 78. ort [ort] ‘(seasonal) worker’; cf. [≠] Fi orja ‘slave’; DEWOS 176 KT 84. ōš [oš] ‘sheep’; S. āč [Trj åč (učǝm)]; ōš-pun [oš-pun] ‘wool’; DEWOS 4, KT 97 ōšńa [ošńǝ] ‘fur coat’; S. āčńe [Trj åčńi ̮]; DEWOS 4, KT 97. ōt [ot] ‘year’; S. ōȶ, āȶ [Trj åʌ], [? =] Fi vuosi; DEWOS 53, KT 109, UEW 335 (Kh = Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu) ˊ ǝ ǝ ōd eptem, oiǵeptem [atˊ ptǝ-, otˊ ptǝ-] ‘to make sour’; DEWOS 225, KT 93. ōgor S. [Trj ŏɣ°ər, Kr ŏχər] ‘high’, see kereš; DEWOS 46, KT 24. ōgot [oχət] ‘sleigh’, LS. augoȶ [Trj ăɣ°ə̑ʌ]; DEWOS 39, KT 29. oxčam [ŏχčam] ‘(head)scarf’; DEWOS 38 (Kh < Ko), KT 31. oxta [oχtə] ‘surface, top’, xōt-oxta [χot-oχtə] ‘roof’; DEWOS 32, KT 31. oitˊ [otˊ] ‘fence’; [≠] Fi. aita; DEWOS 220, KT 93. ōmattem [omǝttǝ-] ‘to set, to let sit’; DEWOS 104, KT 45. ōmdem [omǝt-] ‘to sit (down); to set’; LS. ūmdem, US. ūmtim [Trj. åmǝ̑t-, umǝ̑t-]; DEWOS 104, KT 46. ōmdīdem [omtit-] frequ. ‘to sit long enough’; DEWOS 105, KT 47. omplak LS. [Trj ŏm’ḷǝŋ] ‘operculum’, see ńaxsem; DEWOS 100, KT 50. ōmsem [omǝs-] ‘to sit’; S. ūmsem [Trj åmǝs-, umsǝm], [≠] Sam āmdim, āmdak, ōmtañ; DEWOS 103 (Kh = MnN ūnt- ‘to sit down’, ūnl- ‘to sit’), KT 45. ōndap, ōndep [ontəp] ‘cradle’; S. āntep [Trj åntə̑p], DEWOS 105, KT 59. ont S. [Trj ŏnt; Irt unt] ‘inside’, see tibe; DEWOS 117, KT 56. oŋ [oŋ] ‘opening’; DEWOS 134, KT 32. 148 �Ostyak Word List ottadem [ottə-] ‘to lie; to deceive; KT 130; DEWOS 87. ōtmaŋ [otməŋ] ‘sleepy’; see ōdam; DEWOS 67, KT 127. ōtmesem [otmes-] ‘to dream’; see ōdam; DEWOS 68, KT 127. P padartem [pătǝrt-] ‘to pajar [păjar] ‘officer’; Ru бояринъ; DEWOS 1107 (Kh < Ru), KT 660. pāknem [päkǝn-] ‘to be frightened’; DEWOS 1113, KT 670. palax [pălǝχ] ‘spit’; DEWOS 1159 (Kh = MnN poləχ), KT 695. pan [păn] ‘string’; S. panna [Trj pănǝ]; DEWOS 1174, KT 705. pān [pän] ‘sand’; DEWOS 1171, KT 705. pāneŋ [pänǝŋ] ‘sandy’ [cf. pān]. panem [păn-] ‘to put’; [=] Fi panen, [=] Sam pueñam, pannap; DEWOS 1169, KT 712, UEW 353 (Kh = MnN pin-, Mr Ud Ko Sam). pāŋ [päŋ] ‘finger, toe’; see tui; kētpāŋ [ket-päŋ] ‘finger’; kurpāŋ [kŏr-päŋ] ‘toe’; DEWOS 1186 Kh = MnN pāja), KT 685. panèm [ɔ: <pańem>, păń-] ‘to wind’; DEWOS 1183, KT 717. parax [părǝχ] ‘the thicker end of a timber’; DEWOS 1208 (Kh = MnE pårk), KT 725. speak’; DEWOS 1248 (Kh = MnN potǝrt-), KT 766. ˊ padà, paǵa [päta] ‘the wife’s elder brother is called this by her husband’; Turk badja, padja; DEWOS 1253 (Kh < Tat), KT 748. ˊ ˊ pad em [păt-] ‘to defecate’; [=] Fi ; paskannan; see patˊ DEWOS 1252, KT 746. pāgal [paχəl] ‘churn staff; runner of a sledge’; DEWOS 1126, KT 667. pāgaptem [Ts päkəptə-, Kr pokəptə-] ‘to be frightened’; DEWOS 1114, KT 670. pāgart [päɣərt] ‘timber’; LS. pēwert [Trj peɣ°ərt], US. pȫgert [Vart pöɣərt]; DEWOS 1132, KT 671. pai [päj] ‘thunder’; DEWOS 1102, KT 655. pai [päj] 1. ‘pile, stack 2. ‘hay stack’ 3. ‘islet in the wood’; DEWOS 1101–1103, KT 654. 149 �Ostiacica ☙ 92 ❧ pēdem [petəm] ‘horsefly’; DEWOS 1150, KT 782, UEW 416 (Kh = MnN paləm, Sam). ˊ pedàr, peǵar [pĕtar] ‘rowan berry’; DEWOS 1256, KT 749, UEW 376 (Kh = MnN paśar, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko). peg [pĕɣ] ‘stranger; another’; S. pa [Trj pä]; [≠] Fi muu; DEWOS 1086 (pä) 1112 (pĕɣ), KT 653, 665. pegai, peŋai [Ts pĕɣaj, Kr pĕŋaj] ‘(on the) left’; S. pegi [Trj pĕɣi-]; DEWOS 1118, KT 686. pegda [pĕɣtə] ‘black’; Hu. fekete; DEWOS 1135, KT 682, UEW 882 (Kh = Hu). pegdoxtep [pĕɣt-oχtəp] ‘black, blackish’. pegem, pekem [peχəm] ‘spoilt’; DEWOS 1112, KT 668. pēget [peɣət] ‘bath’; LS. paugoȶ [Trj pä̆ɣ°əʌ]; US. peugeȶ [Vart pɔ̈̆ɣəʌ]; pēget-xot [peɣət-χot] ‘sauna’; DEWOS 1122, KT 678. pēgdem [peɣət-] ‘to take a bath’; DEWOS 1122 (Kh = MnN puwl-), KT 678. pēgettem [peɣəttə-] ‘to bath (tr.)’; DEWOS 1122, KT 678. pēgmem [peɣəm-] ‘to freeze’; [≠] Hu fagy; pass. pēgmājem [peɣmajəm ‘I am freezing’]; DEWOS 1115, KT 680. paraš [părǝš] ‘mane’; LS. mores [Trj mŏrǝs]; DEWOS 1216, 964, KT 729, 541. pardem [pärt-] ‘to order; to allow’; LS. pīrdem, US. pīrtim [Trj pärt-, pirt-]; DEWOS 1218, KT 737. ˊ ˊǝ paresem, paretem [părǝttˊ -] ‘to drill’; DEWOS 1201, KT 720. part LS. [Trj pärt] ‘timber, board’; see sāgat; DEWOS 1218 (Kh = MnN pārt), KT 735. pāst [păst] ‘a curved tributary’; S. pāsaȶ [Trj păsʌ]; DEWOS 1229, KT 741, UEW 400 (Kh = MnN posal, ?Fi ?Saa ?Sam). paǯa [păčǝ] ‘dried pike’; DEWOS 1093, KT 753. paǯem [păč-] ‘to sweep’; DEWOS 1092, KT 755. patlā [pătla] ‘all’; see per; DEWOS 1245. pat,ˊ paḱ [pătˊ] ‘excrement, shit’; [=] Fi paska, [≠] Sam palka; DEWOS 1252, KT 746, UEW 396 (Kh = MnN poś, Fi Saa Md Mr Hu). pedem, pödem [pĕt-] ‘to be afraid’; S. peȡem [Trj pĕʌ-], [=] Fi pelkään, [=] Ko bola, [=] Saa boalam, [=] Hu fél; DEWOS 1142, KT 777, UEW 370 (Kh = MnN pil-, Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Hu Sam). 150 �Ostyak Word List peń LS. [Trj pĕń] ‘spoon’; US. piń; see ńala; DEWOS 1183, KT 716. per [pĕr] ‘piece’; see pul; [≠] Fi puru, [≠] Mr pura; DEWOS 1197, KT 721, UEW 366 (Kh ? = MnW pār, ?Fi päre ?Ud ?Ko). per, perda [pĕrta] ‘all’; DEWOS 1219, KT 736. peradem [pĕrat-] ‘to spend one’s time’; DEWOS 1205, KT 737. perem [pĕr-] ‘to pass (intr., time)’; DEWOS 1204 (Kh < Ko), KT 736. pergadem [pĕrkat-] ‘to clean hemp; to shake the snow out of the shoes and clothes’; DEWOS 1210 (Kh < Ko), KT 731. perna [perna] ‘cross’; S. pirne [pirnä]; pernajat panem ‘to christen’; DEWOS 1214 (Kh < Ko), KT 733. pernašem [pernaš-] ‘to cross oneself, to pray’, DEWOS 1215, KT 734. pesan, pesen [pĕsǝn] ‘table’; Ko py­ zan; ai-pesan [äj-pĕsǝn] ‘chair’; DEWOS 1231 (Kh <  Ko), KT 742. peste [pĕstǝ] ‘sharp’; [≠] Mr pise; DEWOS 1232, KT 744. pet [pit] ‘bird nest’; [=] Fi pesä, [=] Sam pideä (pitsche), [=] Mr peshäsh, [=] Saa beasse, [=] Ko poz; cf. teagat; DEWOS ˊ 1141, UEW 375 (Kh = MnN piti, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). peḱrem, petrem [pĕtˊ r-] ‘to squeeze ˊ ǝ water out of the clothes’; DEWOS 1256 (Kh < Ko), KT 749. pēlek [pelǝk] ‘the one half, side’; [≠] Fi puoli, [=] Saa beäle, [=] Mr pēle, [=] Sam peäleä, [=] Hu fél; DEWOS 1159, KT 695, UEW 362 (Kh = MnN pāl, Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam, ? pieli) pelǯem [pelǝč-] ‘to exchange’; frequ. pelǯīdem [pelčit-], augm. pele­ sem [peles-]; DEWOS 1155, KT 699. pem [pĕm] ‘steam (from the sauna) [; heat]’; S. pöm [Trj pö̆m]; DEWOS 1167 (Kh < Ko), KT 703. pemeŋ [pĕmǝŋ] ‘hot’; DEWOS 1167, KT 704 pemdem [pĕmǝt-] ‘to get hot’, pass. pemdājem [pĕmtaj-] id.; DEWOS 1167, KT 704. pemettem [pĕmǝttǝ-] ‘to heat (the sauna)’; DEWOS 1168, KT 704. peŋaš [peŋkaš] ‘pike’; DEWOS 1189 (s.v. peŋk), KT 691. penk [peŋk] ‘tooth’; LS. pank, [=] Ko pinj, [=] Mr pǖ, [≠] Saa pane, [=] Hu fog; DEWOS 1188, KT 689, UEW 382 (Kh = MnN puŋk, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). peŋeŋ [peŋkǝŋ] ‘with teeth’, peŋeŋjuχ [peŋkǝŋ-juχ] ‘rake’; see kunǯeŋ-juχ; DEWOS 1189, KT 690. 151 �Ostiacica ☙ 93 ❧ pet [pĕt] ‘ear’; S. peȶ, [=] Ko pelj, [=] Saa bealje, [=] Hu fül, [=] Mr pelesch; DEWOS 1140, KT 775, UEW 370 (Kh = MnN pal , Saa ˊ Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). pette [pĕttǝ] ‘deaf’; S. peȶȶex [Trj pĕʌʌǝɣ]; DEWOS 1141, KT 777. pete, pede [pĕtǝ] ‘ground, bottom’; S. pite, Ko pydäs, Fi pohja; ńir-pede [ńir-pĕtǝ] ‘shoe sole’; kur-pede [kŏr-pĕtǝ]’plantar’, kēt-pede [ket-pĕtǝ] ‘flat of a hand’ DEWOS 1240 (Kh < Ko), KT 763, 764. petem [pĕtǝm] ‘lip’; S. peȡem [Trj pĕʌəm]; DEWOS 1150, KT 782, UEW 383 (Kh = MnN pitmi, ˊ Saa Sam). pēteŋ [pĕtǝŋ] ‘cloud’; S. pēȡeŋ [Trj pĕʌəŋ], [=] Fi pilwi, [=] Hu felhö, [=] Mr pil, [=] Ko pī, [≠] Turk bulut; DEWOS 1151, KT 781, UEW 381 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). pētlem [pĕtlǝm] ‘dark’; DEWOS 1243, KT 768. pētlōt [pĕtlǝ-, past.3sg pĕtlot] ‘the darkness came’; pētlīdet [pĕt­ lit- : prs.3sg pĕtlitǝt] ‘the dark­ ness comes’; DEWOS 1243, KT 768. petŋai [petŋaj] ‘mosquito’; S. piȶŋi [J piʌŋi]; DEWOS 1152, KT 784. ˊ ˊ ˊ peta, ped a [pĕta] a salutation formula; DEWOS 1253, KT 748. pīdem [pit-] ‘to become replete’; Ko pöta; DEWOS 1236 (Kh < Ko), KT 762. pili S. [Trj piḷi] ‘shovel’; see ser; DEWOS 1158, KT 694. pir [pir] ‘behind (in space or time); cf. [≠] Fi perä ‘behind’; pir-ōt [pir-ot] ‘last year’; DEWOS 1199, KT 721. piriš [pirǝš] ‘old, ancient’; Ko pörys; DEWOS 1216 (Kh < Ko), KT 729. pīt [pit] ‘bird net’; DEWOS 1153, KT 780. pitem US. [Trj pi ̮t-] ‘to get angry’; see kenmājem; DEWOS 1238, KT 773. pōtājem [potaj-, pass.] ‘to get cold, to freeze’; LS. pūtōjem [Trj påt- : putoj-, pass.], [≠] Fi palelen, mom. pōtmem pass. pōtmājem [potmaj-]; DEWOS 1233, KT 769, UEW 881 (Hu fázik). pōgor [poχər] ‘islet’; S. paugor [J păwǝr]; DEWOS 1128, KT 670. pōgos [pŏχəs] ‘breast’; [=] Fi powi; DEWOS 1123, KT 672, 674, UEW 395 (Kh = MnN pūti, Fi ˊ Saa Md Mr Ud Ko). pox, pax [păχ] ‘boy, son’; [=] Fi poika, [=] Ko pi, [=] Hu fiú; DEWOS 1110, KT 664, UEW 390 (Kh = MnN piɣ, Fi Ud Ko Hu, ?Md ?Mr). pōxtam [pŏχtəm] ‘cheek’; S. pūgo­ dem [Trj puɣʌə̑m], [=] Fi poski, [≠] Hu pofa, [≠] Ko pidzjes, [=] Sam pādi, pudal; DEWOS 1121, KT 674, UEW 396 (Kh = MnN pājt, Fi Sam). 152 �Ostyak Word List poxtem [poχət-] ‘to push’; see nikibem; DEWOS 1119, KT 676. poi [paj] ‘rich’; Turk bai, pai; DEWOS 1101 (Kh < Tat), KT 656. poi [poj] ‘aspen; side board in a boat’; S. pai [Trj påj]; cf. [≠] Fi paju ‘willow’; [=] Sam pi ‘aspen’; DEWOS 1100, KT 657, 658, UEW 391 (Kh = Md Ud Ko Sam). poidek, paidek [pojtek] ‘willow grouse’; LS. paitek [Trj påjti ̮k]; DEWOS 1108, KT 660. poltˊ S. [Trj pŏʌ́tˊ] ‘tallow’; DEWOS 1165, KT 789, UEW 881 (Kh = Hu faggyú). pōŋot [poŋχət] ‘abscess, boil’; LS. pūŋot [Trj puŋkə̑t], US. pūnk; DEWOS 1190, KT 692. por, par [păr] ‘drill’; [=] Hu fúró, [=] Fi pura, [=] Sam parte´; kēt-por [ket-păr] ‘pricker’; DEWOS 1200, KT 720, UEW 405 (Kh = MnS porē̮, Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu Sam). porax [porǝχ] ‘entrails [; stomach]’; DEWOS 1207, KT 726. porem [păr-] ‘to bite, to gnaw’; [=] Fi puren, [=] Mr puralam; DEWOS 1202, KT 736, UEW 405 (Kh = MnN pur-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko, ?Sam). pōs [pos] ‘mitten; sign; wasp’; S. pās [Trj pås], Ko pas ‘sign’; DEWOS 1222, 1223 [3 separate words] KT 738, 739, 740, UEW 376 (Kh pos ‘mitten’ = MnN pāssa, Mr Ud Ko). pōsaŋ [pasǝŋ] ‘with a sign’; DEWOS 1224, KT 739. pōstem [pastǝ-] ‘to draw [a sign], to mark’; S. pāstem [J påstǝ-]; DEWOS 1224, KT 739. pōttem [pottǝ-] ‘to make cold, frozen’; DEWOS 1234, KT 771. pou [Kr pow, DT päw, DN päɣ] ‘pine cone’, a fruit of a conifer in general; S. peux [Trj peɣ°]; DEWOS 1118, KT 663. UEW 362 (Kh = MnN pāk°, Sam, ?Mr), puȡem S. [Trj puʌ-] ‘to harness’, see jegem [ɔ: <jigem>]; DEWOS 1147, KT 784. pūden [putən] ‘nettle, hemp’; LS. pōȡen, US. pōȶen [Trj pŏʌən]; DEWOS 1150, KT 783, UEW 370 (Kh = MnN ponal, ?Fi). ˊ ˊ pud em [put-] ‘to lift [to be strong enough to carry smth]’, see ātmem; DEWOS 1253, KT 748. pūem [pŏw-] ‘to blow’; S. pōgem [Trj pŏɣ-, pŏɣ°-], [≠] Fi puhun, [=] Sam pu’u; cf. [=] Mr pualam, [=] Hu fú; mom. pūmem; DEWOS 1114, KT 661, UEW 411 (Kh = MnN puw-, Md Mr Hu Sam). pūgot [puχət] ‘village’; S. pūgoȶ [Trj puɣə̑ʌ]; DEWOS 1122, KT 675, UEW 351 (Kh = MnN pāwǝl, Hu ?Fi). pui [püj] ‘rear, behind’; [=] Sam pui; pui-tōgot ‘tail of a bird’, i.e. the back feathers; DEWOS 1104, KT 658, UEW 401 (Kh = MnN puj, Sam, ?Fi). 153 �Ostiacica ☙ 94 ❧ puisseg [püj-sĕɣ] ‘the tail belt of the harness’; DEWOS 1105, KT 658. puklaŋ, pukleŋ [pŏklǝŋ] ‘navel’; DEWOS 1116 (Kh = MnN puk­ ńi), KT 669. pul [pül] ‘piece [; mouthful]’; DEWOS 1155, KT 693, UEW 350 (Kh = MnN pūl, Fi Md Hu Sam; ?Saa ?Mr, ?Ko). pulemem [*püləm-, KoP pülimə‘to take a bite’] ‘to swallow’; DEWOS 1156. pūm [pum] ‘grass’; S. pōm [Trj pom], [=] Hu fü; DEWOS 1165, KT 701, UEW 879 (Kh = MnN pum, Hu). pūmaŋ [pumǝŋ] ‘with (a lot of) grass’; DEWOS 1166, KT 701. pūn [pün] ‘wool’; DEWOS 1173, KT 706. pūnaŋ [pünǝŋ] ‘woollen, furry, shaggy’; pūnaŋ-ńīr [pünǝŋ ńir, Sg.] ‘furry boots’; DEWOS 1173, KT 707. punǯem [pünč-] ‘to open’; [≠] Mr padtscham; DEWOS 1175 (Kh = MnN pūns-), KT 711. punttem [punttǝ-] ‘to twist, to braid’; [=] Fi punon, [=] Sam pannau; cf. [=] Hu fon ‘to spin’; DEWOS 1182, KT 715, UEW 402 (Kh = MnN pon-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). puŋat [pŏŋǝt] ‘side’; S. poŋaȶ [Trj pŏŋǝ̑ʌ]; DEWOS 1192, KT 687. pūraš, pūreš [purǝš] ‘pig’; S. pōres, Ko pors; cf. Fi porsas ‘piglet’; Sam pares, pores; DEWOS 1217, KT 729, UEW 736 (Kh < Ko, Sam < Kh; Fi Ko < Aryan). purumem [purǝm-] ‘to tread’; S. pormem [Trj pŏrǝ̑m-], [≠] Fi poljen; DEWOS 1212, KT 728. pusā [püsa] ‘beer’; Tat busa; DEWOS 1228 (Kh < Tat), KT 742. pusem [pus-] ‘to wash clothes; to milk’; S. possem [Trj pŏs-], [≠] Fi pesen, [≠] Hu mos, [≠] Mr moschkam; DEWOS 1226, KT 744. pusrem [pusǝr-] ‘to squash’; cf. [=] Fi puserran; UEW 397 (Kh = MnW pǟśǝrt-, Fi Ud Ko Hu). puš [püš] ‘sieve’; DEWOS 1093, KT 751. pušnadem [püšnat-] ‘to sift’; DEWOS 1093, KT 751. put [püt] ‘kettle’; [=] Fi pata, [=] Mr pat, [=] Hu fazék; DEWOS 1239, KT 761, UEW 358 (Kh = MnN pūt, Fi Mr Hu). pökem, pögem [pĕk-] ‘to suffer’; DEWOS 1111, KT 681. pöŋ [pĕŋ] ‘coil’; DEWOS 1185, KT 686. 154 �Ostyak Word List R rāba [räpǝ] ‘shaggy dog’; DEWOS 1279, KT 807. ralax [rătǝχ] ‘loose, fragile’; DEWOS 1287, KT 814. rāgam S. [Trj răɣǝ̑m] ‘familiar [; relative]’; DEWOS 1261, KT 800, UEW 418 (Kh = MnN rɔ̄wn-ut, Fi Hu). rāgap [raχǝp] ‘lie’; DEWOS 1270, KT 798. rāxpaŋ [raχpǝŋ] ‘false, untruthful’; DEWOS 1270, KT 798. rāxpejem [raχpǝj-] ‘to lie’; DEWOS 1271, KT 798. rāk [räk] ‘flour, porrigde’; [=] Ko rok, cf. [≠] Fi rokka; DEWOS 1262, KT 794, UEW 421 (Kh = MnN ‑rak, Ud Ko). ram [rom] ‘repose; calm’; DEWOS 1271, KT 804. runt [runt] ‘earring’; S. ront [Trj ront]; DEWOS 1273 (Kh = MnN rūnt), KT 805. rau [räw] ‘fine’; rau-pun [räw-pün] ‘down’; DEWOS 1262 (Kh = MnN ‑rāw), KT 791. rēp [rep] ‘steep river bank’; DEWOS 1278, KT 806. rīt [rit] ‘boat’; DEWOS 1284, KT 812. robasem [ropǝs-] ‘to bark’; S. rape­ sem [Trj råpǝs-]; DEWOS 1281, KT 808. rōx [roχ] ‘collar’; S. rōk [Trj rok]; DEWOS 1266 (Kh = MnN rāχ°a) KT 795. ruŋem [rŏŋk-] ‘to wade’; DEWOS 1276, KT 803. rūt [rut] ‘pockmark’; DEWOS 1286, KT 811. rūteŋ [rutǝŋ] ‘pockpitted’; DEWOS 1286, KT 812. rutˊ [rütˊ] ‘Russian’; DEWOS 1288 (Kh < Ko), KT 810 rūwdem [rĕwǝt-] ‘to mix’; DEWOS 1267 (Kh = MnN rawt-), KT 793. S sābet [säpǝt] ‘neck’; S. sāpeȶ [Trj säpǝʌ]; DEWOS 1356, KT 866, UEW 473 (Kh = MnN sip, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko). sadem [sät-] ‘to patch’; DEWOS 1382, KT 886, UEW 470 (Kh = Saa Ud Ko). ˊ ˊ sād em ‘to say’; [≠] Fi sanon [? sät‘to be heard; to twitter’]; DEWOS 1386, KT 883. sagasem [săɣas-, săɣat-] ‘to break’; DEWOS 1301, KT 831. sāgar [săχər] ‘cow’; [≠] Sam sigar; DEWOS 1321 (Kh < Tat), KT 839. sāgat [saχət] ‘plank board [; splint]’; DEWOS 1314 (Kh = MnN saɣila), KT 842. 155 �Ostiacica ☙ 95 ❧ sast [săs, săst] ‘lizard’; S. sasaȶ [Trj săsaʌt]; DEWOS 1380, KT 879, UEW 454 (Kh = MnN sosla, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Sam). sat [săt] ‘salt’; Ko sō, [≠] Hu só, [≠] Fi suola; DEWOS 1327, KT 886, UEW 750 (Kh < Ko; Ko ? = Fi). satagiš [sătǝ-kiš] ‘salt container’; see kiš; DEWOS 1328, KT 887. satagem [sătaɣə-] ‘to salt’; DEWOS 1328, KT 887. sāu or sāwen [säw, säwen] ‘sober’; [≠] Fi selwä, MT. sak; DEWOS 1389 (Kh < Tat), KT 830. saudak [săwtǝχ] ‘reins’; DEWOS 1390, KT 830. sauneŋ [säw-neŋ] ‘magpie’; S. seux [Trj seɣ°]; DEWOS 1309 (Kh = ˊ MnN sāk°al ǝk), KT 823. seberga [sĕpǝrka] ‘broom’; Tat sibirtke, MT. sibirge; DEWOS 1357 (Kh < Tat), KT 865. seg, sex [sĕɣ] ‘burbot’; DEWOS 1302, KT 835, UEW 469 (Kh = MnN siɣ, Fi Md). sēger [seɣər] ‘chain’; S. sēgeȶ [? ɔ: <sēger>, Trj siɣər]; DEWOS 1322 (Kh = MnN sēr), KT 839. sei [sĕj] ‘voice, sound’; [≠] Hu szó; DEWOS 1295, KT 818, UEW 482 (Kh = MnN suj, Fi Saa Hu zaj, ?Mr). seker [*sekər] ‘blow, stroke’ [cf. sekerdem, seurem]. sekerdem, sekermem, sekremem [sekərmə-] ‘to hit’; DEWOS 1322, KT 827, 839. sax [săk] ‘coat; woman’s dress’; LS. sak [Trj săk]; DEWOS 1301 (Kh = MnN saχi), KT 830. saxse [săχsə] ‘fat, tallow’; mīssaxse (woi) [mis-săχsə (woj)] ‘butter’; DEWOS 1324, KT 846. saxseŋ [săχsəŋ] ‘fat (adj.)’; DEWOS 1324, KT 846. saigem [săjǝ- : săjɣəm] ‘to go around, to get confused’; DEWOS 1297, KT 821. saigettem [săjɣəttə-] ‘to go around smth, to roll’; DEWOS 1297, KT 822. sājep [sojəp] ‘net, fyke net’; DEWOS 1299 (Kh = MnW såip), KT 820. sāna [sänə] ‘polypore’; S. sānex [Trj säṇəɣ]; DEWOS 1345, KT 861, UEW 494 (Kh = MnN sēniɣ, Fi Saa Mr Ud ). saŋa [säŋkǝ] ‘bright, clear’; S. sanki [Trj säŋki]; DEWOS 1351, KT 850. sāp [säp] ‘brook, tributary’; cf. Turk sēp; DEWOS 1354 (Kh <  Tat), KT 863. sāpteŋ [säptəŋ] ‘black fox’; DEWOS 1356 (s.v. säpət ‘neck’), KT 866. sāram [sărǝm] ‘death’; [=] Fi surma; DEWOS 1366, KT 878, UEW 489 (Kh = Fi). sārax [sărǝχ] ‘roach’; S. sārak [Trj sărǝ̑k]; DEWOS 1370, KT 871. sārt, sōrt [sort] ‘pike’; see peŋaš; DEWOS 1375, KT 875. 156 �Ostyak Word List sēm [sem] ‘eye’; [=] Fi silmä, [=] Saa tschalbme, [=] Ko sin, [=] Mr sinzä, [=] Hu szem, [=] Sam saeu, sai; sēm-jink [sem-jĕŋk] ‘tear’; sēm-wāx [sem-wăχ] ‘glasses’; sēm-pēlek [sempelək] ‘one-eyed’, Fi silmäpuoli; Hu fél-szemü; DEWOS 1338, KT 855, UEW 479 (Kh = MnN sam, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). sēmda, sīmde [semta] ‘blind’; S. sīmȡex [Trj sä̆mʌəɣ]; DEWOS 1339, KT 857. semm, sem [sĕm] ‘heart’; [=] Fi sydän, [=] Hu szü; [=] Ko sjöläm, [=] Mr schym, [=] Sam seai; DEWOS 1340, KT 857, UEW 477 (Kh = MnN sim, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). sēna [senə] ‘louse’; S. sennex [Trj s̆äṇəɣ], [≠] Ko serō, [≠] Saa tschoros, [≠] Fi saiwar, [≠] Hu serke; DEWOS 1345, KT 862, SSA 3 144. senak [senak] ‘hayfork’; Mr schenik; DEWOS 1346 (Kh < Tat), KT 862. sent,ˊ senḱ [seńtˊ] ‘bast (fibre)’; S. sintˊ [Trj sińtˊ]; DEWOS 1347 (Kh = MnN sās), KT 863. seŋem [seŋk-] ‘to beat’; S. senkim [Trj seŋk-]; DEWOS 1350, KT 852, UEW 31 (Kh = MnN saŋk-, Ud Ko, ??Md). ser [sĕr] ‘shovel’; Ko syr; DEWOS 1362 (Kh < Ko), KT 868. serak [serak] ‘wall’; DEWOS 1370 (Kh < Ko), KT 871. serdem [sĕrt-] ‘to shovel the snow’; DEWOS 1362, KT 868. serem, serejem [sĕrǝj-] ‘to shudder’; frequ. serīdem [sĕrit-] DEWOS 1369, KT 870. sergem [sĕrɣ-, cf. sĕrɣət-] ‘to be shaken’. sergettem [sĕrɣət-] ‘to shake’; DEWOS 1369, KT 874. sēse [sesə] ‘trap’; DEWOS 1380, KT 880. seu [sĕw] ‘stick, pole’; S. sawa, sowa [Trj sŏɣ, J sŏw]; [=] Fi sauwa, [≠] Ko zib; DEWOS 1305, KT 826, UEW 468 (Kh = MnN suw, Fi Saa). sēu [sew] ‘plait’; S. seux [Trj sä̆ɣ°]; DEWOS 1307, KT 824, UEW 471 (Kh = MnN saɣ, Ud Ko Hu, ?Fi) sēwem [sew-] ‘to plait’; S. sēwgem [Trj sä̆ɣ°-, J sä̆w-]; DEWOS 1308, KT 825. sēwes [sewǝs] ‘rear of a boat, rudder’; DEWOS 1324, KT 828. sēwemsa [sewəmsə] ‘bilberry’; DEWOS 1319 (Kh = MnN sāw­ ńi), KT 827. seurem [sewər-] ‘to beat, to cut, to chop’; LS. sagrem, US. sogrim [Trj sä̆ɣər-]; DEWOS 1321 (Kh = MnN sāɣr-), KT 827. 157 �Ostiacica ☙ 96 ❧ sōjem [sojəm] ‘small mountain brook [in a riverbank]’: S. sājem [Trj såjə̑m]; DEWOS 1298 (Kh = MnN sɔ̄jəm), KT 819. sōm [som] ‘(fish) scale’; US. sām [Trj såm], [=] Fi suomu; DEWOS 1337, KT 854, UEW 476 (Kh = MnN sām, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko). sōrem [sor-] ‘to dry (intr.)’; [=] Hu szarít; frequ. sōrīdem [sorit-]; DEWOS 1358, KT 877, UEW 466 (Kh = MnN sūr-, Ud Ko Hu). sōrettem [sorǝttǝ-] ‘to dry (tr.)’; DEWOS 1358, KT 878. sōretˊ [sarǝtˊ] ‘sea’; DEWOS 1538 (Kh < Ko), KT 872. sorńa [sorńǝ] ‘gold’; S. sarńa [Trj sårńi ̮], Ko sarny, Mr schörtnje, Hu arany; DEWOS 1373 (Kh < Ko), KT 874. sōrom [sorǝm] ‘dry’; LS sārem [Trj sårǝm], [=] Hu száraz; DEWOS 1359, KT 877. sos [sos] ‘ermine’; DEWOS 1377, KT 879. sugom [suχəm] ‘yarn, thread’; DEWOS 1318, KT 837. sulaika [śulejka] ‘glass bottle, ink bottle’; MT suleike; DEWOS 1511 (Kh < Ru). sūmet [sümǝt] ‘birch’; S. sūgmet [Trj sĕɣ°mət]; DEWOS 1319, KT 860. sink [siŋk] ‘a small white duck with a white beak [Anas nigra]’; DEWOS 1350, KT 849. sīra, sīre [sirǝ] ‘former; earlier’; S. sār [Trj sär]; DEWOS 1361, KT 870. ˊ siȶa LS. [Trj sĕʌ́ä] ‘powder’; US. siȡa [Vart sĕʌ́ə]; cf. tāra; ˊ DEWOS 1337, KT 893. sīwes [siwəs] ‘osprey, fishing eagle’; DEWOS 1324, KT 829, UEW 469 (Kh = MnN siɣəs, Fi Saa, ?Ko). sōdom [sotəm] ‘the river Salym’; sōdom-xui [sotəm-χŏj] ‘Salym Khanty’. sōdop, sōdep [sotǝp] ‘sheath’; S. sātep [Trj såtǝ̑p]; DEWOS 1385, KT 885. sōgot [soχət] ‘gouge, axe for hollowing out boats’; DEWOS 1315, KT 843, UEW 889 (Kh = MnN sowli, Hu) sōx (sox) [sŏχ] ‘bark of a willow (‑type) tree [; skin]; sturgeon (осетръ) [”spawn sack”]’; S. sōx, soux [Trj sŏɣ°]; DEWOS 1304 (Kh = MnN sow), KT 831 (‘sturgeon, caviar’), 832 (‘skin’). sōxtem [soχət-] ‘to pluck’; DEWOS 1325, KT 842. soi [soj] ‘a species of duck [goldeneye]’, S. sai [Trj såj]; DEWOS 1292, KT 817. 158 �Ostyak Word List sūs [sĕwǝs] ‘autumn’; S. sugus [Trj sĕɣ°əs], [=] Fi syys, syksy, [=] Mr schishe; DEWOS 1324, KT 828, UEW 443 (Kh = MnN tak°s, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Hu). susta [sustə] ‘tapeworm’; DEWOS 1381, KT 881. sut [sut] ‘intestine’; S. sot [Trj sŏʌ], [=] Fi suoli, [=] Ko sjū, [=] Mr schol; DEWOS 1329, KT 888, UEW 483 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko); SSA 3 215 (< Aryan). sūt [süt] ‘whetstone’; DEWOS 1384 (Kh < Ko), KT 885. ˊ sutńik [sutńik] ‘onion’; DEWOS 1388, KT 883. suŋ [sŏŋ] ‘corner, end’; Hu [≠] szög, [=] szug; DEWOS 1348, KT 846, UEW 888 (Kh = Hu). sūpos [supǝs] ‘[net] weaving needle’; LS. sapos, US. sāwas [Trj săpǝs]; DEWOS 1358 (Kh = MnS tās), KT 865. sur [sur] ‘shaft’; [=] Hu szár; ńīr-sur [ńir-sur] ‘bootleg’; DEWOS 1363, KT 867, UEW 890 (Kh = MnN sor, Hu). sur [surǝŋ, surnǝŋ] ‘grey [grayhaired]’; S. tārax, [≠] Fi harmaja, [≠] Hu szürke; KT 877, 878. Š šegara [šĕkarǝ] ‘curl’; DEWOS 249 (KoP šĕkarǝ), 265 (šĕkǝr ‘curve, twist’). šegareŋ [*šĕkarǝŋ] ‘curly’; DEWOS 249. šemšar [šemšar, šĕmšar] ‘a coloured duck [Mergus albellus, merganser]; DEWOS 275, KT 949. šēren [šertǝn, šerǝn] ‘bailer’; DEWOS 302, KT 958. šērendem [DN šertǝnt-, KoP šerǝnt-] ‘to clear grain with a bailer’; DEWOS 302, KT 959. šabur [šopǝr] ‘coat for everyday use [e.g. hunting]’; DEWOS 298 (Kh < Ru), KT 956. ˊ ˊ šad adem, šaǵadaem [šätat-] ‘to be sorry’; DEWOS 268, KT 965. šam [DN šam, Kr šäm] ‘light, candle’; S. onk [Trj oŋk]; Afg sham’; tūrum-šam [turǝmšam] ‘wax candle in front of an icon’, šam-xot [šam-χot] ‘candlestick’; DEWOS 270 (Kh < Tat), KT 942. šatxan [šatχan] ‘turnip’; Tat schal­ gan; DEWOS 305 (Kh < Tat), KT 964. 159 �Ostiacica ☙ 97 ❧ šermat [šermat] ‘headstall’; S. sir­ metˊ [Trj sirmät], Ko sermäd; DEWOS 1372 (Kh < Ko), KT 959. šeška [šiš] ‘a little bird’; [≠] Fi sisko; tant-šeška ‘sparrow’, i.e. corn bird; DEWOS 238 (Kh < MnE). šudai [šütaj] ‘partridge’; LS. sigȡei [Trj sĕɣʌäj], Ko sjöla; DEWOS 1315 (Kh < Ko), KT 964. šuidem [šüj-] ‘to put in [e.g. a match into the box]’; DEWOS 244, KT 926. šur [šür] ‘bar pole, stick’; Ko zor; DEWOS 301 (Kh < Ko), KT 958. šutˊ ‘edge, side’ [probably šütˊ ‘stripe, slice’]; DEWOS 268, KT 965. C cēgajem [ćĕɣəjəm] ‘swallow’ [?  Kr ćĕkəj-imə ”ć-woman”]; DEWOS 1500, KT 900. cātxa, tōtxa [tatχə] ‘scythe’; DEWOS ˊ ˊ 1543 (Kh < Tat), KT 924. ˊ cēdak [Ts ćetak, DN tetak] ‘a drinking dish [tub, can]’; DEWOS 1542 (Kh < Tat), KT 924. Č čāwer [čäwǝr] ‘hare’; LS. čēwer [Trj čeɣ°ər, J čewər], US. tēwer [Vart töɣər]; DEWOS 264 (Kh > MnN sōwǝr), KT 928 (čeɣ°ər), 980 (töɣər). čeŋmajem [čĕŋmaj-, pass.] ‘to get hot’; S. čenkmōjem [Trj čĕŋ­ moj-]; DEWOS 287, KT 940. čenk [čĕŋk] ‘heat, hot’; DEWOS 287, KT 940. čenč [čĕnč] ‘back’, čenč-wōt [čĕnčwot] ‘tail wind’; DEWOS 282, KT 950, UEW 56 (Kh = MnN sis, Fi ?Saa) čīmet [čimǝt] ‘a little’; DEWOS 276, KT 948. čāget S. [Trj čåɣi ̮t] ‘ruble’; DEWOS 245, KT 925. čāgaptem [čäkǝptǝ-] ‘to strangle [to drown (tr.), to suffocate (tr.)]’; DEWOS 247 (Kh = MnE šǟkǝp-), KT 933. čāknem [čäkǝn-] ‘to get strangled [to choke (intr.), to suffocate (intr.)]’; DEWOS 247, KT 933. čama [čăma] ‘right, straight, properly’; DEWOS 272, KT 944, UEW 52 (Kh = MnN soma, Fi). čānč [čänč] ‘knee’; DEWOS 281 (Kh = MnN sāns), KT 949. čānšpan [čänč-păn] ‘pitch thread [twisted on the knee]’; DEWOS 282, KT 950. 160 �Ostyak Word List čōgom [čoχ-] ‘to whistle’; DEWOS 253, KT 937. čošmem [čočǝm-, čošm-] ‘to scatter, to pour’; DEWOS 237, KT 961, UEW 60 (Kh = MnN sōs-, Ud Ko Slk ?Fi). čugadem [čŏkat-] ‘to crumble’; DEWOS 258, KT 930. čūmat [čumǝt] ‘the start of a building of a house; a casket built on earth [to store things that cannot be taken home at the same time]’; DEWOS 277, KT 946. čumdem [čumǝt-] ‘to build of logs [to make a scop in timber]’; DEWOS 278, KT 947. čuǯem [čuč-] ‘to pass [to walk]’; frequ. čuǯīdem [čučit-]; DEWOS 240 (Kh = MnN sūs-), KT 962. T tābat [tapat] ‘old, worn’; DEWOS 1460, KT 1009. tābet [täpǝt] ‘seven, week’; S. ȶābet [Trj ʌäpət]; DEWOS 793, KT 1081, UEW 844 (Kh = MnN sāt, Hu; < Aryan). tāda [tätə] ‘empty’; S. tāȡex [Trj täʌəɣ]; DEWOS 1428 (Kh = MnN tātǝl), KT 1034. tādem [tät-] ‘to pull, to snuffle’; S. tīȡem [Trj täʌ- : tiʌəm]; DEWOS 1424, KT 1037. taga [tăχə] ‘place’; DEWOS 1408, KT 976. tagamem [tăχəmə-] ‘to throw’; DEWOS 1408, KT 988. tagandem [tăχənt-, tăχant-] ‘to wrestle, to fight’; DEWOS 1408, KT 988. tāgaptem [taχəptə-] ‘to make smth burst [to tear apart]’; DEWOS 1404, KT 987. tāgat [tăχət] ‘linen [fabric woven from hemp or nettle]’; DEWOS 1422, KT 983. tagdem [täɣət-] ‘to drive (steer) a horse’; KT 1048. tāgedem [täɣət-] ‘to wait, to guard’; S. ȶīgȶem [Trj ʌäɣəʌ- : ʌiɣʌəm]; DEWOS 726, KT 1047. tāxnem [taχən-] ‘to burst [to tear (intr)]’; mom. tāxnemem [taχ­ ni­mə-]; DEWOS 1403, KT 987. tājem [täjəm] ‘axe’; DEWOS 723, KT 1042. tājem [tăj-] ‘to be [to have, to hold]’; S. tōjem [Trj tăj- : tŏjǝm]; DEWOS 1400, KT 969. talai [tălaj] ‘flock of horses [or birds]’; DEWOS 1435, KT 996. talaǯem [Ts täləč-, Kr tälət-] ‘to steer a boat [to brake with the oars]’; DEWOS 1433, KT 999. 161 �Ostiacica ☙ 98 ❧ tāpten [täpət-] ‘to feed’; S. ȶīptem [Trj ʌäpət- : ʌiptəm]; DEWOS 715, KT 1100. tāra [tärə] ‘[gun]powder’; Tat tara; DEWOS 1466 (Kh < Tat), KT 1012. tāram [tarəm, tärəm] ‘strong, solid’; S. sara [Trj sä̆rə]; DEWOS 1368 (sä̆rə), 1470 (tarəm); KT 869 (sä̆rə), 1015 (tarəm). tardem [tărt-] ‘to cut hair, to shave’; S. ȶordem [Trj ʌŏrt-]; DEWOS 806, KT 1092, UEW 503 (Kh = Ud Ko Hu Sam). tareš [tărǝš] ‘roof’, xōt-tareš [χot-tă­ rǝš] ‘the roof of the tent [of a house]’; DEWOS 1466, KT 1022. taresem [tărǝs-] ‘to snort’; DEWOS 1469, KT 1025. tarŋet [tărŋǝt, KoP tărɣət] ‘lung’; S. targat [Trj tărɣə̑t]; DEWOS 1470, KT 1023. tāš [täš] ‘things, belongings’; S. tās [Trj täs]; DEWOS 1481 (Kh < Ko), KT 1027. tāšaŋ [täšǝŋ] ‘rich, who has belongings’, S. tāsaŋ [Trj täsǝŋ]; DEWOS 1481, KT 1027. tau [täw] ‘horse’; LS. ȶaux [ʌăɣ°], US. ȶox [Vart ʌɔ̆ɣ], [=] Hu ló; DEWOS 730, KT 1043, UEW 863 (Kh = MnN luw, Hu). tāwax [tawəχ] ‘cock’; DEWOS 1488 (Kh < Tat), KT 972. tāwen [täwə] ‘springtime’ [täwən Loc. ‘in the springtime’]; S. taux [Trj tăɣ°], [=] Hu tavasz, [? =] Ko tulys, [≠] Slk tagi; DEWOS 1410, KT 971, UEW 532 tambak [tämpak] ‘tobacco’; DEWOS 1440 (Kh < Tat), KT 1001. tań [tan] ‘bride gift’; S. tan [Trj tän]; DEWOS 1442, KT 1002 [cf. tin]. taŋam [tăŋ-] ‘to go in, to step in’; S. ȶaŋam [Trj ʌăŋ-]; DEWOS 773 (Kh = MnE tuj-), KT 1069. taŋat [tăŋat] ‘Irtyš’; S. ȶangeȶ [Trj ʌĕ­ŋäʌ]; taŋat-jax [tăŋat-jaχ] ‘the Khantys by Irtyš (say the Khantys by Obʹ’; DEWOS 784 (Kh ? = MnN tāɣt ‘Sosva’), KT 1063. taŋet [täŋət] ‘the one in front [front of the foot, the boot etc.]’; S. ȶaŋeȶ [Trj ʌäŋəʌ]; DEWOS 783, KT 1064. taŋa [täŋkǝ] ‘squirrel, kopeck’; S. ȶenki [Trj ʌäŋki], Turk teiin, MT. tiin; DEWOS 780 (Kh = MnN lēŋn), KT 1067. taŋam [tăŋχ-] ‘to wish, to want’; [≠] Fi tahdon; DEWOS 780, KT 1069. tanx [taŋχ] ‘bristle [dorsal fin; withers of a horse or reindeer]’; DEWOS 775 (Kh = MnN tāŋχ), KT 1064. tant [tänt] ‘corn’; DEWOS 769, KT 1076, UEW 496 (Kh = Mr Ko ?Hu). tapšax [tăpšaχ] ‘a piece of cloth on the breast [small piece, patch; ruble]’; DEWOS 1457 (Kh < MnE lɔpśǝχ), KT 1083. tapta [tăptǝ] ‘a species of duck [wigeon, Anas penelope]’; DEWOS 794, KT 1083. 162 �Ostyak Word List (Kh = MnN tūja, Fi Md Hu, ?Ud ?Ko). tawuš [täw-üš] ‘team (of horses)’; DEWOS 730. teagat ‘ceder[?]; bird net’ [? teχət ‘bird nest’]; DEWOS 1412, KT 985. tēbem [tĕp-] ‘to get lost, take the wrong way’; DEWOS 1454, KT 1010, UEW 894 (Kh = MnN tip-, Hu). tēbet [tepǝt] ‘soft [sloppy, e.g. a bow]’; DEWOS 794, KT 1083. tēbettem [tĕpǝttǝ-] ‘to lead to wrong way’; DEWOS 1454, KT 1010. teda (tede), teta (tete) [tĕtǝ] ‘winter’; S. tüȶex, tüȡex [Trj tö̆ʌəɣ], [=] Fi talwi, [=] Hu tal [tél], [=] Ko töö; DEWOS 1429, KT 1035, UEW 516 (Kh = MnN tāl, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). tēdep [tetəp] ‘moss’; DEWOS 1486, KT 1032. teg [tĕɣ] ‘tail’; S. ȶex [Trj ʌĕɣ]; DEWOS 727 (Kh = MnN lēɣ), KT 1052. tāgdem [tĕɣət-] ‘to fly’; S. ȶēgeȡem [Trj ʌĕɣəʌ-], [≠] Fi lennän, [≠] Sam tījū; DEWOS 738, KT 1059, UEW 500 (Kh = MnN tiɣl-, Ko). tegetmem [tĕɣətmə-] mom. ‘to fly’; DEWOS 738, KT 1060. tēgemdem S. [*teɣəmt-] ‘to scratch’; DEWOS 1415 (← Castrén). tēges [tekəs] ‘flat (adj.) [smooth; e.g. a path]’; DEWOS 1420, KT 982. tei [tĕj] ‘pus’; S. ȶüi [Trj ʌoj : ʌu­jə̑m], [=] Slk tē; DEWOS 721, KT 1040, UEW 434 (Kh = MnN saj, Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). tei [tĕj] ‘uppermost, top, peak’; LS. toi [Trj tŏj] US. tui [Vart tö̆j]; jux-tei [juχ-tĕj] ‘treetop’; jinktei [jĕŋk-tĕj] ‘surface of water’; jeaga-tei [jeχə-tĕj]’spring (of a river)’; DEWOS 1398 (Kh = ˊ MnN tal ǝχ), KT 966. tejem [tĕj-] ‘to weave (a net)’; DEWOS 1039 (Kh = MnN tij-), KT 970. tēknem [teknǝm] ‘tight, cramped’; LS. tāknem [Trj tä̆k°nəm], US. toknem [V töɣnəm]; DEWOS 1406, KT 978. temem [tem-] ‘to strew around’; Tat tögämem; DEWOS 1439, KT 1002. teŋer [tĕŋkǝr] ‘shoulder’; DEWOS 782, KT 1068, UEW 439 (Kh ? = Nenets) teŋer [teŋkǝr] ‘mouse’; DEWOS 782, KT 1068, UEW 500 (Kh = MnN taŋkǝr, Fi Md Ud Ko Hu). teŋrem [tĕŋǝr-] ‘to pinch’; DEWOS 1453 (Kh = MnN taŋǝrt-), KT 992. tera [tĕrǝ] ‘a root, which used as colourant’; DEWOS 798, KT 1088. teremdem [terəmt-] ‘to unfold a skin, to make a bed’; DEWOS 803, KT 1089, UEW 497 (Kh = MnN tāramt-, Ko Hu). tereŋ [tĕrǝŋ] ‘hot [the weather in summer ]’; DEWOS 1477, KT 1914. termadem [termat-] ‘to hurry’; caus. termattem [termattə-]; DEWOS 1474 (Kh < Ko), KT 1023. 163 �Ostiacica ☙ 99 ❧ tīdeŋ [titǝŋ] ‘living’; DEWOS 750, KT 1105. [cf. tīt]. tīliš [tilǝš] ‘moon, month’; S. tēȡes [Trj ti ̮ʌə̑s], Ko tölys, [≠] Mr tilze; DEWOS 1430 (Kh < Ko), KT 998. tin [tän : tinem] ‘price’; DEWOS 1442 (Kh = MnN tin), KT 1003. tinda [tinta] ‘inexpensive’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1004. tineŋ [tinǝŋ] ‘expensive’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1003. tinesem [tines-] ‘to trade’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1003. tinijem [tinǝj-] ‘to sell’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1003. tis [tis] ‘loop, lasso’; DEWOS 808, KT 1094, UEW 239 (Kh = MnN lēs, Ko, ?Fi ?Saa). tištem [tištǝ-] ‘to grieve’; Ko töshda; DEWOS 1482 (Kh < Ko), KT 1028. tīt [tit] ‘spirit, breath [; life]’; DEWOS 749, KT 1105, UEW 247 (Kh = MnN lil, Fi Ud Ko Hu, ?Saa). tīwdem [tiwət-] ‘to go out’; S. ȶīw­ dem [Trj ʌiɣ°ət-]; DEWOS 746, KT 1047, UEW 239 (Kh = Fi Md Mr Ud Ko). tīwem [tiw-] ‘to be born’; DEWOS 1395 (Kh = MnN tēl-), KT 974. todek [tătek] ‘true bug’; Fi lude; DEWOS 812 (Kh < Ko), KT 1101, SSA 2 98 (Kh < Ko < Fi). toga [toχa] ‘[shaft] bow [kettle handle]’; Ru дуга; DEWOS 1411 (Kh < Ru), KT 977. tōgop [toχəp] ‘fishing net (with handle)’; DEWOS 741 (Kh = MnN tɔ̄p), KT 1055. tōgos [toχəs] ‘friend, acquaintance’; [≠] Mr tos, cf. Fi [≠] tuttu; DEWOS 743, KT 1056. teštan [teštan] ‘a small whetstone’; DEWOS 809 (Kh < Ko), KT 1096. teštem [teštǝ-] ‘to tidy (up), to sort out, to clean’; DEWOS 717, KT 1096. tet [tĕt] ‘fathom [lap]’; S. ȶüȶ [Trj ʌö̆ʌ], [=] Fi syli, [=] Mr schel, [≠] Hu szál, [=] Ko syy, [=] Slk tī; DEWOS 753, KT 1104, UEW 444 (Kh = MnN tal, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). tēt [tet] ‘full, low [two separate words]’; [=] Hu tele, [≠] Ko tyr, [=] Fi täysi; DEWOS 747 (Kh tet ‘low’ = MnN talk°a), 1425 (Kh tet ‘full’ = MnN tāɣl), KT 1033 (tet ‘full’), 1103 (tet ‘low’), UEW 518 (Kh tet ‘full’ = Mn Ud Ko Hu ?Fi ?Saa ?Mr). tēttem [tettə-] ‘to fill [to load (e.g. a sleigh)]’; [≠] Fi täytän; DEWOS 748, KT 1111. teu [tĕw] ‘lake’; LS. toux, US. tox [Trj tŏɣ°, tŏɣ]; cf. [=] Sam to, tu, [=] Hu tó; DEWOS 1406, KT 971, UEW 533 (Kh = MnN tō, Ud Ko Hu Sam). teu [tĕw] ‘bone’; S. ȶoux [Trj ʌŏɣ°], [=] Fi luu; DEWOS 730, KT 1044, UEW 254 (Kh = MnN luw, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Sam, ?Hu). teudem [tewtəm] ‘louse’; S. tagutem [Trj tä̆ɣ°təm], [=] Fi täi; DEWOS 1423, KT 974, UEW 515 (Kh = MnN tākǝm, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Hu). tēwem [te- : tewəm] ‘to eat’; S. ȶī­ wem [Trj ʌi-], [=] Fi syön, [=] Ko sjöja; DEWOS 713, KT 1098, UEW 440 (Kh = MnN tē-, Fi Md Ud Ko Hu). tibe [tipə, tĕɣpə] ‘the inside’; S. tigbi [Trj ʌĕɣpi]; DEWOS 728, KT 1079. 164 �Ostyak Word List KT 1084, UEW 843 (Kh = MnN tūr, Hu). tōra [torǝ] ‘crane’; S. tārax [Trj tå­r ǝ̑ɣ], [=] Hu daru, MT turna, tur­ja; DEWOS 1467, KT 1013, UEW 513 (Kh = MnN tāriɣ, Ud Ko Hu). toǯek [tŏček] ‘wolverine’; DEWOS 716 (Kh < Ko), KT 1096. tōtma [totma] ‘secretly’; DEWOS 758, KT 1109. tōtmem [totəm-] ‘to steal’; S. ȶūtmem [Trj ʌåʌə̑m-]; DEWOS 757, KT 1109. towarem [tăwar-] ‘to unharness (a horse)’; DEWOS 1489 (Kh < Tat), KT 973. towottem [tăwǝttǝ-] ‘to row’; [=] Fi soudan; DEWOS 724, KT 1049, UEW 449 (Kh = MnN tow-, Fi Saa Mr Sam, ?Ko). tubat [tupat] ‘basket [of birch bark]’; DEWOS 1460 (Kh < Tat), KT 1009. tudagem ‘to pay’ [cf. tudem]. tudem [tut-] ‘to buy’; S. ȶudem [Trj ʌot-]; DEWOS 812, KT 1101. tuem [tu-] ‘to bring, to lead’; [=] Fi tuon; DEWOS 1395, KT 1031, UEW 529 (Kh = Fi Sam, ?MnN tūl-, ? Saa). tūgor [tuχər] ‘fir needle’; DEWOS 1419, KT 979, UEW 510 (Kh ? = Saa) tūgit, tūget US. [Vart tö̆ɣət] ‘fire’; see tūt; DEWOS 1420, KT 1029, UEW 895 (Kh = MnE töäwt, Hu). tui [tüj] ‘finger’; LS. ȶoi [Trj ʌoj]; [=] Hu új; DEWOS 719, KT 1039, UEW ˊ 449 (Kh = MnN tul a, Hu Sam). tuimem [tujǝm-] ‘to get tired’; DEWOS 1402; KT 968. tōgot [tŏɣət] ‘feather’; [=] Hu toll; DEWOS 1412, KT 984, UEW 535 (Kh = MnN towǝl, Saa Ud Ko Hu). tōx [toχ] ‘snow shoe [ski]’; DEWOS 730, KT 1051, UEW 450 (Kh = MnN towt, Fi Md Sam). tōxnem [toχən-] ‘to meet’; frequ. tōxnīdem [toχnit-]; DEWOS 740, KT 1054, UEW 845 (Kh = MnN taχn- Hu). tōxtem [tŏχǝt-] ‘to sharpen, to chew [separate word: toχǝt-]’; S. ȶō­go­ȡem [Trj ʌŏɣə̑t-, ʌŏɣ­tə̑ɣ­ t(ə̑)-]; DEWOS 739 (‘to chew’), 745 (‘to sharpen’), KT 1057 (‘to chew’), 1058 (‘to sharpen’), UEW 448 (Kh toχǝt- ‘to chew’ = MnN towt-, Saa Ud Ko Sam). ton [ton] ‘vein’; S. ȶon [Trj ʌån], [=] Fi suoni, [=] Ko sön, [=] Sam ti, tschat, tschen; DEWOS 768, KT 1075, UEW 441 (Kh = MhN tān, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). toń [toń] ‘flax, linen’; DEWOS 871 (Kh < Ru), KT 1077. tonx [toŋχ] ‘idol [; guardian spirit]’; DEWOS 777 (Kh = MnE tɔw; Kh > MnN lōŋχ), KT 1065. tonx [toŋχ] ‘hoof [the soft art in the middle of the hoof]’; DEWOS 776 (Kh = MnN toŋχ), KT 1066. top [top] ‘float of a net’; DEWOS 1455 (Kh < Ko), KT 1006. toppa [tătpǝ] ‘lead’; S. ȶoȶpa [Trj ʌŏʌpə̑]; DEWOS 756, KT 1109. tōr [tor] ‘flat area, meadow, morass [flat riverside which floods in the spring; lake]’; S. ȶar [Trj ʌår]; Ru соръ; DEWOS 795, 165 �Ostiacica ☙ 100 ❧ tujax [tujǝχ] ‘fish tail’; DEWOS 723, KT 1041. tujit [tüjǝt] ‘ring in a finger’; DEWOS 720, KT 1039. tul [tül] ‘stupid’; S. tulpul [Trj tuḷpuḷ], [≠] Fi hullu, [≠] Sam salla; DEWOS 1433, KT 995. tūlaš [tulǝš] ‘arundo phragmites, reed’; DEWOS 1438 (Kh < Ko), KT 998. tuman [tuman, DN tŏman] ‘lock, latch’; Ko toman; DEWOS 1441 (Kh < Ko), KT 1000. tūmdem [tumət-] ‘to put clothes on’; S. tōmdem [Trj ʌŏmǝ̑t-], [≠] Sam tondau, [≠] Slk ˊ tschon­dam, tondam; DEWOS 762, KT 1073. tunda [tuntǝ] ‘birch bark’; S. tondax [Trj tŏntǝ̑ɣ], [≠] Fi tuohi, MT. tos; DEWOS 1446 (Kh = MnN tōnt), KT 1005. tunt [tunt] ‘goose’; S. ȶont [Trj ʌont], [=] Hu lud; DEWOS 770, KT 1077, UEW 254 (Kh = MnN lunt, Saa Mr). tuŋ [tŏŋ] ‘summer’; S. ȶoŋ [Trj ʌŏŋ], [=] Fi suvi; DEWOS 772, KT 1062, UEW 451 (Kh = MnN tow, Fi Saa Sam). tuŋdem [tŏŋǝt-] ‘to read, to count’; S. ȶoŋdem [Trj ʌŏŋǝ̑t-], [? =] Fi luen; DEWOS 784, KT 1063, UEW 253 (Kh ? = MnN lowint-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). tunk ‘stab?, splinter’ [? tuŋχ ‘rest of a ceder cone with no nuts in it’]; DEWOS 1451, KT 994. tūp [tup] ‘rudder’; S. ȶūp [Trj ʌup]; DEWOS 787 (Kh = MnN tūp), KT 1078. tupas [tăpas] ‘storehouse’; DEWOS 790 (Kh < Ru), KT 1081. tūr [tür] ‘throat’; [≠] Fi kurkku, [=] Hu torok; DEWOS 1464, KT 1011, UEW 895 (Kh = MnN tur, Hu). tūrap, tūrup [turǝp] ‘light, sparse [e.g. net, cloth, forest]’; DEWOS 805, KT 1090. turt [turt] ‘root’; LS. ȶort [Trj ʌŏrt], US. ȶor [Vart ʌɔ̆r]; [≠] Fi juuri; DEWOS 799, KT 1086. tūrum, tūrm [turəm] ‘God’; S. tōrem [Trj tŏrǝ̑m]; tūrm-xōt [turəmχot] ‘church’; DEWOS 1472 (Kh = MnN torəm), KT 1015. tuš [tüš] ‘beard’; DEWOS 1483, KT 1028. tušak [tüšak] ‘mattress’; DEWOS 1397 (Kh < Tat), KT 1029. tut [tut] ‘mouth’; S. ȶut [Trj ʌuʌ], [≠] Fi suu, [≠] Hu száj; DEWOS 753, KT 1102, UEW 903 (Kh = Fi huuli, Saa). tutta [tutta] ‘dumb’; S. ȶutȶax [Trj ʌuʌʌə̑ɣ]; DEWOS 754, KT 1103 [caritive from tut ‘mouth’]. tūt [tüt] ‘fire’; US. tūget [Vart tö̆ɣət], [≠] Fi tuli, [≠] Mr tol, [=] Hu tűz, [≠] Sam tu; see 166 �Ostyak Word List nai. Appears in the Irtyš dialect only in compounds; e.g. tūduš [tüt-üč] ‘tinderbox’, [≠] Fi tulus; tūt-wax [tüt-wăχ] ‘piece of iron (in a gun)’, tūtkeu [tüt-kew] ‘brimstone’; DEWOS 1420, KT 1029, UEW 895 (Kh = MnE töäwt, Hu). tūtxaem [tutəχ-] ‘to take fish from the net; to churn, to make butter’; DEWOS 756, KT 1108. tūtxaep [tutχep] ‘pole, piston [used in fishing]’; DEWOS 756, KT 1108. Tˊ tad a [tätˊ ] ‘father’; LS ati; DEWOS ˊ ˊ ˊ ǝ ˊ 1544, KT 922. ˊ ˊ tagan US. [Vart tăɣən] ‘fist’; see meǯek; DEWOS 1503, KT 900. ˊ ˊ taxmai [tăχmaj] ‘mosquito’; see piȶŋi; DEWOS 868, KT 903. ˊ ˊ tak [täk] ‘tip of land [tip (of grass), top (of a tree)]’; DEWOS 1495, KT 897. ˊ ˊ tāksem [täksə-] ‘to mock’ [‘to spit’; the German word spotten is used instead of spucken due to influence of the Swedish word spotta ‘to spit’]; DEWOS 865, KT 1115. ˊ ˊ ˊ tapxaem [tăpǝj-, tăpχes-] ‘to whisˊ per’; S. topxam [Trj ʌŏpǝɣ-], ˊ augm. tapxaesem [tăpχes-]; DEWOS 874, KT 1112. ˊ ˊ ˊ tapxas [Ts tapχəš, DT täpχəš] ‘loop which is used to catch ermine’; DEWOS 1528 (KhS < Tat), KT 915. tāras S. [Trj tårə̑s] ‘sea’; see sōretˊ ˊ ˊ ; DEWOS 1538, KT 872. ˊ ˊ tawdem [täwət-] ‘to quarrel [to mock]’; DEWOS 869, KT 1112. ˊ ˊ teger [tĕɣər] ‘ungenerous’; DEWOS 1505, KT 902. ˊ ˊ tēle [telǝ] ‘thin [liquid, watery, weak (food: e.g. porridge)]’; DEWOS 1512, KT 907. ˊ ˊ telem, ḱelem [tĕl-] ‘to weep’; [≠] Fi kiljun; DEWOS 1509, KT 909. ˊ ˊ ˊ tēnek, tēnak, ḱēnak [tĕnǝk] ‘wart’; DEWOS 1520, KT 911. ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ tōd em [tot-], tōnd em [tońt-] ‘to ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ stand [tot-]; [tońt- to put up, ˊ to set up, to erect]’; S. ȶūȡem [Trj ʌ́åʌ́- : ʌ́uʌ́əm], [=] Fi ̑ seison, [≠] Ko sutala; DEWOS ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ 759 (tot-), 771 (tońt-), KT 1118; UEW 431 (Kh = MnN tūńś-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko siʒ́ -). ˊ ˊ tontˊ [tońtˊ] ‘snow’; LS. ȶantˊ [Trj ʌåńtˊ], [≠] Fi lumi; DEWOS 871, KT 1117. 167 �Ostiacica ☙ 101 ❧ toŋatem [toŋχəj-] ‘to burn’; DEWOS ˊ ˊ ˊ 1523. ˊ ˊ tor [tor] ‘round whetstone’; DEWOS 1532 (Kh < Tat), KT 915. ˊ ˊ tul [tül] ‘button’; DEWOS 1510, KT 907. ˊ ˊ tūnem [tün-] ‘to jump’; DEWOS 1520, KT 912. ˊ ˊ tūrum [türǝm] ‘striped squirrel [KoP] [; ermine; weasel; marten]’; DEWOS 1537, KT 917. ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ tuti S. [Trj tuti] ‘woman’s breast’; see esem; DEWOS 1544, KT 922. ȶankem S. [? Trj ʌăŋk-] ‘to pity’; ˊ see šad adem; DEWOS 769, 780 (translation error instead of Trj ʌăŋk- ‘to wish, to want’) [cf. taŋam]. ȶapestem S. [Trj ʌä̆pəʌtə-] ‘to lie, to betray’, see ottadem; DEWOS 788, KT 1083. ȶaugaštem S. [Trj ʌăɣ°ə̑sʌə̑-] ‘to hit’, see jāwetmem; DEWOS 743, KT 1056. ȶegeȡem S. [Trj ʌeɣəʌ-] ‘to look’; see ēttidem; DEWOS 726, KT 1057. ȶegeȶtem S. [Trj ʌeɣəʌtə-] ‘to show’; see ētteptem; DEWOS 726, KT 1057. ȶiken US. [ɔ: <ȶiker> V likər] ‘sleigh’, see ōgot; DEWOS 742, KT 1055. U [utǝp] ‘(sleeping) tent; linen tent as shield against mosquitos’; S. ōȡap [Trj ŏʌə̑p]; DEWOS 84, KT 121. ūdem [ut-] ‘to live, to be’; S. wāȡem [Trj wăʌ-], [≠] Fi. elän, [= Fi] olen; DEWOS 1577; KT 127, UEW 580 (= Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Mn Hu). ˊ ˊ ūd em [ut-] ‘to swim’; [=] Fi uin, [=] Saa wuoijjam, [=] Ko uia, [=] Hu úsz; DEWOS 222, KT 96, UEW 542 (Kh = MnN uj-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). ūges [ükǝs] ‘ox’; Turk ögüz, [≠] Ko ös; DEWOS 48 (Kh < Tat). ūx (ux) [uχ] ‘head’; US. ōx (ox), LS. oux [Trj oɣ°, oɣ : uɣə̑m]; DEWOS 30, KT 21. ūdap 168 �Ostyak Word List uideŋ [utəŋ] ‘wide’; DEWOS 207, KT 101. uigit ‘style, manner’; Tat ui [not in modern dictionaries]. ujem [uj-] ‘to see, to know’; [≠] Mr uzam, [≠] Ko adzja; cf. [≠] Fi katson; KT 268. umbā [umpǝ] ‘ladle’; see kowel; DEWOS 97, KT 50, UEW 7 (Kh = MnN ūmpi ‘ladle’, Fi Md). unč [unč] ‘Salmo Nelma’; DEWOS 111, KT 54. unǯa [unčǝ] ‘pine’; S. onǯex [ŏnčǝχ]; DEWOS 113, KT 55. unt [unt] ‘ground, forest, hill’; S. wont [Trj wŏnt]; DEWOS 1600, KT 55. unttājem [unttaj-, pass.] ‘to learn’; DEWOS 125, KT 62. unttem [unttǝ-] ‘to teach’; S. onȶtem [Trj ŏnǝ̑ʌtə̑-]; DEWOS 125, KT 62. ūp [up] ‘father-in-law’; S. ōp [Trj up], [=] Saa wuopp, [=] Fi ap­ pi, [=] Hu ip, ipa, [≠] após; ūpiga [up-ikǝ] ‘father-in-law’, ūp-īma [up-imǝ] ‘mother-inlaw’; DEWOS 145, KT 65, UEW 14 (Kh = MnN up, Fi Saa Mr Hu). urmā [ürma] ‘mitten’; DEWOS 171 (Kh < Tat), KT 81. urdesem [urtes-] ‘order, call’; DEWOS 180, KT 84. ūs, ūč [üč] ‘cloth [thing, belonging(s), tool, device]’; DEWOS 8, KT 98. ūt [ut] ‘berry (blueberry; lingonberry)’, S. ūȶ (Vart uʌ), Ko votys ‘berry’; DEWOS 64, KT 272. W wad a, waǵa [wăte] ‘twisted’, wa­ ˊ ˊ ˊ ȡasēm [wăte-sem(ǝp)] ‘crosseyed’; DEWOS 1650, KT 254. wāgam [waχ-] ‘to ask, to call’ S. wūgem [Trj wåɣ- : wuɣə̑m], [≠] Fi waadin; DEWOS 1566 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄w-), KT 216. wāgat [woχət] ‘thin’; S. wōgoȶ [Trj wŏɣ°ə̑ʌ]; DEWOS 1575 (Kh = MnE wowtə), KT 214. wāx (wax) [wăχ] ‘1. (any) metal 2. gold 3. kopeck [money]’; DEWOS 1567, KT 208, UEW 560 (Kh = MnN ‑wəs, Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu Sam ?Mr). waxsar [wăχsar] ‘fox’; S. wokai [Trj wŏki ̮]; DEWOS 1573 (Kh = MnN oχsar), KT 212, 215. wai [wăj] ‘shaft’; DEWOS 1559 (Kh = MnN wāj), KT 203. 169 �Ostiacica ☙ ­ 02 ❧ 1 wajeŋ [wăjǝŋ] ‘with a shaft’; e.g. wajeŋ kēǯe [wăjǝŋ kečǝ] ‘a knife with a handle’; DEWOS 1560, KT 203. wan [wän] ‘short’; DEWOS 1595, KT 225. wān [won] ‘shoulder’; see teŋer; DEWOS 1594 (Kh = MnN wā­ ŋǝn), KT 226. wandat [wăntat] ‘splinter’; S. wan­ daȶ [Trj wăntaʌ]; DEWOS 1601, KT 229. wānder [wăntǝr] ‘utter’; DEWOS 1602 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄ntər), KT 229. wanoxtep [wän-oχtəp] ‘a little short’ [cf. wän]. wanx [woƞχ] ‘pit, pothole’; DEWOS 1610 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄ŋχa), KT 218. wāńem [wäńǝm] ‘face’; DEWOS 1604, KT 230. war [wär] ‘wall in a salmon trap [fishing dam]’; DEWOS 1613 (Kh = MnW wēri), KT 232. warem S. [Trj wä̆r-] ‘to cook [= werto do, to make]’, see madem; DEWOS 1614, KT 235. wāres [wärəs] ‘hair of a horse, tail’; DEWOS 1625, KT 238. warŋai [wărŋaj] ‘crow’; S. urŋi [Trj urŋi ̮], [=] Hu varju, [=] Fi wares; DEWOS 173, KT 242, UEW 559 (Kh = MnN ūrinēk°a, Fi Saa Md Hu Sam). wāsa [wäsǝ] ‘duck; S. wāsex [Trj wäsǝɣ]; wāsa-ńot [wäsəńŏt] ‘a blunt arrow’; [≠] Fi wasama; DEWOS 1636, KT 249, UEW 552 (Kh = MnN wās, Est Ko Hu, ?Saa ?Ud). wasta [wăstǝ] ‘green’; [≠] Ko wesh; DEWOS 1637, KT 252. wattap [wăttǝp] ‘peeler’; S. waȶtap [Trj wăʌtǝp]; DEWOS 1585, KT 276. wattem [wăttǝ-] ‘to peel, to scrape, to shave’; S. waȶtem [Trj wăʌt-]; DEWOS 1585, KT 276, UEW 579 (Kh = MnN wolt-, Fi Saa Ud Ko). watˊ [wätˊ] ‘narrow, thin’; DEWOS 1605 (Kh = MnN iś), KT 252. weda, weta [wĕtǝ, wä̆tə] ‘reindeer’; S. weȡa, weȶi [Trj wä̆ʌi]; DEWOS 1583, KT 272, UEW 563 (Kh = Ud Ko, ?Saa ?Md ?Mr). wedem [wet-] ‘to catch [to kill]’; S. weȡem [Trj wä̆ʌ- : wĕʌəm], [≠] Fi pyydän; DEWOS 1580; KT 275, UEW 566 (Kh = MnN al-, Ud Ko Hu). wēdem [wetǝm] ‘bone marrow’; S. weȡem [Trj wä̆ʌəm], [=] Fi ydin, [=] Hu welö, [=] Ko wem ‘brain’; DEWOS 1584, KT 274, UEW 572 (Kh = MnN wālǝm, Fi Saa Md Mr Hu). weg [weɣ] ‘strength’; S. wok [Trj wɔ̈̆ɣ°], [=] Fi wäki; DEWOS 1571, KT 211, UEW 563 (Kh = MnN wāɣ, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko, ?Sam). wegeŋ [weɣəŋ] ‘strong’; S. wokŋ [Trj wɔ̈̆ɣəŋ]; DEWOS 1571, KT 211. wejem [wĕ-] ‘to take’; [=] Fi wien, [=] Hu wesz; DEWOS 1549, KT 268, UEW 573 (Kh = MnN wi-, Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Hu). 170 �Ostyak Word List wigai [wikaj] ‘overcoat’; DEWOS 1572, KT 213. wigem [wĕɣ-] ‘to scream’; DEWOS 1570, KT 217. wiŋīdem [wiŋkit-] ‘to stutter [to get stuck]’; DEWOS 1608. wiš [wič] ‘border’; [≠] Fi mesa [un­ known Finnish word!]; DEWOS 1555, KT 260. ˊ ǝ witax [witˊ χ] ‘dirt’; DEWOS 1650 (Kh = MnN woślaχ), KT 255. ˊ ˊ witxadem [*witχət-] ‘to make dirty’. wōdeŋ [wotəŋ] ‘windy’; DEWOS 1639, KT 264. woi S. [Trj wŏj, DN wăj, Kr üj] ‘tallow, fat’; [=] Fi woi, [=] Hu vaj, see saxse; DEWOS 1560, KT 6, UEW 578 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄j, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). ˊ ˊ woind em [wońt-] ‘to pick berries’; DEWOS 1604, KT 232. ˊ ǝ woind ep [wońtˊ p] ‘berry basket’; DEWOS 1604, KT 232. wōje [wojə] ‘animal’; S. wājax [Trj wåjə̑ɣ]; jem-wōje [jĕm-wojǝ] ‘bear’, see jig; jink-wōje [jĕŋkwojǝ] ‘beaver’, see max; ēnewōje [enǝ-wojǝ] ‘elk’, see ńox; pulax-woje ‘fly’; rēp-wōje [repwojǝ] ‘[”strand swallow”]’; DEWOS 1562 (Kh = MnN ūj), KT 204. woš, woč, wač [woš, woč] ‘fort, town’; [≠ ??] Ko wodzj ‘in front’, [≠] Fi esi; DEWOS 1522, KT 259, UEW 577 (Kh = MnN ūs, Saa Md Ko Sam, ?Fi). wōt [wot] ‘wind, weather’; S. wāt [Trj wåt]; DEWOS 1638 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄t), KT 263. wēle [welǝ] ‘alone, living without a ̆ partner’; S. wellex [Trj wäḷǝɣ]; xui-wēle [χuj-welə, welə-χuj] ‘widower’; neŋ-wēle [neŋ-welə, welə-neŋ] ‘widow’; DEWOS 1587 (Kh = MnN wolk-), KT 222. wenep [wĕnǝp] ‘hook and line’; [≠] Fi onki; DEWOS 1599 (Kh = MnE wöänǝp), KT 227. weneptem [wĕnǝptǝ-] ‘to fish (with hook and line)’; DEWOS 1599, KT 227. weŋ [weŋ] ‘son-in-law’; S. woŋ [Trj wŏƞ], [=] Fi wäwy, [=] Hu wö; DEWOS 1607, KT 217, UEW 565 (Kh = Fi Md Mr Hu Sam). wer [wĕr] ‘blood’; [=] Fi weri, [=] Saa var, [=] Ko wir, [=] Mr wir, [=] Hu wér; DEWOS 1617, KT 236, UEW 576 (Kh = MnN wiɣr, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). wēr (wer) [wer] ‘deed, action’; DEWOS 1613 (Kh = MnN wār-; < ieur), KT 234. wērde [wĕrtǝ] ‘red’; DEWOS 1618 (s.v. wĕr), KT 244. werdoxtep [wĕrt-oχtəp] ‘reddish’; DEWOS 1618 (wĕrtə-čək). wērem, werem [wer-] ‘to do, to make’; [≠] Fi pyrin, [≠] Saa paerngam; DEWOS 1614, KT 235. wes [wĕs] ‘hole’; DEWOS 1632 (Kh = MnN as), KT 247. weseŋ [wĕsǝŋ] ‘with holes’; DEWOS 1633, KT 248. weskar [wĕs-kär] ‘itch [skin desease]’; DEWOS 1633, KT 248. westem [wĕstǝ-] ‘to make holes’; DEWOS 1633, KT 248. 171 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ostyak Word List (Ostiacica) Subject The topic of the resource <em>Ostiacica</em>. Manuscripta Castreniana, Linguistica V. 175 p. ISBN 978-952-7262-00-9 (print/hardcover), ISBN 978-952-7262-01-6 (online/pdf). 50 €. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Matthias Alexander Castrén edited and commentary by Ulla-Maija Forsberg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Finno-Ugrian Society Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno-Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/b2b68ec896f39af243ce79a9c32fd5f4.pdf a9cb891738325c5df51b1da89a433596 PDF Text Text Matthias Alexander Castrén Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar with a Short Word List E d i t e d a nd c om m enta r y by U l l a - M a i j a Fo r sb e r g �Ostiacica Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar with a Short Word List by Dr. M. Alexander Castrén St. Petersburg. Printed by the Imperial Academy of Sciences. 1849. ☙❧ Available through Eggers & Co., commissioner of the Academy. In Leipzig, by Leop. Voss. (Price 75 Silver Crowns – 25 [Ngr.]) ☙❧ Printed for the Imperial Academy of Sciences (and Letters). In December 1849. Permanent Secretary P.H. Fuss. 40 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar 1. 2. Preface The Ugric Ostyaks form together with their kinsmen, the Voguls, the most eastern and in the whole Asia the only branch of the widely spread and many times splintered Finnish1 family. They are still until this day the main inhabitants in the old so-called Yugric Land that [A.C.] Lehrberg describes as follows: “it stretched between the 36th2 and 67th northern latitude from the northernmost Ural mountains eastwards over the lower Obʹ all the way to the river Nadym, which flows into the Gulf of Obʹ, and to Agan, which flows into Obʹ on the upper side of Surgut3; it also covered the areas by the lower Irtyš and by [the rivers] Tavda, Tura and Čusovaja; in the south it bordered the Tartar parts [of land] and in the north the land of the former Samoyeds. It was thus a remarkable part of northwestern Asia, and covered large parts of the modern Governments of Tobol ʹsk and Permʹ.” Today, in the Government of Permʹ, there are only 41 3. “Finnish” in this context is equivalent to the later term Finno-Ugric, which refers to both languages and peoples. One of Castrén’s main targets was to show a kinship between the Finn[o-Ugr]ic and Samoyedic languages. He was also studying the idea of a huge language family later referred to as Ural-Altaic (incl. additionally the Uralic, Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus languages). This latitude must be erroneous; 56 might be right. The southernmost parts of the modern Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug lie approximately on the 58th northern latitude. Today’s Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug stretches farther to east to the border of Krasnojarsk Okrug. The KhantyMansi (in the beginning called Ostyak-Vogul) National Okrug was established in 1930 to cover approximately the same area. In 1977, it became an autonomous okrug and from 2003, “Jugra” is also an official appendix of the name. �Ostiacica 4. 5. According to the Census from 2010, the number of Ostyaks (Khanty) in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug is 19,068 and Voguls (Mansi) 10,977. Together they constitute only 2.1% of the Okrug’s population. The biggest ethnic groups today are Russians (973,978) and Tatars (108,899). The whole population of the Okrug in 2010 was 1,532,243. The number of speakers of the Khanty and Mansi languages today is significantly lower than the ethnic number. The exact area where the common ancestor of the Ugric languages was spoken is, of course, not known. Lately, it has been argued that the expansion centre would have been on the European side of the Ural mountains, from whence the speakers of the Ob-Ugrian proto-language would have moved eastwards and merged with some aboriginal peoples of Siberia. ☙ VI ❧ about 700 Voguls of male sex, in the Government of Tobol ʹsk, the number of Voguls increases to 5025 [according to Köppeni 5235] and of Ostyaks to 18,657 (according to Köppen 18,840) individuals of both sexes4. These Asiatic Finns still stay almost on the same low level of civilization as were the Europeans in Tacitus’ time. Even though many, especially Vogul, families have recently settled down, most of them are still wandering around from forest to forest, from one river to another. They live in miserable Yurts [huts] made from timber, peat, birch bark or reindeer fell. Their main source of livelihood is hunting in winter and fishing in summer. Some keep cattle, only few live of farming. Most of them are in name already Christians, but have still a lot of trust in their shamans. The idea that the Ostyaks and Voguls are closely related to the Hungarians who originate from Ugria5, has been presented already since Herbertstein’s time. “This is Juharia (Juhra, Jugra), from where the Hungarians have occupied Pannonia, led by Attila, subdued many European provinces. The Yugras have still today the same language as the Hungarians; whether this is right, I do not know” Herbertstein Rerum Moscovit. commentar. Basil. 1571. Gyarmathi is of almost the same opinion, and Klaproth argues in his Asia Polygl[otta] p.  190 that the Ostyaks and the Voguls speak a language “which of all the Finnish languages resembles most the roots of the modern, largely mixed Hungarian”. This view is also confirmed through i. the total population in Russia in 1838. 42 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ VII ❧ my own investigations. Even though the Ugric languages today have a great deal of differences from Hungarian, these differences are, anyhow, a natural consequence of a separation, in which the peoples have lived already for centuries6. During this time, the Hungarian language has adopted many foreign elements, and the Ugric languages, on the other hand, have changed their original character as a consequence of diverse influences from outsidei. However, we can see in the Ugric languages and in Hungarian many root words7 and even some grammatical elements8, which do not appear at all in the other related languages, or if they do, very seldom. The academic community may probably look forward to a more detailed description of the affinity of the languages mentioned by a native Hungarian, who has recently arrived from his philological-ethnographic journey to the Ostyaks and Voguls. What concerns my studies in the Ugric languages, I have only been able to look at them as a side issue, as during my many years’ stay in Siberia I was able to stay by the Ostyaks only for a few weeks. During this short period of time, I gathered not only various ethnographic and topographic data but also a small amount of material from the very little knownii Ostyak languageiii. i. See my travelogue in Bulletin historico-philol. de l’Acad. Impér. des sciences de St-Pétersburg, Part III. No. 19, 20 ii. I know the Vogul language only from a hand written catechism. I have, however, not used this material in the present study because it contains too many mistakes. iii. What is found in the works of Gyarmathi, Pallas, Klaproth and others, consists only of insignificant and erroneous word lists. 43 6. Rather: millennia. According to Honti (1979: 23), the split of the Ugric branch of the FinnoUgric family took place around approx. 1000 BC. The ancestors of today’s Hungarians left their area in the modern Baškortostan, so-called Magna Hungaria, and began to travel southwest around 500 AD. 7. The number of root morphemes common to Hungarian and the Ob-Ugric languages (existing in either Khanty or Mansi or both) but unattested in other related languages is, according to UEW, ca. 100. 8. E.g. a set of postposition-based local cases (*‑nä), instrumental (*‑l), locative (*‑t(tA)), and the verbal ending of 1 person plural *‑k°. (Liimola 1963, Honti 1985, 1998, Kulonen 1993.) �Ostiacica 9. Etymology is today mainly used to refer to the study of the origins of words. Here it refers to knowledge about the language (its structure and origin). 10. This is the relatively uniform group of dialects also known as the southern Khanty dialect. It has been extinct since the second half or middle of the 20th century, but is preserved for the academic community thanks to the abundant materials collected by Antal Reguly, Heikki Paasonen and especially K.F. Karjalainen. Based on the exact phonetic notes and a thorough description by the latter, the phonology and morphology of the dialect(s) is well known. 11. The Surgut group of dialects comprises the western subgroup of eastern Khanty dialects. There are still some hundreds of speakers today. The main subdialects today are those of Agan, Tromagan and Pym. Other eastern dialects are those of Vach and Vas­u­ j gan. The eastern dialects have a much larger internal variation than the southern dialects. 12. Obdorsk represents the third main group of Khanty dialects, the northern group. This is also composed of various dialects, including a dialect continuum along the river Obʹ between the southern and northern dialects (Ni­jam, Šerkaly). z The middle northern dialects are represented by the Kazym dialect, and Obdorsk together with the Šuryškary dialect constitute the northernmost group. The northern dialects ☙ VIII ❧ I wanted to publish this material soon after that, but discovered then various deficiencies in my notes, and because of these I thought I would postpone the publication of this work as I was hoping to be able to visit the Ostyaks again and supplement my notes on my way back from Eastern Siberia. Unfortunately, I could not fulfil this plan, because I was already at that moment in such bad health that I had to forget all my scientific tasks. That is why I nevertheless find it necessary to publish my original notes and hope that in spite of all the shortcomings and errors in them, they will not be completely unwelcome and worthless for the experts of the Finnish and Tartar languages. My present work on the Ostyak etymology9 is mainly based on the dialect spoken in the Irtyš area10. In addition to this, there are still two main dialects spoken by the river Obʹ: the dialect of Surgut11 on the upper and the dialect of Obdorsk12 on the lower Obʹi. Of these two, the latter is little known to me, and my notes from the Surgut dialect are also highly incomplete. Nevertheless, I have provided the most important characteristics of this dialect in this work, and, additionally, the reader will be shown some minor differences, which appear either on the upper or lower side of the town of Surgut. Abbreviations referring to the dialects as well as other languages are the following: i. See my travelogue in the Bulletin hist. phil. mentioned above. 44 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ IX ❧ S. or Surg. US — U. Surg. means: — LS — L. Surg. — Finn. Lapp. Cher. Zr. Hu. Sam. O.Sam. Tu. M.T. Ru. means: — — — — — — — — — the dialect of Surgut the dialect on the upper side of Surgut the dialect on the lower side of Surgut Finnish Lappish13 Cheremis14 Zyrian15 Hungarian Samoyedic16 Ostyak-Samoyedic17 Turkic (Turkish) Turkish or Tartar in Minusinsk Russian. In order to avoid misapprehension, I still wish to point out that 1) I translate the future tense in this work with the German present tense18 and the preterite with the German infinitive19; 2) I have left out from the word list all pronouns, all numerals and those particles that are not root words, because they can be easily found in the grammar; 3) in the word list, synonymous words from different Ostyak dialects are compared with each other only in cases when they are related not only by their meaning but also phonetically. Helsinki, 14th of November 1849 Dr. M. Alexander Castrén 45 have the greatest number of native speakers today. 13. = Saami 14. = Mari 15. = Komi 16. mainly = Nenets 17. = Selkup 18. Castrén calls the Khanty nonpast tense the future. It also has the function of the present. 19. The preterite or past tense in Khanty is the unmarked tense in the southern dialects and thus a kind of basic form, hence the translation with the German basic form infinitive. In the English translation, I use the unmarked basic form for both. �Ostiacica 20. In the English version, the Ossetian characters are replaced by simple Latin phonetic ones with some exceptions: by <ȡ> (and its palatalized counterpart), Castrén means a sound that is a kind of a combination of d and l. It is a voiced variant of <ȶ,>, an unvoiced lateral /ʌ/ phoneme in Surgut dialects (which in Khanty loan words in Mansi is actually replaced with dl); so there is no phonetic sign for it. Similarly, <ȶ,> sounds like a combination of t and l. The characters in this publication are mainly the ones Castrén has used in his manuscript. The original characters in the last version of the manuscript are: Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, y, ö; Consonants: b, v, d, ‘d, ḋ, “d, f, g, ģ, h x, j, k, ḱ, l, ĺ, m, n, ñ, ǹ, p, r, s, ŝ, c, ĉ, ʒ, ʒ̑, t, ‘t, ẗ, “t. 21. In all of the Khanty dialects, the vowels have two vowel lengths. Contemporarily they are, though, described as reduced (marked with ̆) vs. full vowels (without marking). In the English version, they are marked according to the original (Castrén) as short vs. long (the phonemic form may be given in the comments between slashes //). In the manuscript, especially in the paradigms, the diacritics ´, ` and ^ are used to mark the accent of the word. In the printing phase, these markings have been taken away and only partly replaced with the length symbol. In the original Swedish manuscript, Castrén describes the Khanty vowel system in a way that very much resembles ☙X❧ Errata Page 7 row 1 read kathl instead of kuthl — 63 — 21 — panden — pandeu — 88 — 22 — mīt-xui — mīxtui The reader will kindly forgive any other typographic errors that might have slipped in after the author has left the printing house. 46 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar I Phonetics (Sounds) A. Description of the sounds § 1 To mark the sounds of the Ostyak language in this work, mainly the following characters of the Ossetian alphabet, introduced by Sjögren, will be used20: Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, ü, ö Consonants: b, d, ȡ, d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ g, ǵ, x, j, k, ḱ, l, l ,ˊ m, n, ŋ, ń, p, r, s, š, c, č, ʒ, ǯ, t, ȶ, t,ˊ ȶ,ˊ w 21 § 2 There are also long vowels in Ostyak, which we mark with a horizontal line above them: ā, ē, ī, ō, ū, ǖ, ȫ. § 3 In addition, the language also has double vowels or diphthongs that can be marked with two vowels. It seems that the first vowel can be either short or long vowel; whereas the latter is always short and in the most cases i or u22. Sometimes the short e also appears as the latter part of a diphthong, as does a, but more rarely23. According to my undoubtedly very deficient observations, the double vowels in Ostyak are: ai, āi, ei, ēi, oi, ōi, ui, üi, au, āu, eu, ēu, iu, īu, ou, ōu, ae, oe, ue, ie, ea. § 4 Some of these vowels mentioned above appear only in specific dialects. So by Irtyš, the pure ö is seldom heard24, and ü is in all the dialects a sound which is rare and changes easily to a Russian ы. The 47 the modern way of thinking (see also § 6). The description in the manuscript is the following: “Ostyak has a double system of vowels, in which the first is characterized by a wide and open, the second by a dark, closed and narrower sound. Based on their pronunciation, the vowels can be divided into open ones, which are a, e, i, o, u, y, ä, ö and closed ones, to which belong â, ê, î, û. The difference between these two systems cannot be found in each separate case, because the vowels in Ostyak, especially the closed vowels, do not have enough strength and firmness; instead, they are pronounced sometimes with a darker, sometimes with a wider sound, and in many cases so that one single sound can allow several special ways of marking.” It seems that Castrén has heard the difference between full and reduced vowels, but he has been too insecure about his observations to describe them in the grammar as a system. For the vowel systems in the southern and Surgut dialects, see p. 13 of the Short Grammatical Description. 22. These are not diphthongs but combinations of a vowel (any of them) and the consonants j and w. 23. There are no diphthongs in the phoneme system of any Khanty dialect. In the manuscript, we find: “being affected by the accent, the short vowels are not only lengthened in a normal way, but relatively often also changed into diphthongs. Thus, �Ostiacica 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. in accented syllables, a changes to ae or ai, e and i to ei, o to oi, u to ui and so on, e.g. njat­xá, njat­xaet or njat­xait, jou­ra or jou­ rai ‘slanted’, ke­sä ‘glove’, pl. ke­­ säet or ke­säit, ét or eit, xo or xoi, xui, ‘man’, etc.” The fact that the diphthongs do not appear in the last version of the manuscript (or the printed grammar) is due to the decision to leave the accent unmarked. In the paradigms in the manuscript (see the commentary regarding page  33/79), we can see that the accent was, in the end, not shown in a systematic way, which definitely led to this decision. The reduced ö̆ appears in one of the southern dialects, DT (Demjanka, informant Tajlakov) (Honti 1984: 21). They are not phonemes in any of the Khanty dialects. All four of these represent the / same phoneme, /tˊ . Sometimes, particularly in the South and consequently in Paasonen’s texts and lexicon, they are marked with velar palatalized consonants. Castrén is describing here the difference between full and reduced vowels. They both can, however, appear in open as well as in closed syllables. The English translation describes the situation as it is; the German text (which is also a translation) talks about the long vowel in the following (instead of preceding) syllable; yet it uses the verb vor­aus­ gehen, which means ‘precede’. The schwa /ǝ/ is very common in non-initial syllables; in pronunciation, it often gets its ☙2❧ consonants marked with ȡ, ȶ, ȡ,ˊ ȶˊ are lacking in the Irtyš dialects. In all the dialects, ʒ and c are very rare25 and in many areas ǵ and ḱ are replaced by d ˊand t.ˊ26 § 5 On the other hand, the language shows many sound nuances that we have not marked at all, because in part they are very unstable and can in part also be described with common rules. These will be discussed in the following chapter. B. Pronunciation of the sounds a) Pronunciation of the vowels § 6 In Ostyak, like in many of the related languages, the vowels have on one hand a pure, open and clear pronunciation, and on the other hand a dark and unclear one. It is understandable that the pronunciation of vowels is always purer in open syllables, and again in closed syllables darker and more vague27. Especially the vowel in short final syllables is very indefinable and unsure. In case of following a syllable with a long vowel28, the vowel of the final syllable is a kind of schwa, i.e. its pronunciation disappears completely or changes into a dark e; e.g. tūrum, tūrm, tōrem ‘God’29. § 7 The general pronunciation of a, ā is exactly the same as in Russian and German; e.g. ańaxa ‘stepmother’, ār ‘many’, aj ‘luck’. There are, however, two particular modifications of this sound. a) The first one approaches a deep sound resembling o, which is also found in other languages. In Ostyak, this modification may appear in long or short syllables, in the end of the word as well as in the root; e.g. opa, aba ‘elder sister’, ńot, ńat ‘arrow’, pox, pax ‘son’, por, par ‘drill’, jot, jat ‘lazy’, ōgot, augaȶ ‘sleigh’, sōdop, sātep ‘blade, edge’, pōs, pās ‘glove’30. This a sounds in many dialects largely already like o, 48 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙3❧ and therefore we also mark it mainly with this character. In the Surgut dialects, this modification, even though the pronunciation is more like a, follows exactly the same etymological rules31 as o; e.g. pās ‘gloves’32, pūsem ‘my gloves’, sārt ‘pike’, sūrdem ‘my pike’, cf. mōk ‘egg’, mūkam ‘my egg’, pōm ‘grass’, pūmem ‘my grass’. The pure a usually changes to i; e.g. tās ‘ware’, tīsem ‘my things’, sāp ‘brook’, sīpem ‘my brook’.33 b) The other modification concerning a is closer to e and also appears in many other languages. In the stem, this modification is difficult to distinguish from the German a. In short final syllables, it sounds almost like a dark e, and changes into this in many dialects34; e.g. jirnas, jernes ‘shirt’, kerap, kerep ‘vehicle’, āra, ārex ‘song’, ādaŋ, ādeŋ ‘morning’, anǯa, anǯe, anǯex ‘rose hip’. § 8 The vowel e is in Ostyak the same open sound as in the other Finnish, Mongolian and Turkic languages. By the Obʹ, it sometimes sounds almost as open as the Finnish ä, and the same pronunciation can be found by the Irtyš in word-final positions; e.g. kēle ‘reindeer fell’, pegde ‘black’, peste ‘sharp’. However, according to my observations, only the short e has this open sound, whereas the long ē is, at least in most cases, pronounced with a more closed sound resembling the French é fermé35. The closed e changes easily to i, while, on the other hand, the dark, open e varies with ü and the Russian y; e.g. jēnget, jīnget ‘round basket’, jēnd em, jīnd em ‘sing’, nēbek, nīpek ‘paper’, tēȡes, ˊ ˊ tīlis ‘moon, month’, edem, üȡim ‘(to) heat’, teda, tüȡex ‘winter’, tet, ȡüȡ ‘fathom’. This change occurs especially after j and g36. § 9 The pronunciation of i is generally the same as in the Germanic languages. However, every now and then it has a more closed sound and is pronounced almost like the Russian ы; e.g. jig ‘father’, 49 nuance according to the surrounding speech sounds, which is very well shown in this example. The phonemic form of the word is /turǝm, torǝ̑m/ (with a full vowel in the initial syllable). 30. Many of the examples have a reduced vowel: ŏpĭ ‘elder sister’, păx, pŏx ‘son, boy’, pŏr ‘drill’. In those words that have a full vowel, there is often dialectal variation, just as it is said: ńɔt, ńot ‘arrow’, pɔs, pos ‘glove’; the word for ‘sleigh’ represents a variation where the northern (Kazym) dialect has a middle vowel (corresponding to o or u in other dialects): Kaz ǫxǝt, O uxǝt; this sound, interpreted as a diphthong in Surgut, might be a step towards the middle vowel. 31. i.e. the paradigmatic vowel alternation 32. The word is in the singular; Castrén’s translation in plural, probably because of the plural (dual) character of the word. 33. In the Surgut dialects (in nominal paradigms), å and o alternate with u, whereas ä and e alternate with i (Honti 1984: 32). 34. Phonematically, this is /ǝ/ in non-initial syllables. 35. The long, i.e. full vowels e and i are both counterparts to the short, i.e. reduced ĕ. 36. /ɣ/; it is hard to see how this should be understood. The examples do not provide any evidence for this argument. In the word for ‘fathom’, ü originates from the very ancient phases of the language (at least Proto-Khanty and Proto-Ugric); in the word ‘winter’, it is a late and maybe sporadic change (phonematically tĕlǝɣ < *tälwä). �Ostiacica 37. At least in these examples, the vowel is reduced. In the northern dialects, these words contain an ǐ, while in the southern and Surgut dialects the word for ‘father’ is jĕɣ. The form Castrén gives for the verb ‘come’ is contradictory: in all dialects the stem alternant in e.g. the past tense, as here, with the stem-final consonant ‑w, has the vowel ŭ (stem alternation: South, Surgut [?] jĕ-  ~ jŭw-, North jĭ- ~ jŭw-). The modification here is thus not the full vowel i but a reduced ĕ. 38. mscr. kul ´ 39. There are both full (unč, tüš, püt, süt) and reduced vowels (kŭl ,ˊ kŏnč, tŏŋ, sŏŋ, kŏj, kŏr, kŏt) in these examples. In the words for ‘stone’ and ‘lake’, it is the word-final w (kew, tĕw). Most of these full vowels represent ü, as discussed in § 12. 40. The southern dialects have no ö but instead an opposition between u and ü in the full vowel paradigm (see § 11). This observation might concern the Surgut dialects even if not said to be so. The reduced vowel ö̆ is attested in Surgut dialects, in Trj and Tra it is represented by two phonemes, a closed and a half-open one. 41. Interestingly, Castrén has not noted the difference between /a/ and /ä/ in any of the dialects. ☙4❧ jiwem ‘come’. This modification, too, seems to appear mostly in short syllables37. § 10 The vowel o in Ostyak has no modifications. It always sounds like the German o in the words Gott, offen, Donner. § 11 In the general pronunciation, the vowel u sounds as deep as the Finnish or Russian u. In Irtyš, I have observed in this vowel a modification, which is very near to the Swedish u or the Mongolian ü. According to my observations, this modification is always long, but appears most often in monosyllabic words; e.g. kul38 ‘devil’, kunč ‘nail’, unč ‘Salmo nelma (a fish)’, tuš ‘beard’, tuŋ ‘summer’, suŋ ‘corner’, keu ‘stone’, teu ‘lake’, kui ‘swamp’, kur ‘leg, foot’, kut ‘middle (point)’, put ‘kettle, pot’, sut ‘grindstone’.39 § 12 The seldom-appearing vowels ü and ö are regularly pronounced as the ü and ö in German. However, ö alternates often with the dark e, and ü with the dark i resembling the Russian ы; e.g. köǯe, keǯe ‘disease’, pöm, pem ‘bath’, könjep, kenjep ‘miserable’, l̄ök, lēk ‘track’, lüŋkim, liŋkem ‘cover’40. Both vowels ü and ö are very likely to disappear completely in the future. At the same time, the Russian ы will develop further, replacing and destroying not only these two but also many other sound nuances.41 b) Pronunciation of the consonants § 13 The Russian characters б, д, г, х, к, л, м, н, п, р, с and в correspond to the German b, d, g, ch, k, l, m, n, p, r, ss (Swedish s) and w. Between vowels, of which both or at least the preceding one is short, j sounds like ij; as e.g. in ajaŋ (or aijaŋ) ‘happy’. Ostyaks who speak Russian often pronounce l like the 50 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙5❧ ᡍ hard Russian л whenever it is followed by a hard vowel or the darker modifications of e and i; e.g. in lep ‘twopointed arrow’, lox ‘bay’. In s, a very smooth, lisping nuance can sometimes be heard; e.g. in suŋ ‘corner’, sēwes ‘rear of the boat’42. It may further be noted here that that a word-final p is often followed by an aspiration and thus sounds like pf or f; e.g. ēndep ‘belt’, jīndep ‘needle’. § 14 The smooth consonants b, d are seldom pronounced as weakly as the German b, d, but with harder sounds pronounced between b, d and p, t, as also attested in Lappish, Samoyedic and many Tartar languages43. The case with g is partly the same; it should be noted, however, that this character covers two different modifications that diverge significantly according to their pronunciation and their variations44. a) Followed by a hard vowel (a, o, u), g is mostly, and additionally when preceded by a short hard vowel always, pronounced like an aspiration, as in ‫ غ‬in Turkish, in Mongolian and g in Lappish; e.g. tōgos (tōghos) ‘friend’. The same modification can also be heard in syllable- and word-final positions, regardless of which vowels it is connected with; e.g. in jig ‘father’, meg ‘land’, peg ‘strange’, teg ‘tail’. According to its pronunciation, this modification comes very close to x, and is also easily switched into that; e.g. ańaga, ańaxa ‘mother-in-law’, ńōgrem, ńōxrem ‘carve’, jig, jix ‘father’.45 b) Preceding a smooth and light vowel, g generally has the same sound as the German g; e.g. mēget ‘breast’, uigit ‘meadow’, pēgettem ‘I bath’. Sometimes g also seems to be pronounced before a hard vowel without aspiration; e.g. jogadem ‘(to) lose’, čugadem ‘crumble’46. In a harder pronunciation, 51 42. both variants (of l and s) and allophones 43. These “smooth” consonants are allophones of /p/ and /t/. The same concerns the palatalized consonant d ,ˊ which represents / the phoneme /tˊ (see also note 26). In the words in which they are shown, they always appear between vowels or in nasal + stop combinations, thus the examples at the end of § 13 are phonematically /entǝp/ and /jintǝp/ (as for the second syllable schwa, see note 34). 44. In fact, in all the positions in which they appear (non-initial), they represent the same phoneme, /ɣ/. One of its realizations is the voiceless x (χ), which, on the other hand, is a separate phoneme but only in the context given in § 15. 45. phonematically /toɣos/, /jĕɣ/, /mĕɣ/, /pĕɣ/, /tĕɣ/, /ăńaɣa/, /ńoɣrǝm/ 46. phonematically /meɣǝt/, /ujɣǝt/, /peɣǝttǝm/, /joɣatǝm/, /čŏɣatǝm/ �Ostiacica 47. The sound change k > x in front of a back vowel has taken place in several dialects of both Khanty (southern and northern) and Mansi (northern, partly eastern), and Hungarian also shows the same tendency, as the representative of *k in front of a back vowel is h, e.g. *kala > Hu. hal, Khanty South xul, Surg. kuʌ, Mansi North xūl. 48. This should be kūȶem /kuʌəm/. 49. in the manuscript: h 50. This is controversial and hard to understand; yet surely h is not a phoneme in any of the Khanty dialects. 51. There are no traces of a pronunciation like this in the later observations of Khanty. In Surgut dialects, there are phonemes /k°/ and /ɣ°/, labialized velar stop vs. fricative, but they do not occur word-initially. 52. This is a phonetical co-articulation not marked by any other collector. ☙6❧ this modification sounds almost like k and often changes into this; e.g. ārgem, ārkem ‘sing’, kergem, kerkem ‘fall’. § 15 There are also two modifications of k, of which one corresponds to the German k and the other to Turkish ‫ .ق‬The former appears especially in front of light vowels, the latter in front of hard vowels47. In Irtyš, the aspirated k changes often into x; e.g. xanǯem, Surgut kanǯem ‘write’, xūdem, S. kūdem48 ‘hear’. The Surgut dialects do not accept word-initial x, but always use the aspirated k instead. 49 § 16 With x we mark the sharply aspirated sound, which in German is marked with <ch> and in Russian likewise with <х>. The weak German h is in Ostyak unknown. In the Surgut dialects in wordfinal positions, the aspiration is not very strong; yet it seems not to be a specific sound50. Occasionally, one can hear a weaker aspiration in word-initial position in front of w, which has also appeared earlier in Swedish (e.g. in the words hvem, hvad)51; however, this sound nuance is so rare and unspecific that it does not need a character of its own. § 17 In addition to what was said about w in the preceding paragraph, it can still be noted that word-initial w in front of any vowel is followed by a half u; e.g. wēdem or wuēdem ‘bone marrow’, wēda or wuēda ‘reindeer’. In the middle of a word, this kind of pronunciation is rare, but in the same way as j between vowels changes into ij, w is also occasionally pronounced as uw according to the same rule; e.g. kowa or kouwa ‘cuckoo’, xowat or xouwat ‘for a long time’, nowa or nouwa ‘white’, towottem or touwottem ‘(I) row’.52 Cf. § 13. § 18 The consonants ȡ and ȶ denote two aspirated sounds, of which one is pronounced like dl or dhl and the other like tl; e.g. āȡaŋ or adlaŋ (adhlaŋ) 52 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙7❧ ‘morning’, kaȶ or katl (kathl) ‘day’53. Sounds related to these also occur in the Finnish and Lappish languages54. § 19 The letters š, c, č, ʒ and ǯ all mark sibilants and they are pronounced in the following way: š c č ʒ ǯ like sch Russian ts tsch ds dsch ш ц ч дз дж 55 § 20 With ŋ we mark a nasal, which is written in German with ng; e.g. weŋ (weng) ‘son-in-law’, suŋ (sung) ‘corner’, ōŋet ‘horn’. The same sound appears in Finnish, Lappish and many other related languages. § 21 There are many sounds in the Ostyak language that are softened with j, and these are marked as follows: d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ ǵ, ḱ, l ,ˊń, t,ˊ ȶ.ˊ They are pronounced almost like dj, ȡj, gj, kj, lj, nj, tj and ȶj56. C. Alternations of sounds a) Alternations of vowels § 22 In Finnish and other related languages, the vow- els are separated into three classes: hard or majores (a, o, u), smooth or minores (ä, ö, ü) and light or mediae (e, i). In these languages, there is vowel harmony that never allows hard and smooth vowels to appear together in the same word but a) only hard vowels alone, smooth vowels alone or light vowels alone, or also b) hard vowels with light ones and smooth vowels with light ones. To follow these rules of vowel harmony, the Finnish language operates in such a way that the final vowels57 are always adjusted to the vowel of the stem. 53 53. Cf. note 20. Castrén writes the voiced variant between vowels and in connection with the voiced variants of stops, the unvoiced variant mainly in syllable and word-final positions; phonematically /aʌəŋ/ and /kǎtəʌ/. In Castrén’s notes, there is thus no difference between the word-final sequences ‑ʌ and ‑təʌ. 54. ʌ is a phoneme in Moksha Mordvin. In the Saami languages, there are unvoiced variants of laterals and nasals followed by stops due to preaspiration of the stops. Additionally, ʌ is a phoneme in Forest Nenets, which is spoken in the neighbourhood of the Surgut Khanty dialects. 55. in the manuscript ng (Swedish version), ñ (German version) 56. There are three palatalized phonemes in the Surgut dia/ lects (/ń/, /tˊ and /ʌ́/), two in the / south (/ń/ and /tˊ ) and three in ˊ / the north (O) (/l /, /ń/ and /tˊ ). Out of the sounds presented here, d ,ˊ ǵ and ḱ are allophones / of /tˊ and ȡˊ is an allophone of ȶˊ = /ʌ́/. Cf. also note 26. 57. This refers to the suffixal vowels. �Ostiacica 58. There is still vowel harmony in part of the Surgut dialects (Trj) as well as in the easternmost dialects (VVj). In these dialects, the schwa (ǝ), the most common suffixal vowel, also has two variants, one more front and one more back. The vowel harmony is inherited from Proto-Khanty (Steinitz 1950, Honti 1984). 59. There are no diphthongs in Khanty, cf. note 23. 60. ‘elbow’ 61. Here we see the character <ĭ> in the original text. It is not provided in the character list on p. 1/47. 62. Phonematically, a and e in these words represent the schwa(s) /ə̑/, /ǝ/. ☙8❧ § 23 As the Ostyak language has nearly lost its smooth vowels due to Russian influence, the rules based on the trifold character of vowels also have little importance58. However, they are obeyed in the sense that e.g. hard and smooth vowels never appear together in the same diphthong59. The root words also thoroughly avoid this kind of mixture, cf. e.g. końar and köńer ‘arm’60, pāgart and pȫgert ‘timber’, šudai and šĭgȡei61 ‘partridge’62. Obviously, the vowel change in the final syllable is due to the rules of vowel harmony mentioned above. § 24 These rules are often left unheeded in derived words and in suffixes, especially in the Irtyš dialects. Many suffixes have here adopted their specific final vowels, which are not subject to change based on the stem vowel. Additionally, a long vowel in the final syllable is not easily affected by the preceding vowels, and the aspirated consonants x, g, k are, especially in the Surgut dialects, nearly always followed by a hard vowel, even if there are smooth vowels preceding them. If the final syllable has a stronger stress, it also requires a harder vowel, regardless of the vowel of the stem. There are, however, also suffixes in which the hard a (o) alternates with the smooth e. The former follows a hard vowel or a light vowel connected with a hard one, while the latter may also follow a smooth vowel, a light vowel, or a smooth vowel connected with a light one. These rules mainly apply to the Surgut dialects; in the Irtyš dialects, hard consonants are also often followed by e. § 25 If the stem has a long ā, ō or ū followed immediately by an aspirated g, the vowel in the suffix occurs after ā as a short a and after ō or ū as a short o; e.g. ńāgam ‘smile’, cāgat ‘plank board’, tāgat ‘linen’, 54 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙9❧ wāgat ‘thin’, ńōgos ‘sable’, ōgot ‘sledge’, pōgor ‘islet’, sōgot ‘plane (for shaving)’, mōgoŋ ‘pregnant’, jōgot ‘bow’, lōgom ‘still, tranquil’, mūgot ‘liver’, pūgot ‘village’, sūgom ‘thread’. All the other long vowels, even after g, are followed by e, and occasionally i is followed by i; e.g. pȫgert ‘timber’, mēget ‘breast’, čēget, čīgit ‘tinder’. These rules, which in many Tartar languages are obeyed much more extensively, permit many exceptions in Ostyak.63 § 26 A similar vowel harmony also sometimes occurs when the long vowel is followed by d (ȡ) and r; e.g. sōdom ‘the river Salym’, sōdop ‘sheath’, sōrot ‘sea’, sōrom ‘dry’, mōrom, māram ‘fold’. r can even be followed by u, in cases where the first syllable has an ū; e.g. tūrum ‘God’, tūrup ‘sparse’64. § 27 Cases in which the vowel harmony affects in the way that the stem vowel alternates according to the following vowel are very rare. This kind of change occurs occasionally, when the stem is split and loses its stress due to division or in compound words; e.g. xui or xaját ‘man’, xōt ‘tent’, xāt-xár ‘bottom of the tent’65. § 28 In general, the stem vowels in the Finnish-Tartar languages do not show any specific alternations, and this has been considered typical of the whole class of languages. The Surgut dialects are in this sense a peculiar counterexample, because here the stem vowels alternate almost as easily as in the Germanic languages. It deserves to be noted, especially because the target of the change is not the short vowel, which is occasionally unstable in other related languages, but mostly the long vowel in the stem66. This kind of change occurs mostly a) in nouns combined with a singular possessive suffix 55 63. This is simply a question of phonetic assimilation of the schwa. /ɣ/ might be a consonant that is so weak in itself that the assimilation is stronger in words where it occurs between the vowels. 64. This, again, means assimilation of the schwa to the consonants in the syllable, especially to the final labial consonant. Interestingly, the word for ‘thread’ /sūɣǝm/ would be expected to have a similar pronunciation (sūɣum). 65. This, too, is essentially assimilation. In the case of /χăt-χăr/, the full vowel (in /χɔt/) also changes into a reduced one (simultaneously with the loss of stress). 66. This paradigmatic vowel change is typical of the eastern dialects, in which it has evolved from the Proto-Khanty corresponding system (Honti 1984: 31–32). It is also used in other Khanty dialects as well as in Mansi, but only with a few so-called thematic verbs. This alternation is inherited from proto-Ob-Ugrian and it is considered the starting point of the more developed Proto-Khanty system. �Ostiacica 67. The vowel alternation is the phonematical å : u, o : u. 68. In the imperative, the alternation å ~ u has a third alternant, the velar i. 69. = näŋk : niŋkam (with ŋ) 70. The words with <a> all represent the paradigmatic vowel alternation ä : i (as Castrén did not make a difference between a (å) and ä); i.e. ämp : impem, täs : tisem, wäsǝɣ : wisɣam (wisɣäm). 71. Honti (1984: 32) gives the alternation ɔ̈ : ü but only in the easternmost (VVj) dialects. 72. This happens occasionally in connection with derivative suffixes in all dialects (Honti 1984: 31). 73. The form of the word in the south is imə (loc. iməna) and the correct translation is ‘(old) woman’. In this case, both a and e are phonetic realizations of the phoneme /ə/. However, this word represents a flexion type that has some specific vowel alternations in all dialects; see note 78. ☙ 10 ❧ b) in verbs in the past tense indicative, as well as participles, and occasionally also in the imperative. § 29 In the forms mentioned, the changes are: 1. o and the deep a into u; e.g. pōm ‘grass’, pūmem ‘my grass’, ōŋk ‘resin’, ūŋkam ‘my resin’, sōm ‘scale (of fish)’, sūmem ‘my scale’; āȶ ‘year’, ūȶem ‘my year’, sārt ‘pike’, sūrtem ‘my pike’, mōnt,ˊ māntˊ ‘story’, mūntem ‘my story’, āmetȶem ‘I set’, past ūmdem; ˊ nōbaȶȶōjem ‘I float’, past nūpȶōjem; āgaȶȶam ‘I vomit’, past ūgoȡem. In general, both the imperative and the past participle behave like the past tense67; however, if the stem has a deep a, occasionally in the imperative we can hear a modification of u which is sometimes near to ü, sometimes to ы68; e.g. jāntȶem ‘I sew’, past jūndem, imperat. jūnde (jǖnde, jīnde); āretȶem ‘I divide’, past ūrdem, imperat. ūrde (ǖrde); āmesȶem ‘I sit’, past ūmsem, imperat. ūmse (ǖmse). 2. a, e into i; e.g. āt ‘night’, ītem ‘my night’; āmp ‘dog’, īmpem ‘my dog’; nānk69 ‘larch’, nīnkam ‘my larch’; tās ‘ware’, tīsem ‘my thing(s)’; wāsex ‘duck’, wīsxam ‘my duck’70; ńēwer ‘lather’, ńīurem ‘my lather’; lēk ‘track’, līkam ‘my track’; āȡemȡem ‘I lift’, past īȶmem; jēntȶˊem ‘I drink’, past jīnd em. Sometimes the a ˊ in the past tense remains unchanged and the imperative gets the ī; e.g. jāŋetȶem ‘I spin’, past jāŋdem, imperat. jīŋde. ‘my 3. ȫ into ǖ; e.g. kȫr ‘oven’, S. kǖrem 71 oven’; kȫń ‘arctic fox’, kǖńem ‘my arctic fox’ . N.B. As far as I know, a similar vowel alternation also occurs in the Irtyš dialects, exceptionally in derived words; e.g. namas ‘sense’, namasem or numem ‘remember’, kāt ‘two’, kīmet ‘second’. According to my observations, i, u and ü in the Surgut dialects do not alternate in this way72. § 30 While the vowels in the stem are stiff and invariable, the vowels in non-initial syllables are 56 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 11 ❧ unstable and subject to change. We do not wish to show all changes of this kind, but only to provide some of the most important ones. When doing so, we refer mostly to the Irtyš dialects. 1. When the stem-final vowel is a, it is replaced in inflexion by a short e; e.g. īma ‘mother’, loc. īmena73; āda ‘sleep!’, past ādem74. 2. When a follows the aspirated consonants x, g, k, it remains unchanged; e.g. ańaxa ‘stepmother’, dat. ańaxaja; toga ‘bow’, dat. togaja, etc. 3. Additionally, a also remains unchanged in certain cases after other consonants, like in the future tense indicative 1st and 2nd person sing., in nominative plural, in front of 1st and 2nd person suffixes, etc. 4. In the Surgut dialects, a changes easily into i; e.g. kara ‘field’, kariȶ ‘their field’; āȶŋam ‘I sleep’, 3rd person past āȶniȶ75. This vowel alternation also sometimes occurs in the Irtyš dialects; e.g. kādn (kat) ‘two’, kīmet ‘second’; mā ‘I’, dual mīn, etc.76 5. In all dialects e often changes into i; e.g. panem ‘I have put’, 3rd person pl paniȶ77; īmet ‘mothers’, īmidam ‘my mothers’78. This change occurs most often after j and the smooth g. 6. On the other hand, in the Surgut dialects, i can occasionally change into e; e.g. kilsi ‘barbel (fish)’, kilsem, kilsen ‘my, your barbel’. 7. Between two vowels, i and u change into j and w; e.g. ai ‘happiness’, ajaŋ ‘happy’, keu ‘stone’, keweŋ ‘stony’79. § 31 The short a is often subject to elision, especially in cases where two similar vowels meet in in compounds of two separate words; e.g. aŋaŋa instead of aŋa-aŋa ‘grandmother’. The same happens to both vowels mentioned in front of many formative elements; e.g. nowa ‘white’, nowoxtep ‘whitish’, werde ‘red’, werdoxtep ‘reddish’80. More­ over, word-final a and e following a long syllable 57 74. This is not a stem-final a but the ending of the imperative form, and in the past tense, e is a part of the suffix. 75. In the Surgut dialects, the 3rd person plural forms have the ending ‑iʌ; here, too, i belongs to the suffix. In the word āȶniȶ /aʌŋiʌ/, the occurrence of <n> instead of <ŋ> seems to be a typographical error. 76. These Irtyš examples do not show the alternation in a noninitial syllable; the variation in these words is lexical. 77. See note 75. 78. This concerns a set of single words, i.e. it is a question of flexion type; the correct translation of imi (imə) is ‘(old) woman’; another word of the same flexion type is ewə ‘girl, daughter’: (Kr. KO) ewem ‘my daughter’, eweŋətam ‘my two daughters’, ewitam ‘my (many) daughters’ (Honti 1984: 133); basically, in this flexion type, the stem ends with a reduced vowel, which in certain forms alternates with a full one. 79. Rather, in syllable- and stemfinal positions, the consonants j and w are weakened to semi­ vowels. The etymological counterparts of the word kew ‘stone’ in many related languages also show the consonant, e.g. Fi. kivi ‘stone’. 80. These words for weak colours are also compounds: the latter part ‑oxtep (‑oχtəp) is an adjectival derivative of the word oχət ‘surface’; i.e. “with a red/ white surface”. �Ostiacica 81. This means the vowel /ǝ/ in the second syllable. 82. The correct translation is ‘come’. 83. All the examples are words which have /ǝ/ in the second syllable of the stem: menǝt-, aɣət-, jŏχət-, teɣət-, oŋət, poɣər, jarət-, ewət-; this alternation is not dependent on the full vs. reduced character of the first syllable vowel. 84. This is because it only concerns the vowels of an original second syllable /ǝ/. 85. In the words muraχ and χulax the second syllable vowel is full, i.e. not /ǝ/. ☙ 12 ❧ are very easily lost, and in common speech they often disappear; e.g. ēne or ēn ‘big’, sīra, sīr, Surg. sār ‘before’. § 32 There is also a particular type of elision in the middle of the word that is very influential and extensive. This elision has the following rule: in the middle of the word, any short vowel81 can disappear when there is a long vowel in the preceding syllable if the two consonants beside them can be joined together without help of a vowel; e.g. mēndem instead of mēnedem ‘bend’; āxtem instead of āgadem ‘vomit’; jōxtem instead of jōgodem ‘go in’82; tēgdem instead of tēgedem ‘fly’; ōŋdet instead of ōŋedet plural of ōŋet ‘horn’; pōxret instead of pōgoret, plural of pōgor ‘islet’, etc. Dialectally, this elision can also occur immediately after a short syllable; e.g. jaradem or jardem ‘forget’; ewedem or eudem ‘cut, carve’.83 N.B. 1. This elision rule does not apply to compounds; e.g. tūduš (actually tūt-uš) ‘flint pouch’, pl. tūdušet84. 2. The elision is also sometimes absent in single words, especially if the consonants to be joined are too many and heterogeneous; e.g. pēteŋ ‘cloud’, dat. pēteŋa or pētŋa; ēpsendem (not ēpsndem) ‘smell’; ēsemdem (not ēsmdem) ‘suck’; mūraxat (not mūrxat) ‘cloudberries’; xūlaxat (not xūlxat) ‘ravens’85. 3. Additionally, in connection with this kind of elision, the consonants involved can be either hardened or smoothened, sometimes they can be elided, too. § 33 In order to facilitate pronunciation, sometimes short vowels can be added at the end or also in the middle of a word; e.g. pūma-xar (instead of pūm-xar); 58 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 13 ❧ ‘mown meadow’ wāga-pēlek (instead of wax-pēlek) ‘one kopeck’; xūdamet ‘sixth’ (instead of xutmet); mōgoŋ, Surg. mōkŋ ‘pregnant’, etc. The language does not seem to have any specific rules for additions like this. § 34 If we compare the Irtyš dialect to both Surgut dialects, we can see many sorts of vowel differences both in the stem of the words and in the suffixes. Here is a short overview of these: 86 1. a, e; e.g. LS. kera ‘sterlet (fish)’, LS. kari; estem ‘let, release’, US. asȶem; kawa hammer’, LS. kewi; eder ‘clear’, S. ater, kerap ‘vehicle’, S. kerep; jirnas ‘shirt’, S. jernes; šermat ‘headstall’, S. širmetˊ87 2. ā, ē; e.g. ājem ‘glue’, S. ējem; ēbet ‘smell’, S. āpeȶ; čawer ‘hare’, US. tēwer; pāgart ‘timber’, LS. pēwert. a, i; e.g. opa ‘elder sister’, S. opi; aŋa ‘mother’, S. 3. aŋki; lūla ‘a seabird’, S. lūli; īma ‘woman’, S. īmi. ˊ ˊ ˊ 4. ā, ī; e.g. jānd em, jēnd em ‘drink’, S. jīnd em; tāsem ‘my things’, S. tīsem88. 5. a, o; e.g. jaradem ‘forget’, S. jorodem; adaša ‘stallion’, S. odoša; aidem ‘find’, S. ojodem; kowa ‘cuckoo’, LS. kawi. 6. ā, ō; e.g. ōŋet ‘horn’, S āŋet; ōŋdep ‘gaff, spear’, S. āŋdep; mōrom ‘fold’, S. māram; sōm ‘fish flake’, S. sām; sōjem ‘mountain brook’, S. sājem; sōrt ‘pike’, S. sārt; ōš ‘sheep’, S. āč89. 7. a, u; e.g. warŋai ‘crow’, S. urŋi. 8. ā, ū; e.g. sūpos ‘knitting needle’, US. sāwas; āxtem ‘vomit’, S. ūgodem. 9. a, ü; e.g. aŋasem ‘take off one’s shoes’, S. üŋacem. ‘spruce’, 10. a, ai; e.g. joura ‘slanted’, S. jourai; ńatxa 90 S. ńatxai; ańaxa ‘stepmother’, S. anjakai ‘willow 11. ai, oi; e.g. poi ‘aspen’, S. pai; poidek 91 grouse’, S. paitek; moitet ‘soap’, S. maitek . 12. āu, īu; e.g. nāurem, ńīurem ‘jump’92. 59 86. The first word (along with the words on the list without reference to dialect) represents the Irtyš dialect. This abbreviation is thus unnecessary (and false!). 87. The differences in the first syllable vowels show the result of historical sound changes, which have led to different phonemes. The ones in the second syllable again show phonetic realizations of the reduced vowel phoneme /ǝ/. 88. This is the paradigmatic vowel alternation ä ~ i in Surgut. 89. This is an attested and regular sound correspondence between the dialects. 90. Suffixal variation; the words without the final i (= j) show the simplification of the suffix. 91. Essentially the same alternation as in no. 6, with a syllablefinal i (= j). 92. Essentially the same alternation as in no. 4, with a syllablefinal i (= j). �Ostiacica 93. The actual representation in Surgut is ö, ɔ̈ (cf. nr. 17). 94. In the latter vowel, the labialization is a feature in the consonant, the Surgut (Trj, Tra) phoneme ŋ°: phonematically / jeŋ°ǝt/. 95. The correct translation is ‘child’. 96. The first example shows the same feature as explained in note 94 but with the rounded ɣ° phoneme: (Irtyš (Kr.) kew vs. Surgut (Tra) käɣ°; the latter the combination aw vs. ew (the word ‘child’ has a full vowel in both syllables, even if marked as “short” here) 97. Cf. notes 94 and 96: the alternation is South ‑w vs. Surgut ‑ɣ°: actually nĕw ~ nŏɣ°, tĕw ~ ʌŏɣ°. 98. The verb ‘come’ is one of the so-called thematic verbs that have two or more vowel alternations in the stem; however, they appear in different inflective forms: in juwem ‘I came’, the vowel is u; the variant i does not occur in this form (past) but instead in jitǝm ‘I come’ (present/future). 99. Simplification of the suffix; see note 90. ☙ 14 ❧ 13. e, i; e.g. keredem ‘return, come back’, S kirigȡem; kiser ‘playing cards’, OS. keser; jermak, jirmak ‘silk’; jirnas ‘shirt’, S. jernes; pete ‘bottom, ground’, S. pite. 14. ē, ī; e.g. nēbek ‘paper’, S. nīpek; tīliš ‘moon, month’, S. tēȡes. 15. e, o; e.g. ket ‘word’, S. koȶ; weŋ ‘son-in-law’, S. woŋ; kergem ‘fall (down)’, S. korgem93. 16. ē, ū; e.g. ēne, ūna ‘big’. 17. e, ö: e.g. pem ‘sauna steam’, S. pöm; keńer ‘arm’, US. köńer. 18. ē, ei; e.g. ēssig, eissig ‘old man’, ēt, eit ‘item’; ēdem ‘leave (behind)’, S. eidem. 19. ē, eu; e.g. jēŋet ‘spinning wheel’, S. jeuŋet94 20. ē, au; e.g. mēget ‘breast’, S. maugeȶ. 21. ei, oi; e.g. tej ‘top, tip’, LS. toi. 22. ei, üi; e.g. tei ‘pus’, S. tüi. 95 23. eu, au; e.g. keu ‘stone’, S. kaux; ńaurem ‘young ’, 96. S. ńeurem eu, ou; e.g. neu ‘branch, twig’, LS. noux; teu 24. ‘bone’, S. ȶoux97. 98 25. i, u; e.g. jiwem, juwem ‘come’ ; šudai ‘partridge’, LS. šigdei. i, ü; e.g. mil ‘hat’, S. mül; jinda ‘tow line’, S. jün26. dex; linda ‘bullfinch’, S. lünti. 27. ī, ǖ; e.g. kīda ‘sister-in-law, brother-in-law’, S. kǖdi. 28. i, ai; e.g. warŋai ‘crow’, S. urŋi; jeterŋai ‘capercaillie’, S. jeterŋi; kuŋnai ‘elbow’, S. kunxŋi99. 29. o, u; e.g. tuŋ ‘summer’, S. ȶoŋ; turt ‘root’, LS. tort; tunt ‘goose’, S. ȶont; unǯa ‘spruce’, S. onǯex; puŋat ‘side’, S. poŋaȶ; pusem ‘wash (clothes)’, S. possem; numem ‘remember’, S. nomem. 30. ō, ū; e.g. xūt ‘cough’, S. kōȶ; xūlax ‘raven’, US. kōlak; mūrax ‘cloudberry’, S. mōrak; ōmsem ‘sit’, S. ūmsem; pūden ‘nettle’, S. pōȡen. 60 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 15 ❧ 31. o, ö; e.g. końar, keńer ‘arm’, US. köńer. 32. ō, ȫ; e.g. kōr ‘oven’, S. kȫr; koń, kȫn ‘arctic fox’. ˊ ˊ 33. o, ō, oi; e.g. ńōgo ‘flesh, meat’, S. ńōgoi; ōd a, oid a ‘sour’. 34. o, ou; e.g. nox (US.), noux (LS.) ‘twig’; ńox ‘moose’, LS. ńoux; tox (US.) ‘lake’, toux (LS.)100. 35. ō, au; e.g. jōgot ‘bow’, LS. jaugoȶ; pōgor ‘islet’, S. paugor; ōgot ‘sledge’, LS. augoȶ. 36. oi, ui; e.g. toi, tui ‘top, tip’, tui ‘finger’, LS. ȶoi. b) Alternations of consonants § 35 In order to provide general rules for alternations in consonants, we divide them into three classes: A) Hard: k, x, ḱ, p, t, t,ˊ ȶ, ȶ,ˊ c, š, c, č. B) Smooth: g, ǵ, ŋ, b, d, ȡ, d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ ʒ, ǯ. C) Light: j, l, l ,ˊ m, n, ń, r, w. N.B. As an exception, ŋ has simultaneously the char101 acter of both a light and a smooth consonant. § 36 There is a rule to be observed, in Ostyak as well as in other languages, that the smooth consonants may not appear either in word-initial or word-final position, whereas the hard and light consonants can occur in both these positions102. However, the vowel consonants j and w change into i and u in word-final position, and word-initially they are very common103. N.B. 1. Among the smooth consonants, ŋ and the aspi- rated g can occur in word-final position, although the latter changes easily to x; e.g. jig, jix ‘father’; meg, mex ‘clay, land’, mag, max ‘honey’104. 2. If there are two consonants in the end of a word, may neither of these be smooth. Only exceptionally sometimes the first of these can be smooth; e.g. kādn or kātn ‘two’105. § 37 Smooth consonants are equally rare in sylla- ble-final positions inside one word, as they are 61 100. The labialization is, again, a feature of the consonant: “US.” ‑ɣ vs. “LS.” ‑ɣ°. However, the rounded consonants k°, ɣ° and ŋ° are attested in all Surgut dialects. 101. In the German mscr., ŋ is classified as a light consonant and the “N.B.” is the following: In the Surgut dialects, h has simultaneously the character of both a hard and a smooth consonant, e.g. jandham ‘to sing’ (unclear, looks like “singen”). 102. With the exception of g = /ɣ/ and ŋ, the “smooth” consonants are voiced (or medial) allophones to the corresponding “hard”, i.e. unvoiced stops and affricates, and they occur in word internal positions between vowels or following a nasal (m, n, ń, ŋ) or liquid (l, r). 103. So they, in fact, make up a group of their own. 104. g = /ɣ/ is the phoneme here and x its word-final voiceless allophone. In the observations of many other scholars, the voiced g = /ɣ/ also appears word-finally. 105. This is an inflected form, seemingly kät ‘2’ + Px2Sg “your two”, i.e. ‘the two of yours’. �Ostiacica 106. In the first example, there is a phonetic free variation of Surgut /aʌʌəm/. In the latter example, the first variant maxta [măχtə] is from Irtyš and the latter magdi [Trj măɣʌi ̮] from Surgut. 107. Consonant! 108. There is no rule or tendency in the distribution of /k/ and /ɣ/ in this respect. 109. I.e. the smoother (voiced or medial) variants occur between vowels or in combination with a nasal or liquid (cf. note 102). 110. This is a rule which obviously has not been easy to formulate; e.g. in this example, the consonant t is not followed by a “hard” but by a “light” consonant. We only need one rule, which is formulated in note 109, and this is only for allophones. 111. This would be, though, exactly the same free variation as in āȡȡam vs. āȶȶam above, cf. note 106. 112. Phonematically: jeńtˊǝm — t jeńtˊ ǝm ‘I drank — I (will) drink’; in the past tense, between a nasal and a vowel, the allophone is medial (or voiced). 113. free variation in one context (between vowels) ☙ 16 ❧ in word-final position. In the Irtyš dialects, only ŋ and g appear often in syllable-final position; e.g. jigdeŋ ‘stepfather’, megdeŋ ‘cyprinus dobula (dace)’, megder ‘angleworm’, ōŋdep ‘gaff, spear’, jēŋdem ‘spin’, whereas in the Surgut dialects, other consonants can also appear, e.g. üȡȡim ‘I (will) heat’; āȡȡam ‘I (will) sleep’. § 38 In syllable-initial positions, a hard consonant must always be preceded by a hard one and a smooth consonant by a smooth one.; e.g. āȡȡam or āȶȶam ‘I (will) sleep’, maxta, magdi ‘laurel willow’106. If the preceding syllable ends with a vowel or a light consonant, either a hard or a smooth consonant can initiate the following one. There are no specific rules in these cases, yet it seems that a condition can be given according to which a smooth vowel107 follows a long syllable and a hard one a short syllable; e.g. jukan ‘lot (fate)’; jōgot ‘bow’.108 § 39 According to the sound harmonic rules in Ostyak presented in §§ 36–38, the consonants are either hardened or smoothened. The smoothening occurs especially when a flexion ending is added, in compounds, in the frequent cases with additional vowels, etc.; e.g. kerap ‘vehicle’, pl. kerabet; pēlak ‘half’, pēlget; xōdoxta instead of xōtoxta ‘roof’; āxtem or ũgodem ‘vomit’109. On the other hand, the consonants are always hardened when they are word-final, as well as in the middle of the word following a hard consonant; e.g. pēdem ‘horsefly’, pl. pētmet (instead of pēdemet)110, tūbat ‘basket’, pl. tuptet (instead of tūbadet); jōxtem (instead of jōgodem) ‘go in’; ōmattem (instead of ōmaddem) ‘I (will) sit’111; tāptem (instead of tābedem) ‘feed’. § 40 In Ostyak, the smooth and hard consonants corresponding to one another are the following; b and p; e.g. lībet ‘leaf’, pl. līptet. d — t; e.g. jādam ‘seine net’, pl. jātmet. ȡ — ȶ; e.g. ńāȡem ‘tongue’, pl. ńāȶmet. 62 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 17 ❧ d ˊ and tˊ e.g. jēnd em ‘drink’, fut. jēnttem112. ; ˊ ˊ ȡˊ— ȶ; e.g. siȡa or siȶa ‘gunpowder’113. ˊ ˊ ˊ g — k, x; e.g. jigem ‘set (a bow, a trap)’; fut. jiktem; ńagam ‘laugh’, fut. ńāxtam114. ǵ — ḱ; e.g. senḱ ‘bast’, senǵem ‘my bast’. ŋ — nk, nx; e.g. seŋem ‘hit’, fut. senktem; jāŋam ‘walk’, fut. jānxtam115. (ʒ — c) ǯ — č, š; e.g. ūš or ūč ‘cloth’, ūǯem ‘my cloth’, mungolǯem ‘I bound’, 1. prs.  Pl.116 mungolšmen. N.B. The hard s has no smooth counterpart in the language and thus cannot occur together with a smooth consonant. § 41 A sequential rule after those concerning smooth- ening and hardening of the consonants in Ostyak is, as in most of the related languages, the very important rule that two consonants are not allowed either in the beginning of a word or syllable or in the end of them. Only in word- or syllable-final positions are there sometimes sequences of two consonants, when one of these, and most often the former, is a liquid or sibilant, or ŋ or ȶ. We have observed the following combinations of two consonants: lt, lt,ˊ mt, nt, nȶ, nt,ˊ nȶ,ˊ rt, ts, sȶ, ȶt, lš, nš, nč, nk, nḱ, nx, tn, dn, mp, kŋ, rm, rn, rx; e.g. peltčēm ‘I exchange’, poltˊ ‘tallow’, teremttem ‘I spread (out)’, tunt ‘goose’, mōntˊ ‘story’, kunȶˊ ‘sunrise, sunset’, sārt ‘pike’, sast ‘lizard’117, āmesȶ ‘he sits’118, ōȶt ‘they sleep’, nōgolšmen gerund of nōgolǯem ‘stake, support’119, čānšpan ‘pitch thread’, čānč ‘knee’, jānk ‘nail’, senḱ ‘bast’, ōƞx ‘resin’120, itn ‘evening’, kādn ‘two’121, āmp ‘dog’122, wokŋ ‘strong’, tūrm ‘God’, ārndeŋ ‘guilty’, ürx, erx ‘excessive’123. § 42 Some consonants occur in the combinations mentioned above only seldom, and usually change into other sounds. Thus, m in front of t 63 114. The examples represent two different alternations: in the first one the phoneme /k/ is represented by a medial between two vowels (phonetically {jiGəm}), whilst in the second one the phoneme /ɣ/ is represented by its voiceless allophone followed by a voiceless stop (backward assimilation). 115. In these cases, both the combinations ŋk and ŋχ have been sporadically simplified between vowels. This does not normally happen in Khanty dialects. The normalized verbs are seŋk- and jăŋχ-, respectively. 116. First person dual! All examples represent the phoneme /č/. 117. Up to this, they are combinations that truly exist in these positions, cf. 120 below. 118. ʌ and its counterpart l in the northern dialects form a syllable of their own when used as a personal ending, like here present tense 3Sg. 119. These two have in the phonematic system, a schwa between the consonants; i.e. they are not combinations of two consonants but sequences of C1əC2. 120. Combinations of nasal/liquid + stop/affricate are allowed. They are, though, often simplified to a stop/affricate: jak : jankem, etc. 121. itən ‘in the morning’, kätən ‘the two of yours’, cf. note 105. 122. Cf. 120 above, often ap : ampem ‘my dogs’, apɣən ‘two dogs’ but ampət ‘(many) dogs’. ̆ 123. actually: (S.) wɔ̈ɣ°əŋ, turəm, ärǝntǝŋ, ö̆rəɣ �Ostiacica 124. dual = ‘we two; both of us’ 125. In the Surgut dialects, they represent the same phoneme, whilst in the southern dialects, /č / and /š / are separate (Honti 1984: 26). 126. This is a lexical phenomenon and concerns certain words. The ones mentioned here belong to the most important ones of this kind: the regular form for ‘one’ is /ĕj/ {i }, and there are no later examples of the form it; īwe(t) /iwǝ, iwǝt/ is a postposition which in many dialects has developed into ablative case suffix; ĕn is a negative particle which is used in verb conjugation and often loses its final ‑t when the verb following it begins with a consonant (as in the final example of § 43); and the 1PSg pronoun (Surgut mä, O ma) only gets its ‑n in declension. 127. The possessive suffix of 2PSg is ‑en; it is recognizable also without the final ‑n on the basis of its full vowel. 128. Rather ‘armless man’. There is also an assimilation <ȶȶ> in the written form, actually /kätʌəɣ ku/ (kät ‘arm, hand’, ‑ʌəɣ is the caritive suffix); certainly an assimilation or elision takes place when ɣ and k meet at a word boundary; one would rather expect {kätʌək ku}. 129. The dual suffix is /‑ɣən/; in the northern and part of the southern (Kr.) dialects, /‑ŋən/. ☙ 18 ❧ usually changes into n; e.g. terenttem ‘I spread (out)’ instead of teremttem. In the middle of a word, č also very often becomes š when preceded by a consonant; e.g. kenšmen instead of kenčmen ‘we124 caught’, čānšpan instead of čānčpan ‘pitch thread’. Additionally, in the Surgut dialects, word-final č nearly always changes into š; e.g. aš instead of ač ‘chalk’; ūš instead of ūč ‘cloth’; woš instead of woč ‘town’125. § 43 In order to prevent too many consonants from occurring together, the language uses the means of deleting one of the consonants, in most cases the first one. In addition, of the consonants mentioned in § 41, one is sometimes deleted; e.g. ńamlet instead of ńamplet, pl. of ńambal ‘mud’; kušpet instead of kunšpet, pl. of kunǯep ‘comb’, jāxtam instead of jānxtam ‘I walk’. Sometimes the latter consonant is deleted; e.g. ȶor instead of ȶort ‘root’. This happens especially often in situations when two words are tied together in pronunciation and thereby several consonants meet; e.g. ammox instead of amp-mox ‘puppy’; en werem instead of ent werem ‘I did not (do)’. § 44 Additionally, there are many elisions in Ostyak that are not dependent on any special rules. Especially in word-final position, t, n and in the Surgut dialects x are deleted; e.g. i pa instead of it pa ‘once’; opīwe instead of opīwet ‘from the elder sister’; en instead of ent ‘not’, ma instead of man ‘I’126; rīte instead of rīten ‘your boat’127; koȶȶa ku instead of koȶȶax ku ‘man without a hand’128. The elision of x also sometimes occurs in the middle of a word; e.g. lenkep ‘split’, dual lenkepan instead of lenkepxan129. Moreover, a double consonant is often pronounced as a single one, and when two similar syllables meet, one of them can sometimes be deleted; e.g. īmiden instead of īmideden ‘your mothers’; cf. § 85. Some special elisions will be discussed in the morphological section. N.B. In many cases, in the general pronunciation, the 64 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 19 ❧ consonant can partly be deleted, partly preserved. In the orthography, we follow the etymological demands of the language and thus write the sounds as completely as possible. § 45 Sometimes in Ostyak, the vowel consonants j, w as well as g, x and k can be added. This addition occurs in word-initial and word-final as well as wordinternal positions: A) When the word begins with a vowel, sometimes j and w are required as a kind of aspiration; e.g. it or jit ‘under’, īndep or jīndep ‘needle’130. B) Word-final vowels in the Surgut dialects become aspirated when they occur with x; e.g. neu, noux ‘twig’; jeu, jeux ‘perch’; jeura, jeurex ‘wolf’; keu, LS. kaux ‘stone’131. The Irtyš dialect often uses j and this is why i is written after the vowel; e.g. joura or jourai, S. jagrax ‘slanted’132. C) Word-internally we find the following additions of consonants: Between two vowels that come together, j, g or a) w is easily added; e.g. mejem instead of me’em ‘give’, ńatxaja or ńatxaga instead of ńatxa’a, dative of ńatxa ‘pine’, tēwem instead of tē’em ‘eat’133. This addition of j, g often occurs when the two vowels are exactly the same and especially when the first one is long. b) In the Surgut dialects, g can sometimes also be added between a vowel and a consonant; e.g. jaran, S. jargan ‘Samoyed’, sēwem, S sēwgem ‘braid, weave’, šudai, S. šigdei ‘partridge’, keredem, S. kirigdem ‘return’134. c) Word-internally, an addition of x, k occurs sometimes but rarely in the Surgut dialects; e.g. namasem, S. namaxsem ‘remember’, naresem, S. nareksem ‘play’135. § 46 In the Surgut dialects, a single consonant is very often duplicated between the vowels of the 65 130. In the first example, j is added in jit, while in the second example, j is original and deleted in īndep. 131. In three of these examples, it is a question of the correspondence of South ‑w vs. Surgut ‑ɣ° (marked with <ux>; i.e. the labialization takes place on the consonant). In the word for ‘wolf’, there is an elision of the final consonant ‑ɣ in the South. 132. the same derivation type as in ‘wolf’ above 133. The verbs ‘give’ and ‘eat’ are thematic, i.e. they have two alternating stems: mĕ- ~ mĕj- and te- ~ tew- (Surgut ʌi- ~ ʌiɣ°- or ʌiw-, respectively). (Honti 1984: 35–36.) 134. In these words, too, ‑ɣ- is original, and in the South, an elision has taken place. 135. Here, too, the guttural is original, while in the South, an elision has taken place. �Ostiacica 136. This is one reason why the vowels today are divided into full vs. reduced instead of long vs. short; because full vowels also have short allophones. It is rather interesting that Castrén has wanted to write a double j following the Finnish way with <ij>. 137. This is a partial assimilation to ʌ, which in these suffixes marks plurality of the possessed. 138. Here, an extra j is added, probably to stress the palatalization. 139. This is also assimilation; it is expected that the whole consonant cluster would get the pal/ atalization of /ńtˊ here; i.e. the palatalization does not move entirely from the consonant cluster of the stem to the suffix, but is rather extended to the suffix. 140. This is not a sound change or alternation but a difference in the suffixes referring to number and possession. In Surgut, the suffix for absolute dual is ‑ɣən and the one for dual possessed is ‑ɣəʌ- with the original dual marker ‑ɣ- and ‑ʌ probably adopted from the series of plural possessed, cf. possessive suffixes pp.  15–16 in the Short Grammatical Description. 141. The former is a speciality occurring in derivation, the latter a backward assimilation. 142. I.e. the reduced vowel makes the consonant sound stronger, cf. 136 above. ☙ 20 ❧ first and the second syllable. This reduplication takes place especially after a preceding long vowel, which in this position is normally pronounced as a short vowel (cf. § 52, section b); e.g. xōteŋ, S. kōtteŋ (kotteŋ) ‘swan’; kēne, S. kānnex (kannex) ‘easy, light’, ējem, S. ēijem instead of ējjem (ejjem) ‘glue’.136 It has to be noted that in connection with the reduplication, the weak consonants are always hardened; e.g. edep, S. ettep ‘verst’, kugur, S. kukkur ‘basket’; cf. § 39. § 47 Moreover, there are many consonant changes that cannot be described with common rules and regulations. We give the most important of these here: a) In the Surgut dialects, č changes often into t; e.g. ūč ‘cloth’, ūtȶam ‘my clothes’, āč ‘mutton’, ātȶam ‘my muttons’137. ˊ (t ; b) tt (tˊ + t) becomes ttˊ138 + tˊ) and ńt becomes ntˊ e.g. jēnd jem ‘drink’ , fut. jēnttem instead of ˊ ˊ jēnttem139. ˊ c) Similarly, čt (č + t) becomes tč (t + č); e.g. pelǯem ‘exchange’, fut. peltčem instead of pelčtem. d) x + x can never occur together, but instead change into k + k (kk); e.g. wāsex ‘duck’, dual wāsekkan instead of wāsexxan. e) n in Surgut changes sometimes into ȶ; e.g. rītxan ‘two boats’, rītxaȡam (actually rītxaȶ-am) ‘my two boats’140. f) t alternates with s; e.g. ēbet ‘smell’, ēpsendem (instead of ēptendem) ‘to smell’, tissir instead of titsir ˊ ˊ ‘that kind of’141. § 48 In cases where the syllable ends with a pure consonant k, p, t, l, m, n, r, s and the vowel is short, the consonant is duplicated142; e.g. jat, jatt ‘lazy’, ńot, ńott ‘nose’, jem, jemm ‘good’, etc. As this duplication is most often due to organic reasons and does not occur when vowel-initial suffixes are added, it does not need any specific marking. However, when this reduplication 66 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 21 ❧ can be shown to have an etymological background, it must also be marked. In some monosyllabic words, a purely phonetical double consonant must also be indicated, because it is preserved in connection with suffixes that begin with a vowel; e.g. xatt ‘day’, xattīwen ‘during the days’, xattet ‘days’143; semm ‘eye’144, semmet ‘(several) eyes’. § 49 In a similar way as the vowels, consonants also vary conditionally in the different dialects. Here we give a short overview to some of the consonant alternations of that kind: A) The weak consonants b, w, d, ȡ, d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ g, ǵ, ŋ, ʒ, ǯ alternate with the strong consonants p, t, ȶ, t,ˊ ȶ,ˊ k, x, ḱ, nk, nx, c, č; e.g. lībet, S. līpet ‘leaf’; jipex, jiwex, Irt. jiba ‘owl’; ēndep, ēntep ‘belt’; kaȡa, kaȶa ‘dew’; kud ar, kutar ‘ermine’; siȡa, siȶa ‘gunpowder’; argem, ˊ ˊ arkem ‘sing’; magdi, maxta ‘white’; ńōrgem, ńōxrem ‘cut, curve’; saŋa, sanki ‘clear’; muŋolǯem, munxlodem ‘bound’; kēǯe, kāčex ‘knife’145. B) The aspirated consonants alternate with tenues and mediae; e.g. ādaŋ, S. āȡaŋ ‘morning’; pēten, S. pēȶen ‘cloud’; petem, S. peȶem ‘lip’; ede, S. aȶe ‘lid’146. C) The smooth or palatalized consonants are sometimes pronounced as hard ones; e.g. āgań or ākan ‘doll’, āńgeš, ānkeč ‘pea’, šermat, sirmetˊ ‘headstall’. D) The following sibilants alternate: a) s with c; e.g. aŋasem, S. uŋacem ‘take off one’s shoes’. b) s with š; e.g. ńarša, S. ńarse ‘willow’. c) š with č; e.g. aš, ač ‘chalk’; woš, woč ‘town’, ūš, ūč ‘cloth’. ; jirca, jirta ‘brother-in-law’; cātxa, ˊ d) c with tˊ e.g.147 tōtxa ‘scythe’ . ˊ e) č with t; e.g. čēwer, tēwer ‘hare’148. E) The following gutturals alternate: and a) g with w149 u; e.g. kowa, S. kogi ‘cuckoo’; joura, S. jograx ‘slanted’. 67 143. In the word for ‘day’, the double consonant is truly etymological: it originates from a combination of t and a syllableforming l, of which the latter has changed into t in the South, as have all the l-sounds in these dialects (and in Surgut into ʌ; in Surgut the word is kătǝ̑ʌ). 144. South /sem/ (full vowel), Surgut /sä̆m/ (reduced) 145. This is partly between and partly within dialects: the medial pronunciation of stops and affricates between vowels and close to a nasal or liquid (cf. note 102). 146. The unvoiced (medial) laterals are suddenly called “aspirated”; these are the ones that originate from *l, which in its turn has become t in the South, cf. 143 above. 147. rather: ć with tˊ; jirća vs. jirta; ˊ ˊ tatχə 148. This is the same as in d) and ˊ 146: ćewer vs. tewer. 149. on p. 19/65, “S. jagrax” �Ostiacica 150. This is a regular sound correspondence between the Surgut and the southern dialects, where word-initial *k has become x in front of a back vowel. 151. In other positions, the change is less regular. 152. This is a question of a relatively small difference in pronunciation between specific dialects (Paasonen has marked velars instead of dentals in the Khanty dialect of Konda). 153. This is not the same *l that is represented by t in South. 154. In many Finno-Ugric languages, they are truly separate. Considering Khanty, also in what follows in Castrén’s description, in some cases they are linked together. This is because the accent in Khanty is not as stable and strong as in e.g. Finnish or Hungarian. 155. This is, in fact, a connection between quantity and stress, although the quantity of vowels is not really an issue of quantity but rather one of full vs. reduced (cf. note 21). ☙ 22 ❧ b) x with k; e.g. xump, S. kump ‘wave’; xui, S. kui ‘man’150; mūrax, S. mōrak ‘cloudberry’; ańaxa, S. ańakai ‘stepmother’151. c) g with ŋ; e.g. pegai, S. peŋai ‘the left (one)’; targat, S. tarŋet ‘lung’. d) k (x) with nk; e.g. kōlak (xūlax), kōlank ‘raven’; mēllek, mēllenk ‘warm’. ; nīnǵem, nīŋdem ‘take a rest’; e) ǵ, ḱ with d ,ˊ tˊ e.g. 152 ḱenak, tenak ‘wart’ . ˊ F) The following liquid consonants alternate sometimes: a) l with ȡ; e.g. tīlis, S. tēȡes ‘moon, month’153. b) n with ŋ; e.g. xansa, S. xaŋsa ‘pipe’. D) Accent and quantity § 50 The length (quantity) and the stress (accent) of the words in Ostyak obey almost the same regulations as in the Tartar languages. Although they are in some sense connected to one another, accent and quantity are in these languages two most independent phenomena154, and they may not be mixed, which so often happens in the Turkic and Mongolian languages. § 51 First, when it comes to stress, it is not equally strong in Ostyak as in Tartar, but falls, however, most often on the final syllable of the word. The strength of the stress depends on many factors, and here we wish to mention the most important ones: a) The final syllable is most strongly stressed in cases where it contains a long vowel while the other syllables only have short vowels; e.g. urmā ‘mitten’, umbā ‘scoop’, pusā ‘beer’, etc.155 b) When the word consists of short syllables, the final syllable has a very weak stress; but if the word ends with a consonant, the stress is much stronger; 68 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 23 ❧ e.g. jiba ‘owl’, mańa ‘younger brother’, adam ‘man, human’, kerap ‘vehicle’. N.B. This phenomenon is based on the fact that it is much harder for the organs to pronounce a consonant than a vowel in the end of a word. That is also why Finnish very seldom has word-final consonants, and why in Ostyak the final syllables ending in consonants only in order to make the pronunciation easier have a fuller stress and, as a whole, a greater volume. c) A preceding long syllable in the word always makes the stress of the final syllable weaker; and if the penultima has a long vowel, the ultima gets a very weak stress or no stress at all; e.g. jōgot ‘bow’, sōdop ‘sheath’. In this case, the vowel of the final syllable is pronounced almost like a schwa, or can be totally deleted; e.g. tūrum or tūrm ‘God’.156 § 52 The quantity of the syllables cannot be described with general rules, and that is why the long and the short vowels are separated with special marking in this work. However, it seems that concerning quantity, the following rules can be given for Ostyak: a) When, on one hand, the final syllable takes the stress, on the other hand, the first syllable tends to increase its length, at least on the basis of its position157. b) If a long vowel is followed by two consonants, it very often loses its length in pronunciation158; e.g. jāstem or jastem ‘say’, Finn. haastan159; jēnd em or ˊ jend em ‘drink’. ˊ c) If the vowel precedes an aspirated g, it is pronounced long as in the Tartar languages; e.g. jāgam ‘moor’, jāgal ‘step’160. d) The long vowel in monosyllabic words is in most cases pronounced short; e.g. ār or ar ‘big’, kēt, ket ‘hand’161. e) In a similar way, the vowel of the final syllable in multisyllabic words is most often pronounced short. 69 156. There are two additions in the German mscr.: “d) Bei dem Zusatze von Affirmativen kommt der Ton in der gewöhnlichen Aussprache zuweilen auf der letzten Sylbe des Stammes zu ruhen, z. B. panémen, wir (zwei) legten. e) In zusammengesetzten Wörter fällt der Ton, so wie in einfachen, nach der Regel auf der Endsylbe des letztes Wortes, z. B. xadaú, ĉenstup”. 157. This is a cryptic rule that is hard to understand without examples. 158. This, again, means that the vowel is not phonologically long but rather full (vs. reduced, which in similar positions is pronounced short or overshort). 159. ‘talk’; this is one of the few etymological comparisons presented in the grammar (more are found in the word list); the comparison is false, although basically the sound correspondence Kh. j- ~ Fi. h- is possible (e.g. Khanty jĕpǝ ‘owl’ ~ Fi. hyypiä id., in which Finnish has a secondary prolongation of the vowel probably due to affect; the consonants represent the PFU *š). Nevertheless; the word internal correspondence ‑st- ~ ‑st- does not follow the sound-historical rules. 160. Phonematically, reduced (here: “short”) vowels are also common in front of /ɣ/, e.g. S jĕɣ ‘father’, jŏɣǝt- ‘come, arrive’, mö̆ɣ(i) ‘what’. 161. in a closed syllable in front of a word-final consonant �Ostiacica 162. The manuscript has a section of its own for adjectives, 4 ½ pages, including a list of derivative suffixes. In the printed version, this has been combined with the section for nouns. 163. when needed 164. or ‘half leg’ 165. There are lots of these, many already mentioned in the phonological section. 166. hiatus 167. In these words, the final consonant is original and the variants ending in a vowel show the result of word-final elision. 168. The Samoyed word is a cognate of the Khanty one; however, ‑k is here an old derivative suffix. 169. The word has two variants that are used partly in different functions (neŋ being more independent (‘woman’), ne used more in compounds (‘female’). ‑ŋ represents the original stem consonant (PU *näxi ‘woman’, e.g. Janhunen 1981: 27). 170. Concerning derivation, Castrén has in his Swedish original manuscript (p. 215) a historical introduction to the morphology of nouns: “As already has been denoted earlier, we have to assume, on the basis of the basic character of the Finnish languages, that the majority of primitive nouns in Ostyak, too, has consisted of two-syllable words, which have been vowel-final and had the accent on the first syllable of the word. In addition, in all the Finnish languages there are also some original stems that only have one syllable and usually end in a vowel, which usually is long. The Ostyak words that end in a ☙ 24 ❧ II Morphology 1) Noun § 53 Like the Finnish and Tartar languages in gen- eral, the Ostyak language does not differentiate between nouns and adjectives162. Both classes of nouns take the same suffixes for cases and numbers; neither of them shows genus, which is expressed163 by different words or using the word xui ‘man; male’ and neŋ ‘woman, female’; e.g. xui-tau ‘stallion’, neŋ-tau ‘mare’, xui-tawax ‘cock’, neŋ-tawax ‘hen’. The adjectives do not have an actual comparative form, which in some Finnish languages is used to justify the difference between nouns and adjectives. Even on semantical basis the two classes of nouns are not so different, because the same noun can often be used both as a substantive or an adjective; e.g. jem ‘good; goodness’, kur-pēlek ‘lame’ (actually ‘half-foot’164). § 54 The stem of a noun does not have any special endings; nouns can end in any vowel or consonant. This concerns especially the monosyllabic root words; most of the disyllabic words end in a vowel. However, there are also some disyllabic nouns that end in a consonant, and yet they can be considered root words165; e.g. čēwer ‘hare’, mūlem ‘smoke’, ńādem ‘tongue’; it is, however, common that the final consonant in disyllabic as well as in 70 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 25 ❧ multisyllabic words is added to the stem in order to obey the rules of euphony166 or it shows that the word is a derivative. § 55 For euphony, x, j (i) are added according to § 45 to the words ending with a vowel; e.g. tunda or tondax ‘birch bark’, joura, jourai (instead of jouraj), jograx ‘slanted’, jemse, jemsai ‘the right side’167. In some words, also k as ŋ seems to be added on the basis of euphony; e.g. pēlek ‘half’, Sam. pele, Finn. puoli168; neŋ or ne ‘woman’169, etc. § 56 Some nominal endings, which in most cases are used to form derivatives, can be mentioned here170: A. ‑ep (‑ap, ‑op) appears often in nouns (substantives) as well as in adjectives; e.g. jīndep ‘needle’, ēndep ‘belt’, soodop ‘sheath’, ōndap ‘cradle’, jēdep ‘new’, ōdap ‘strong’, tūrap ‘loose, lax’. This suffix is used very often to turn verbs into nouns referring to tools or instruments; e.g. kunǯep ‘comb’ (kunǯem ‘to comb’), nōgolǯep ‘strut, support’ (nōgolǯem ‘to lean’), tūtxaep ‘churn staff’ (tūtxaem ‘to churn’)171. B. ‑eŋ (‑aŋ, ‑oŋ) is also a common ending in nouns and adjectives; e.g. ādeŋ ‘morning’, jaseŋ ‘speech’, ajaŋ ‘happy’, namseŋ ‘clever, wise’172. The possessive adjectives, too, are always built with this suffix; e.g. keweŋ ‘stony’ (from keu ‘stone’), mērgeŋ ‘winged’ (from mērek ‘wing’), tāšaŋ ‘rich, someone who has things’ from tāš ‘thing(s)’, pūmaŋ ‘grassgrown’, pūnaŋ ‘hairy’, etc. C. ‑li is used in a few dialects to build diminutive forms from nouns and adjectives; e.g. ateli ˊ from ate ‘father’, īmili from īmi ‘mother’, ājeli from āj ˊ ‘small’, etc. D. The diminutive forms from adjectives are in most cases built with ‑oxtep173; e.g. ājoxtep ‘smallish’, 71 consonant are not genuine, but have evolved a) through shortening of the originally two-syllable stem; b) through inserting of a consonant (n, ng) into the one syllable, originally vowelfinal stem. In addition, many two-syllable stems have occasionally adopted a consonant after their final vowel, and some of them have also pulled the accent back to the final syllable. All nouns that have not developed according to the rules described in the preceding § are thus derived from other words or borrowed from other languages. In the following we will give some of the most common nominal suffixes…” [This historical comment seems to have been considered superfluous in the translation phase. It is also a very Finnishbased assumption. The current view of the original Proto-Uralic/Finno-Ugric stems is, indeed, that they were vowel-final and consisted of two syllables, but what comes to Castrén’s point b), these also had the same original (C)VCV structure, and in the Finnic languages the long vowel is a consequence of the loss of a consonant like j, w, ŋ or ɣ, which is still present in the Khanty dialects.] 171. jīndep is also an instrument, cf. jīndem (jint- ‘sew’). 172. The word ‘morning’ is not a derivative; jaseŋ /jäsǝŋ/ ‘speech’ cf. jäst- ‘say, speak’, ajaŋ /ŏjǝŋ/ ‘happy, lucky’ cf. ŏj ‘luck’, nam­ seŋ /năm­sǝŋ, nŏm­sǝŋ/ ‘clever, wise’, cf. nămǝs, nŏmǝs ‘thought’. 173. Cf. note 80. �Ostiacica 174. These are actually compounds, cf. ot ‘thing; something’ and the words given here as examples could also (or rather) be translated as ‘the good one’, ‘the red one’, ‘the one that has been thrown’. It is thus rather a nominizer. ☙ 26 ❧ Russian маловатый (from āj ‘small’), werdoxtep ‘reddish’, Russian красноватый (from werde ‘red’), nowoxtep ‘whitish, a little white’, Russian бҍловатый (from nowa ‘white’). In these adjectives, the suffix ǯek, ček, which is common in many Tartar languages, appears in some dialects; e.g. aiǯek ‘smallish’, werdeǯek ‘reddish’, cenkček ‘a little bit warm’. E. ‑at is an affix that forms indefinite nouns, pronouns and adverbs; e.g. jemat ‘something good’, werda’at or werdagat ‘something red’, tagamemat ‘something that has been thrown’174. F. ‑xa, ‑ka, ‑ga appear mostly in loan words; e.g. ańaxa or ańaka ‘stepmother’, ńatxa ‘spruce’, cātxa ‘scythe’, sulaika ‘inkwell’, seberga ‘broom’. G. ‑da (de), ‑ta (te), Surg. ‑ȡax (ȡex), ‑ȶax (ȶex) builds both the caritive case and negative adjectives; e.g. tutta ‘mouthless, dumb’, S. tutȶax; sēmde ‘eyeless, blind’, S. sēmȡex. A. Declension § 57 In Ostyak, all nouns, adjectives, participles as well as many pronouns and numerals can be declined. The declension does not, however, take place in attributive relations but only in cases where the word has a nominal character; e.g. āj ‘small’, dative āja ‘to the small one’, toma ‘this’, ablative tomīwet ‘from this one’, ādem ‘bad’, nominative plural ātmet ‘the bad ones’, werde ‘red’, ablative werdedīwet ‘from the red ones’. Cf. āj ńaurema ‘to the little child’, toma xajadīwet ‘from these people’, ādem xōdat ‘bad huts’, werde xodadīwet ‘from the red huts’. § 58 The Surgut dialects have three numbers for all categories of nouns, pronouns and verbs: singular, dual and plural. In the Irtyš dialects, only verbs and personal pronouns have these three numbers; the nouns, adjectives, all numerals and many pronouns 72 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 27 ❧ have only two numbers: singular and plural175. As in other languages, too, the singular in Ostyak is also without a general suffix. The dual suffix forms are: gan, xan, kan, (gen, xen, ken)176, which correspond to the Lappish ga and ka and the Samoyed ha177. The plural takes in most cases the suffix et (eȶ), which also appears in Finnish and in many other related languages178. § 59 When it comes to declension cases, Ostyak is not as rich as most of the languages in the same family. In addition to many local cases, the genitive and accusative are also completely missing in Ostyak. In this language, only the following five cases have special suffixes: dative, locative, ablative, caritive and instructive. With the exception of personal pronouns, all nouns and pronouns take the same suffixes in singular, dual and plural. Only caritive is not used in the dual and plural. We will provide all of the different case suffixes in the following paragraphs. § 60 The stem of the word is used to express the singular nominative, e.g. aŋa ‘mother’, ēwa ‘daughter’, keu ‘stone’, jink ‘water’. The dual suffixes are179: 1. gan (gen), when the stem ends with a vowel or a smooth consonant; e.g. kara ‘bottom, ground’, dual karagan, ikî180 ‘old man’, dual ikigen. 2. xan (xen), when the stem-final consonant is hard; e.g. wont ‘mountain’, dual wontxan, rīt ‘boat’, dual rītxen. 3. kan (ken) after a stem-final x (k); e.g. max ‘beaver’, dual makkan. 4. Occasionally an, en after a hard consonant and especially after k; e.g. lenkep ‘hole’, dual lenkepan, jāk ‘writer’, dual jākan181. The plural suffixes are: 1. ‑et, Surg. ‑eȶ182, in most of the words; e.g. īma 73 175. Nouns also have dual suffixes in the southern (DN, DT, Ko, Kr.) dialects (e.g. Honti 1984: 131–132). The absolute (i.e. non-possessive) dual suffix is in South ‑ɣən, in Surgut ‑ɣən, ‑ɣǝ̑n. 176. The vowel alternations (also in the examples at the end of this page) represent the two different variants of the Surgut schwa (ə, ǝ̑), according to vowel harmony. 177. This is a relevant and correct comparison. The PU reconstruction for absolute dual is *kA. 178. These represent the PU absolute plural suffix *t. 179. The consonant alternation shows the partial assimilation of ɣ into the following consonant. In front of k it is often pronounced as k. 180. The role of the circumflex is not clear. It might be typographic error or a means to stress the accent on the final syllable (actually: ĭkĭ : ĭkĭɣən). 181. This is a further development of the assimilation above (see note 179). 182. The suffix is ‑t in Surgut, too, because it represents the PU, POU *t; the voiceless lateral ʌ is the representative of PU, PFU lateral *l (and *s). What grounds this lateral interpretation in plural has, is completely unknown. �Ostiacica 183. not “next” (“in der nächsten Silbe”) as in the original 184. The Surgut dialects have three plural suffix allomorphs: ət/ǝ̑t after a consonant stem, t after a stem ending in full vowel (e.g. imi ‘woman’, pl. imit) and ‑at following a stem that ends with a reduced vowel. The Surgut suffixes are provided in their right form in the mscr. (MC V p.  74) as ‑t, ‑et, ‑at; why they are changed in the printed version to ‑ȶ, ‑aȶ, ‑oȶ is a mystery. 185. i.e. the functions of possessor and goal (object) 186. I.e. uses a relatively fixed SOV word order (and fixed constituent order of GN). In the Swedish manuscript (p. 198), the distinction between the subject and the object (nominative and accusative) is more cryptic: “In simple sentences, where a noun could denote both the subject and the object (of a sentence), the ambiguity shows in a way that the subjective sentences are expressed with a active passive construction where the subject [is] i Inessivus or Instructivus and the verb [i.e. a passive verb and a locative agent], the objective with an active, e.g. xuina tagameda tagamai, vir movit, a viro motum est, ‘the man throws; by the man is thrown’, xui tagamaiot virum (non vir) movit ‘[he] threw the man’.” While working on the German translation, Castrén reached a far simpler explanation based on basic word order. 187. Oluga (S) tau (täw) ‘horse’ (G), wāres (wärǝs) ‘mane’ (Adv), pan ‘string’ (O), wer- ‘make’ (V). The example sentence is added after the German mscr. ☙ 28 ❧ ‘mother’, pl. īmet. In front of a vowel e often changes into i; e.g. ńatxaet, ńatxait. 2. ‑at, ‑ot, Surg. ‑aȶ, ‑oȶ, after an aspirated g, when there is ā, ō or ū in the preceding183 syllable; e.g. wāx ‘money’, pl. wāgat; mōx ‘young of an animal’, pl. mōgot; jūx ‘tree’, pl. jūgot. In the Surgut dialects, aȶ also occurs very often following other consonants, when there are hard vowels in the stem; e.g. wont ‘mountain’, pl. wondaȶ.184 3. ‑ȶ in the Surgut dialects after a stem-final vowel; e.g. kara ‘bottom, ground’, pl. karaȶ, also karagaȶ; iki ‘old man’, pl. ikiȶ. In Irtyš as well as in the Surgut dialects, the elision of the binding vowel can take place after n, s or diphthongs ending in i; e.g. nui ‘towel’, pl. nuit; poi ‘ash (Fraxinus)’, pl. poit; xan ‘sledge’, pl. xant; pesan ‘table’, pl. pesant; kōs ‘star’, pl. kōsȶ. § 61 In Ostyak, the pure stem expresses not only the nominative but also the genitive and the accusative185. To avoid mixing these three cases, the language always places the genitive in front of its head and the accusative closest to the front of the verb, whilst the nominative takes the position in the beginning of the sentence as far as possible from the verb186; e.g. Oluga tau wāresīwet pan werōt ‘Olaus (ex) equi capillo chordam fecit; Oluga made a string out of the horse’s mane’187. Sometimes the genitive is expressed by a possessive adjective and in some cases et or t is added to the accusative, which undoubtedly is the personal suffix of the 3rd person singular. § 62 The Ostyak dative ends in a (e); e.g. pox ‘son’, dat. poga; poi ‘rich’, dat. poja; iki (Surg.) ‘old man’, dat. ikije. This suffix also expresses the illative; e.g. jiŋa ‘into the water’, rīda ‘into the boat’, tuda ‘into the mouth’. In addition, it can also be used to express the allative, factive and consecutive; e.g. pesana panet ‘(he) put (something) on the 74 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 29 ❧ table’188, rīda weret ‘made a boat (out of it)’189, mant wāgat jepana ‘they called me John (Jepan)’190, jiŋa menōt ‘(he) went to bring some water’191. This suffix can be compared to the illative suffix ä in Zyrian192, he (hen) in Finnish, ga (ge) in Tartar, etc. § 63 The locative is built using the suffix na (ne); e.g. pēteŋna or pēteŋne ‘in the clouds’, xōtna ‘in the hut’. In nouns ending in a vowel, the a is often dropped off; e.g. ńatxana or ńatxan ‘in the silver fir’. This suffix is used to express the inessive, and sometimes also the adessive; e.g. jinkna or jinkne ‘in the water’; tagana or tagan ‘in193 the place’. Furthermore, the same suffix appears in the function of the essive, the instructive and especially the possessive; e.g. kurukna (essive) tēgettet ‘flies like an eagle’194, xuina (instr.) tagāmai ‘thrown by the man’195, imena (poss.) ūdet ‘lives with the woman’196; rutna wāx tājem ‘by the Russian is ˊ (the Russian has) money’197. The suffix of the Ostyak locative also appears in the Finnish, Lappish, Zyrian, Samoyedic and many other related languages198. There is also a longer form of the suffix related to the ablative, īwena or īwen, which, however, occurs very rarely; e.g. xattīwen ‘today’. § 64 The ablative ends in īwet (ēwet), Surg. eux, iux, i199; e.g. xonīwet (xonēwet) S. kaneux, kani ‘from the tsar’; īmīwet (īmēwet), S. īmijiux, īmiji ‘from the woman’. The suffix is also used in local relations and expresses not only the outer but primarily the inner location, which in other related languages is expressed with the elative; e.g. tewīwet ‘from the lake’, kewīwet ‘from the stone’. Sometimes the ablative can be used as prosecutive; e.g. wondīwet ment ‘went along the hill’. Concerning the etymology of the ablative suffix, it probably originates from a lost postposition. abN.B. If my observations are otherwise correct, the 200 lative ends in the Obdorsk dialect in ult (eult) 75 ; 188. pĕsan ‘table’-DAT păn- ‘put’PAST.3sg 189. rit ‘boat’-DAT wer- ‘make’PAST.3sg 190. män- ‘I’-ACC waɣ- ‘call’-PAST.3pl Jepan-DAT 191. jǐŋk ‘water’-DAT mĕn- ‘go’PAST.3sg 192. This is a correct comparison (the Komi illative suffix is ‑ö (‑e̮)) < PFU lative *k. 193. German “auf” used in the translation is adessive. 194. kurǝk ‘eagle’-LOC teɣǝt- ‘fly’prs.3sg 195. χuj ‘man’-LOC tagam- ‘throw’PAST.pass.3sg. This is a passive construction otherwise ignored by Castrén. In passive constructions, the agent is marked with the locative. 196. imi ‘woman’-LOC ut- ‘be’prs.3sg; this form is also similar to the comitative ‑nat/‑nät (see § 65), which appears, however, almost exclusively in the Surgut dialects. The verb form utǝt is, anyway, clearly southern (Surg. wăʌʌ). 197. rutˊ ‘Russian’-LOC waχ ‘money’ täj- ‘have’-PRTC.PAST. This is also a (stative) passive construction formed with the past participle ‑m. The agent is marked similarly as in dynamic passive constructions (see note 195). The actual meaning of the sentence is ‘the Russian has had money’. 198. PU locative *nA (e.g. Finnish koto-na ‘at home’) 199. South ‑ewət/‑iwət, Surgut ‑əɣ° (with a labiovelar fricative) 200. Postposition ewəlt ‘from’. There are only three cases in the Obdorsk dialect: the nominative, the locative (‑na) and the lative (or translative; Honti 1984: 139) ‑i. �Ostiacica 201. These resemble each other a lot. The ending ‑ta originates from the PU ablative *tA in both suffixes, but the origin of the ‑l- element has remained unclear, despite many alternative explanations. 202. In Surgut dialects, there are two separate suffixes: ‑at/‑ät for instructive-final and ‑nat/‑nät for instrumental-comitative (Honti 1984: 129). The element ‑n- in the latter is probably not from the locative, but rather from a former postposition stem (Liimola 1963: 64). 203. Cf. note 174; the indefinite nouns are compounds and the instructive suffix is not included in them. 204. The southern form resembles the caritive suffixes with ‑t- in many Finno-Ugrian languages. The eastern dialects show, however, that the original consonant is ‑l- and that the Proto-Khanty form has been *‑ləɣ (as it is today in VVj; in Surgut dialects ‑ʌəɣ). 205. the same suffix as in the postposition ewəlt, S. ewəʌt in § 64 (cf. note 201 above) 206. As has already been mentioned, the Obdorsk dialect has only three cases for nouns (cf. note 200). ☙ 30 ❧ e.g. unt-eult ‘from the forest’. This suffix is probably related to the Finnish ablative lta201. § 65 The instructive has the suffix ‑at, which is normally attached to the stem but occasionally in some dialects to the locative; e.g. kerabat or kerabnat ‘with the boat’202. The comitative is also expressed with the same suffix; e.g. īmeat or īmejat ‘together with the mother’. Additionally, the Ostyaks who speak Russian use the instructive instead of the factive and the essive. That the same suffix also serves in forming indefinite nouns was already mentioned under § 56 E203. § 66 The caritive ends after vowels and smooth consonants in da (de), Surg. ȡax (ȡex), and after hard consonants in ta (te), Surg. ȶax (ȶex); e.g. teuda, Surg. ȶouȡax ‘without a lake’, pette, Surg. peȶȶex ‘without ear(s)’. It appears only in singular and can be used, according to § 56 G, as a negative adjective. The same suffix can be found in many variations in most related languages.204 § 67 Many adverbs and postpositions have special suffixes of their own for the dative, the locative and the ablative, which, as far as I know, are not used for nouns. These are: 1) ga (ge, go), xa, ka (xe, ke, xo, ko) for the dative; e.g. tege ‘[come] here’, kokko ‘[go] far away’; 2) ti for the locative; e.g. xunti ‘when’, kotti ‘where’, totti ‘there’; 3) tta, Surg. ȶta, Obd. lta for the ablative; these correspond to the Finnish ablative suffix ‑lta205; e.g. nūmatta, Surg. nōmeȶta, Obd. nōmalta ‘from above’, xowatta, Surg. kowaȶta ‘from afar’, kametta, Surg. kāmeȶta, Obd. kāmalta ‘from outside’. N.B. Additionally, the Obdorsk dialect has a special suffix for the allative and the adessive, which also appears with nouns206. I have written this suffix, according to the pronunciation of a Samoyed, as lti (elti) and thus it corresponds to the suffix ti given in this §. 76 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 31 ❧ In Finnish, the allative suffix ‑lle seems to be related to it. § 68 Here we provide once more an overview of all the case suffixes207. Nominative Genitive and Accusative Dative Locative Ablative — — a (e) na (ne, n) īwet (ēwet) Surg. eux, iux, i. at (nat) da (de), ta (te), Surg. ȡax (ȡex), ȶax (ȶex). Instructive Caritive § 69 There are no special alternations in the case suf- fixes with the exception of what has been mentioned above. Instead, the noun stem can change in various ways when a suffix is added to it. Although all the changes of this type have already been described here and there in the phonology, we still wish to provide an overview of the most important ones here. a) Nouns ending in a short vowel behave in their alternations in the following way: In the Irtyš dialect, a changes into e in all cases 1. and numbers with the exception of the ablative and occasionally the caritive (paradigm 1208)209. 2. All nouns ending in ga, xa, ka preserve the final vowel unchanged, but in front of a suffixal a, and occasionally also in front of other vowels, j or g is added between them; e.g. taga ‘place’, dative tagaja or tagaga. In the Surgut dialects, the stemfinal a also remains unchanged after all the other consonants210, but the hiatus is averted with the addition of g. Cf. § 71. 211 3. In the Irtyš dialect, a and e always disappear in front of the long binding vowel of the ablative 77 207. These are given for all three dia­ects in their present form l in the Short Grammatical Description. 208. Cf. p. 33/79. 209. The final a in paradigm 1 (p. 33/79) is actually ‑ǝ and this rule can be written for the stem type with a final reduced vowel. 210. The same can be said about the southern dialects. This rule concerns stem types ending in a full vowel. In the word for ‘place’, it occurs in most dialects as i or its velar counterpart, which, of course, easily sounds like an a. 211. i.e. stem-final reduced vowels. Stem-final full vowels behave as described in point 5 (cf. also note 210 above): ürma ‘mitten’ : ürmajiwǝt. �Ostiacica 212. These semivowels j and w have a more consonantal character between vowels: phonematically: nuj : nuja, kew : kewa. 213. i.e. full vowels 214. i.e. a full vowel, which can be pronounced either half-long or short 215. i.e. are pronounced smoothly between vowels 216. Cf. § 32 and note 3. 217. The paradigms in their present (“normalized”) form are provided in the Short Grammatical Description; see p. 18. 218. stems with a final reduced vowel, e.g. χăntǝ ‘Khanty (person)’ 219. stems with a final full vowel, e.g. ürma ‘mitten’ The Swedish manuscript includes some more paradigms and some of them have accent marking. The irregularity of the marking shows that the accent probably did not ultimately appear to Castrén as the kind of system he had expected in the beginning of his notes (see also the description of the vowels, § 2 and § 6) Nomi­nat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. Locat. Ablat. Instruct. Carit. 1. Sing. Plur. Hánda Ostyak Handét Handà Handét Handeà or ‑èja Handeda Handèna (na) Handetna Handìwet Handedíwet Handeàt or ejat Handedat Handeda or ida Handetta ☙ 32 ❧ suffix; e.g. īma ‘woman’, abl. īmīwet. In some dialectal variations, the caritive also has the binding vowel ī, and in these cases as well, the final short a or e disappears at the end of the stem; e.g. īmīda ‘without a woman’. 4. When they appear at the end of a diphthong, i and u change into j and w in front of suffixes with an initial vowel; e.g. nui ‘towel’, dative nuja; keu ‘stone’, dative kewa212. 213 5. All the other vowels , though very rarely appearing in stem-final positions, do not undergo any change, but j or g is often added in front of a suffix-initial vowel, especially in the dative and the instructive singular; e.g. ńōgo ‘meat’, dative ńōgoja, instructive ńōgojat. In the cases mentioned, a euphonic j or g can also appear in nouns ending in a or e. some dialects, if the stem ends in a long vowb) In214 el , there are no changes, whilst in the other the long vowel is pronounced short. In the first case, j or g must be added in front of a vowel suffix, while in the latter the addition is absolutely needed when the vowels that come together sound exactly the same. If the vowels are different, the addition takes place in some dialects but not in others (cf. paradigm 2). c) In the nouns ending in a consonant, the following changes in particular can be observed: Hard consonants become smooth in front of all 1. vowel-initial suffixes (paradigm 3)215. This rule is not very strongly obeyed in the Surgut dialects. 2. In monosyllabic words that include a short vowel, the final consonant is not always smoothened; on the contrary, it may become sharper. In this case, I have written it with a double consonant. It has to be noted, though, that the dialects diverge a lot from one another in this respect. 78 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar Nominat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. ☙ 33 ❧ 3. If there is long vowel in the penultima of a bi- or multisyllabic word, the short vowel in the final syllable disappears according to § 32. In connection to this, the consonants that come together change according to the general rules216. § 70 In accordance with the description above, the nouns in the Irtyš dialect are declined in the following way217: Locat. Ablat. Instruct. Carit. 1.218 Singular Plural Stem xanda Ostyak Stem xandet Dative xandeda Dative xandea 1) Locative xandena Locative xandetna Ablative xandedīwet 1) Ablative xandīwet 2) Instructive xandeat 3) Instructive xandedat Caritive xandeda 4) 1) xandeja 2) xandēwet 3) xandejat 4) xandīda 1) xandedēwet (3. Péteng cloud 4. Keráp vehicle like in the translation) Nominat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. 2.219 Singular Stem urmā mitten Dative urmāga 1) Locative urmāna 2) Ablative urmāgīwet 3) Instructive urmāgat 4) Caritive urmāgeda 5) Plural Stem urmāget 1) Dative urmāgeda 2) Locative urmāgetna 3) Ablative urmāgedīwet 4) Instructive urmāgedat 5) 1) urmāja 2) urmān 3) urmājīwet, urmāiwet, urmāewet 4) urmājat 5) urmāgīda 1) urmājet, urmaet, urmait 2) urmājeda, urmaeda, urmaida 3) urmājetna, urmaetna, urmaitna 4) urmājedīwet, urmaedīwet, urmaidīwet 5) urmājedat, urmaedat, urmaidat 79 2. Njatxa Njatxaet or ait Njatxa Njatxaet or ait Njatxaja Njatxaeda or aida Njatxana Njatxaetna or aitna Njatxaíwet Njatxaediwèt or jiwêt or aidiwèt Njatxajat Njatxaedat or aidat Njatxaida (Njatxaetta or itta) Locat. Ablat. Instruct. Carit. 5. Håt Hât tent Hâdêt or Hâdat ‑at Hât Hâdêt or Hâdat Hâda Hâdêda or ada Hâtna Hâdêtna Hâdíwet Hâdêdíwet Hâdat Hâdêdat Hâtta (Hâdêtta) 6. Nominat. JuxPoráxh entrails Poragàt Genit.-Acc. Porax Poragat Dat. Poraga Poragada Locat. Poraxna Poragatna Ablat. Poragíwet Poraga(x)íwet Instruct. Poragat Poragadat Carit. Poraxta (Poragatta) �Ostiacica 220. consonant-final stems without the elidable schwa (cf. point 3 on p. 33/79 and note 83) 221. consonant-final stems with the elidable schwa in the final syllable (cf. point 3 on p. 33/79 and note 83) 222. The present (“normalized”) para­ digms are provided in the Short Grammatical Description; see p. 19. 223. There are, of course, alternations according to the stem type in the same way as in the southern dialects. Here, Castrén gives only the stem type with a stem-final full vowel; in his notes (and the Swedish mscr.) he also provides the consonant-final types: Surgut paradigms in the manuscript (p. 211) Nominat. Sing. Kará Genit.-Acc. Kara Dat. Karaga Locat. Karana Ablat. Karagî (Kara­ geuxh) Instr. Kara­nat Carit. Karad­ lax Dual. Plur. Kara­gàn Karagàt or Kara’at Kara­gan Kara­gat Kara­gana Kara­gada Kara­ Kara­ ganna gatna Kara­gani Kara­gadi (Karaga­ (Karaga­ neuxh) deuxh) Kara­ Kara­ gannat gatnat (Kara­ (Kara­ ganđax gatŧax) Sing. Dual. Plur. Iki old man Ikigen Ikit Iki Ikigen Ikit Ikijä Ikigenä Ikidä Ikinä Ikigennä Ikitnä Ikiji Ikigeni Ikidi (Ikijiux) (Iki­geneux) (Ikideux) Instr. Ikinät Ikigennät Ikitnät Carit. Ikiđäx (Iki­genđäx) (Ik) Nominat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. Locat. Ablat. ☙ 34 ❧ 3.220 Singular Plural Stem kerap vehicle Stem kerabet Dative keraba Dative kerabeda Locative kerapna Locative kerabetna Ablative kerapīwet Ablative kerabedīwet Instructive kerabat Instructive kerabedat Caritive kerapta Singular Stem pēteŋ cloud Dative pēteŋa 1) Locative pēteŋna Ablative pēteŋīwet Instructive pēteŋat Caritive pēteŋda 1) pētŋa 4.221 Plural Stem pētŋet Dative pētŋeda Locative pētŋetna Ablative pētŋedīwet Instructive pētŋedat § 71 In the Surgut dialects, the declension happens 222 223 according to the following paradigms : Singular Stem kara bottom Dative karaga Locative karana Ablative karaeux 1) Instructive karanat Caritive karaȡax 1) karagiux, karagi Dual Stem karagan Dative karagana Locative karaganna Ablative karaganeux Instructive karagannat Plural Stem karagaȶ 1) Dative karagada Locative karagaȶna Ablative karagaȡeux Instructive karagaȶnat 1) karagat224 80 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar (Mscr. p. 213) ☙ 35 ❧ Nominat. B. Comparison Genit.-Acc. Dat. § 72 The lack of comparison grades in Ostyak is, as in many other Finnish, Samoyedic and Tartar languages, substituted with case suffixes and different particles. In most cases, the ablative marks the word to which something is compared in order to express the comparative as well as the superlative; e.g. tau sagarīwet kereš ‘the horse is bigger (higher) than the cow’, nank jūgodīwet ār ‘the larch is the biggest of all trees’.225 § 73 When the entity to which something is compared (comparandum) is not uttered but only thought of, the ablative of a demonstrative pronoun is sometimes used instead of it226; e.g. sagar jem, tau tomīwet jem ‘the cow is good, the horse is better than it’. In this case, the adverbs os or ješo (‘still’) can also be used to mark the comparative; e.g. tem ai, tem os ai ‘this is small, that (one) is still smaller’. The superlative can also be expressed with the particles ašma, tax, ˊ čikka (‘very’)227 or with the adjectives patlā, perda, īnem ‘omnis’, patlāgīwet ‘of (“from”) all’; e.g. ašma or patlā jem ‘very good’, čikka ōgor ‘very high’, patlāgīwet ādem ‘worst (bad of all)’. Numerals § 74 With the exception of a few simple cardinalia, which are root words, the numerals in Ostyak and in other related languages are formed partly with derivation and compounds, partly with the help of case suffixes. The cardinal numerals in Ostyak are: 81 Locat. Ablat. Instr. Carit. Sing. Dual. Plur. Wont Wont­xan Wondat Rît Rit­xen Ridet Wont Wont­xan Wondat Wonda Wont­xana Won­dada Ridä Rit­xenä Wontna Wont­ Won­ Ritnä/Ridi xanna datna Wondi Wont­xani Won­dadi (Won­deux/h) (neuh) (deuh) Wontnat Wont­ Won­ Ritnät xannat datnat Rit­xennat Wontŧa Ritŧä Sing. Dual. Plur. Nominat. Wásex Wásekkàn Wasxèt Genit.-Acc. Wásex Wasekkan Wasxet Dat. Wasega Wasek­kana Wasxeda Locat. Wasex­na Wasek­ Wasxetna kanna Ablat. Wasegi Wasekkani Wasxedi (neux) (deux) Instr. Wasex­nat Wasek­ Wasxetnat kannat Carit. Wasex­ŧax 224. This is the correct plural form, cf. note 182. 225. Particles used in this function are South kĕnča, Surgut kińtä; ˊ e.g. Kr. täw wä̆tǝnǝ kĕnča kĕreš ‘the horse is bigger than the reindeer’, Trj. wä̆ʌi ʌăk° kińtä ˊ ńåɣǝ̑ʌ ‘the reindeer is smaller (lower) than the horse’ (Honti 1984: 66). There is also a suffix ‑ătte- in the south: C mäăttem enǝ ‘bigger than me’ (ibid.). 226. To me, this is a normal use of the demonstrative pronoun and is not directly connected with comparison. 227. At least in the easternmost dialects, the latter (V ček ‘very’) is used to mark the superlative (Honti 1984: 67). �Ostiacica 228. The corresponding modern southern (DN) numerals are: ĕj (attr., abs. ĕjǝt), kĕt (attr., abs. kätǝn), χutəm, ńĕtǝ, wet, χot, ˊ täpǝt, ńitǝ, ăr-joŋ, joŋ, ĕj-χatˊ ˊ joŋ, kä̆t-χat-joŋ, χutəm-χat-joŋ, ˊ ˊ ńĕtǝ-χat-joŋ, wet-χat-joŋ, χotˊ ˊ χat-joŋ, täpət-χat-joŋ, ńit- χus, ăr-χus, χus, χus-ĕj(ǝt), χus-kätǝn, χutǝm-joŋ, ńetǝ-joŋ, wet-joŋ, χut-joŋ, täpǝt-joŋ, ńit-sot, ăr-sot, sot, kĕt-sot, χutəm-sot, ńĕtǝ-sot, wet-sot, χot-sot, täpǝt-sot, ńitǝˊ ˊ sot, ăr-joŋ-sot, tarǝs, joŋ-tarǝs (cited and constructed from Honti 1984: 152–53). 229. The numerals ‘one’ and ‘two’ have two alternants: the shorter for attributive use and the longer for absolute use. The absolute ‘two’ is the dual form of the numeral: in Surgut kätɣən. 230. in Surgut (Trj) koʌǝ̑m, O χuləm 231. Trj ńĕʌə, O ńil 232. Trj ńi ̮ʌǝ̑ɣ, O ńijǝl 233. Trj ir-jeŋ°; the word that is given here for ‘nine’ is in fact ‘11’, Trj jeŋ°-ö̆rəkk-ĕj 234. The Ugric ‘seven’ is of Iranian origin (UEW) and ‘eight’ is a Proto-Ugric innovation without any connection to ‘four’, which has an original palatal vowel whilst the vowel in ‘eight’ is velar. 235. The first part of the compound ăr is not the same word as ar, är ‘big, a lot’. 236. The correct translation is ‘eleven’ and the literal meaning something like ‘one on ten’ or ‘one outside ten’ (Honti 1993: 169). The same word Trj ö̆rəkk(ǝ), VVj ĕrk(i) is used in all numerals from eleven to seventeen in the eastern dialects. ☙ 36 ❧ 1. it (i, ja), Surg. ei, ij.228 2. kāden, kādn, kātn, kāt, Surg. kāt, kātxen.229 3. xūdem, Surg. kūȡem, kōȡem, Obd. xōdem.230 4. ńeda (nieda), ńeta, ńet, Surg. ńeȡa, ńeȶa, Obd. ńel.231 5. wēt. 6. xūt, Surg. kūt. 7. tābet, Surg. ȶābet. 8. nīda, nīt, Surg. ńigeȡax, Obd. ńil.232 9. ār joŋ (ār jaŋ), LS. ürx jeuŋ, US. ei erx joŋ.233 10. joŋ (jaŋ), LS. jeuŋ. 11. ja xat joŋ (jaŋ). 12. kāt xat j. 13. xūdem xat j. 14. ńeda xat j. 15. wēt xat j. 16. xūt xat j. 17. tābet xat j. 18. nīt xūs. 19. ār xūs. 20. xūs, Surg. kōs. 21. xūs it. 22. xūs kādn. 30. xūdem joŋ. 40. ńeda joŋ. 50. wēt joŋ. 60. xūt joŋ. 70. tābet joŋ. 80. nīt joŋ. 90. ār sōt. 100. sōt, Surg. sāt. 200. kāt sōt. 300. xūdem sōt. 400. ńeda sōt. 500. wēt sōt. 600. xūt sōt. 700. tābēt sōt. 800. nīt sōt. 900. ār sōt. ˊ ˊ 1000. taras, Surg. tores. ˊ 10.000. joŋ taras. N.B. 1. The six first cardinal numerals are apparently related to the Finnish: yksi, kaksi, kolme, neljä, viisi, kuusi. The Ostyak numeral tābet ‘seven’ (also: ‘week’) hardly originates from the Turkish sebt ‘Saturday’, Hebrew ‫ .שבת‬nīda, ńigeȡax, ńil ‘eight’ has without a doubt emerged from ńeda (ńeȡa, ńel) through lengthening of the vowel234. ār jaŋ ‘nine’ in Irtyš means in fact ‘big ten’235; whilst ürx jeuŋ (instead of ürük jeuŋ) in the LS. dialect means ‘extra ten’ or also ‘indirect ten’; ei erx joŋ (instead of ei erek joŋ) in the US. dialect has the following meaning: ‘ten without (with the exception of) one.236 joŋ, jeuŋ ‘ten’, Turkish un, Samoyed jū (jung), Zyrian jam237 is also called čam joŋ ‘straight ten’. 82 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 37 ❧ 2. The cardinal numerals from eleven to seventeen are built with the word xat, which we consider to be identical to kāt (kat) ‘two’238. According to this, the literal meaning of ja xat joŋ ‘eleven’, kat xat joŋ ‘twelve’ would be approximately ‘one, two of the second ten’, Finnish yksi, kaksi toista kymmentä, etc. 3. Of the other cardinal numerals, xūs, Surg. kos ‘twenty’ seems to be related to Zyrian kyzj. sōt, Surg. sāt appears in many related and other languages. nīt sōt and ār sōt have in Ostyak two meanings: 1) eighty and ninety, 2) eight hundred and nine hundred; taras ˊ ‘thousand’ also has the meaning of a trader. 4. In Ostyak, as well as in other related languages, the cardinal numerals form constructions with the singular; e.g. kāt taŋa ‘two kopecks’, sōt taŋa ‘one hundred kopecks’ or ‘one ruble’, taras taŋa ‘one thousand ˊ kopecks’. Only in the Surgut dialects does the counted entity appear in the dual after kāt; e.g. kāt wākken ‘two kopecks’. 5. In declension, the cardinal numerals behave very regularly; e.g. it, dative ida, instructive idat; xūdem, dative xūdema, instructive xūdemat, etc. § 75 Most ordinal numerals are formed from the basic numerals by rule with the addition of the syllable met, which in Zyrian expresses the superlative239. The ten first ordinal numerals in Ostyak are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. ōdeŋ, S. āȡeŋ, āȶeŋ.240 kīmet. xūtmet, S. kūȶmet. ńetmet, S. ńeȶmet. wētmet. xūdamet, S. kūtmet. 83 237. The exact etymology of the Khanty word for ‘ten’ is not known; the closely related Mansi language uses the word low (PFU *luka), which has counterparts in many related languages. 238. These are two separate words. As was seen on note 228, the word in question has a palatalized ‑t,ˊ whilst ‘two’ does not. The vowel in ‘two’ is also palatal, whilst in χăt,ˊ it is velar. The northern dialects use the same word (χŏś), whilst the eastern dialects use a different word, cf. note 236. Thus, the semantic comparison to Finnish is also erroneous. 239. The correct form is ‑mǝt and it corresponds to the PFU ordinal suffix *‑mti, which is found in most Finno-Ugrian languages including Finnish (kolmas: kolmante- ‘third’) and Hungarian (harmadik ‘third’). 240. South (DN) otǝŋ, Surgut (Trj) äʌǝŋ literally ‘head, end, beginning’ �Ostiacica 241. It is not. Other related languages reveal that the consonant behind the Finnish alternation t : s (in front of i) is a dental spirant *δ, which in Khanty, as a matter of fact, has the same representation as l (South <d> /t/, Surgut <ȡ> /ʌ/). The etymological counterpart of the Finnish word is Khanty (Trj) iʌ ‘the one in front, first; away’, which, as in Finnish, has a palatal vowel. 242. German does not make a distinction between ‘the first time’ and ‘for the first time’. The same thing can probably be applied to Khanty. All the constructions with ordinal numerals thus have two translations: (for) the second time, (for) the third time, (for) the first time. 243. pelək ‘half’, jŏkan ‘lot, share’ 244. They have, of course, independent stems of their own, although the initial consonant serves as a kind of person marking device. The ObUgric languages form, together with the Samoyedic languages and Komi, an area where the character of the second person is n- (in Komi only in verbal inflection) instead of t-, which is commonly regarded as the original (e.g. Hungarian te ‘thou’, ti ‘you’, Finnish sinä (< *tinä) ‘thou’, te ‘you’, Northern Saami don ‘thou’, dual doai ‘you’, pl. dij ‘you’). ☙ 38 ❧ 7. tābetmet, S. ȶābetmet. 8. nīdamet, S. ńigeȡaxmet. 9. ār joŋmet (jaŋmet), LS. ürx jeuŋmet, US. ei erx joŋmet. 10. joŋmet (jaŋmet), LS. jeuŋmet. N.B. ōdeŋ, āȡeŋ, āȶeŋ ‘outermost, the first’ is probably related to the Finnish esi (actually ete) ‘the one in front’ and esimäinen ‘the first’241. kīmet has without a doubt developed from kāt through the elision of t and the vowel alternation described in § 29. xūtmet ‘third’ has developed from xūdemmet through contraction, and xūdamet ‘sixth’ gets an extra a in order to keep the two apart. All the other ordinal numerals are formed quite regularly; e.g. xūsmet ‘twentieth’, sōtmet ‘hundredth’, tarasmet ‘thousandth’, etc. ˊ § 76 Distributive numerals are usually formed in Os- tyak using the instructive case of the basic numerals; e.g. kādenat ‘two each’, wēdat ‘five each’, xūdat ‘six each’, etc. § 77 The formation of iteratives and temporals happens with the cardinal and ordinal numerals using the one syllable word pis (S. pa); e.g. i pis (US. ei pa) ‘once’, ōdeŋ pis, S. āȡeŋ pa ‘the first time’; xūdem pis (Surg. kūȡem pa) ‘three times’, xūtmet pis (Surg. kūȶmet pa) ‘the third time’, etc. Temporals can be also expressed in the Surgut dialects by adding xa, xe to the ordinal numerals; e.g. kīmetxe ‘second time’, kuȶmetxa ‘third time’. As an exception, āȡeŋna (locative of āȡeŋ) is used to express ‘the first time’242. § 78 In expressing fractions and mixed numbers, the language uses the words pēlek and jukan ‘part, section, share’243; e.g. kīmet pēlek ‘one and a half’ xūtmet jukan ‘one third’, etc. 84 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 39 ❧ C. Pronoun § 79 The different kinds of pronouns are, concern- ing their declension, very similar to the nouns. With a few exceptions, the same case suffixes are attached to both, and the characters of number are nearly always the same. Similarly to the noun, the pronoun also lacks declension in attributive position. § 80 The personal pronouns in Ostyak are nearly the only ones that somewhat differ from the general declension model. Even in the Irtyš dialects, they, unlike nouns, have three numbers, of which the dual and the plural are formed in a quite specific way.244 Among the regular cases, the personal pronoun lacks the caritive whilst the accusative with t is very common245. The locative is gradually more and more often expressed with the help of postpositions, the ablative has in the Irtyš dialects a special suffix of its own, and the instructive is formed with two suffixes. Otherwise, it may be noted that in many case forms, the personal pronouns make use of the so-called personal suffixes246, which are not attached to the stem but, against the common rules, to the case suffixes247. § 81 The personal pronouns in Ostyak are ma (originally man) ‘I’, dual mīn, pl. meŋ; neŋ ‘thou’, dual nīn, pl. neŋ; teu, Surg. ȶeux ‘he, it’, du. tīn, Surg. ȶin, pl. teg, Surg. ȶex. In Irtyš, they are declined in the following way248: Stem Acc. Dat. Loc. Abl. Instr. 1. Sing. Dual Plural ma ‘I’ mīn meŋ mant mīnat meŋat menem mīnemen meŋewa (mantem) mana mīnna meŋna ma’attem mīnattemen meŋattem ma’ademat249 mīnademenat250 meŋadewat251 85 245. Castrén does not make a comparison with Finnish, which interestingly enough has the same accusative suffix in personal pronouns: minut, sinut, hänet ‘me, you, him/her’. 246. i.e. possessive suffixes 247. Possessive suffixes are used relatively widely in the FinnoUgric languages in the declension of personal pronouns: in Mansi, they are used for creating a declension stem and the stem + Px serves alone as accusative, in Hungarian partly in the same way (engem, téged ‘me, you’ (in object position) and in the Permic languages Stem + Px expresses the dative (Vértes 1967, Kulonen 1993, Bartens 2000:150). 248. mscr. (p.  230) Ma, Mín, Mêng; Nêng, Nin, Nêng; Teu, Tin, Teg 249. Modern forms in DN (following Honti 1984: 146): mä (män), mänt, mĕnem (Honti gives a separate lative mäntema), mänǝ, mänăttem, mänatemat. 250. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) min, minat, minemǝn, minnǝ, minăttemǝn, minatemǝnat. 251. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) mŏŋ, mŏŋat, mŏŋew, mŏŋnǝ, mŏŋăttew, mŏŋatewat. The final ‑m instead of ‑w in the ablative might be a typographical error. �Ostiacica 252. Modern forms in DN (Honti 1984: 146) nŏŋ, nŏŋat, nŏŋen, nŏŋnǝ, nŏŋătten, nŏŋatenat. 253. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) nin, ninat, ninesǝn, ninnǝ, ninăttesǝn, ninatesǝnat. In Ko and Kr, the expected ‑t- appears instead of the somewhat surprising ‑s-. 254. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) nĕŋ, nĕŋat, nĕŋesǝn, nĕŋnǝ, nĕŋăttesǝn, nĕŋăttesǝn (in Ko and Kr nĕŋatetǝnat; see also note 253). 255. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tĕw, tĕwat, tĕwet, tĕwnǝ, tĕwăttet, tĕwatetat. 256. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tin, tinat, tinesǝn, tinnǝ, tinattesǝn, tinătesǝnat (see also note 253). 257. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tĕɣ, tĕɣat, tĕɣet, tĕɣnǝ, tĕɣăttet, tĕɣatetat. 258. There are, for example, more case forms. The Surgut paradigms are given in the Short Grammatical Description, pp. 20–22. 259. Here, again, the possessive suffixes are meant. 260. mscr. (p. 235) Dual 2. Atinnam, 3. Atinnam, Plur. 1. Atiunam, 2. Atinnam, 3. Atiŧnam 261. I.e. possessive suffixes; mscr. p.  235 “Till pronomina personalia höra äfven de så kallade suffixa, hvilka urdhänges nomina och tjäna till och ersätter pronomina possessiva, som i de Finska språken saknat suffixa äro i den Irt. dial. med åsidosättande af bindevocaleren följande”. ☙ 40 ❧ Stem Acc. Dat. Loc. Abl. Instr. 2. Sing. Dual Plural neŋ ‘thou’ nīn neŋ neŋat nīnat (nīnet) neŋat neŋen nīneden neŋeda neŋna nīnna neŋa neŋatten nīnatteden neŋatteden neŋadenat252 nīnadedenat253 neŋadedenat254 Sing. Stem teu ‘you’ Acc. tewat Dat. tewet Loc. teuna Abl. tewattet Instr. tewadedat255 3. Dual tīn tīnat tīneden tīnna tīnatteden tīnadedenat256 Plural teg tegat teget tegna tegattet tegadedat257 N.B. There are also many anomalies in the declen- sion of personal pronouns in the Surgut dialects, which I, however, have not observed very carefully258. If I have made some mistakes in the Irtyš dialect, they cannot be of very much importance. § 82 In the Irtyš dialects, there are, according to my observations, no reflexive pronouns; they are always replaced by personal pronouns. The Surgut dialects make use of some derived words that are formed from an extinct stem with the help of personal pronouns259 and a syllable nam attached to it; e.g. atemnam ‘I myself’, atennan ‘thou thyself’, atiȶnam ‘he himself’, atimemnan ‘we (two) ourselves’260, etc. 261 § 83 The so-called personal suffixes are very common in Ostyak and are used instead of possessive pronouns. Like the personal pronouns, these suffixes also have three numbers in all Ostyak dialects; e.g. kēǯem ‘my knife’, kēǯemen ‘our (the two of us) knife’, kēǯeu ‘our (several of us) knife’. They cannot be 86 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 41 ❧ attached to all case suffixes but only in the nominative or the basic form in singular, dual or plural; in all the other case forms, the personal suffixes are placed between the number characters and the case suffixes; e.g. opa ‘sister’, opea ‘to the sister’, opema ‘to my sister’, opena ‘to your sister’ opeda ‘to his/her sister’. § 84 Here we wish to provide an overview of the personal suffixes in the Irtyš dialect and additionally the most important characteristics of the Surgut dialects: Singular262 I: 1. em ‘my’, 2. en ‘your’, 3. et, S. eȶ ‘his, her’. II: 1. emen ‘of the two of us’ 2. eden, ten, S. in, ten ‘of the two of you’, 3. eden, ten, S. in, ten ‘of the two of them’. III: 1. eu, S. eux ‘our (several of us)’, 2. eden, ten, S. in, ten ‘your (several of you)’, 3. et, S. iȶ ‘their (several of them)’. Dual and plural263 I: am ‘my (several)’, 2. an ‘your (several)’, 3. et, S.urg. eȶ ‘his, her (several)’. II: 1. emen ‘of the two of us’ 2. en ‘of the two of you’, 3. en ‘of the two of them’. III: 1. eu, S. eux ‘our (several of us)’, 2. en ‘your (several of you)’, 3. et, S. eȶ ‘their (several of them)’. § 85 This overview shows that the singular and plural, as well as the dual in the Surgut dialects, take the same suffixes. These are, if we do not give attention to the binding vowel, in I: m, n, t, (ȶ), in II: men, den (ten), den (ten), in III: u (ux), den (ten), t (ȶ). It has to be noticed, though, that d always falls away in dual and plural and that the personal suffix eden is contracted to en, cf. § 44. The elision of d occurs in the Surgut dialects already in singular. Moreover, in these dialects, the n of the second person singular can also be lost. 87 262. This is the series of the suffixes with the possessed in singular. The modern forms attached to the word ‘house’ are the following (DN, Honti 1984: 132): χotem ‘my house’ χoten, χotət, χotemən ‘the house of the two of us’, χotesən, χotesən, χotew ‘our house’ χotesən, χotet. 263. This is the series of the possessed in dual or plural. The suffixes themselves are the same, but dual possessed has a special dual character ‑ɣətin front of the suffix and similarly, when referring to plural possessed, there is a plural character ‑t- between the stem and the suffix. So the whole possessive paradigm consists of 27 suffixes (or suffix combinations). The modern forms attached to the word ‘house’ (DN, ibid.) are in dual χotɣətam ‘my two houses’, χotɣətan, χotɣətat, χotɣətemən ‘the two houses of us two’, χotɣətən, χotɣətən, χotɣətəw ‘our two houses’, χotɣətən, χotɣətat; and in plural χottam ‘my (several) houses’, χottan, χottat, χottemən, χottən, χottən, χottəw ‘our (several) houses’, χottən, χottat. In Surgut (Trj.), the corresponding character for dual possessed is ‑ɣǝ̑ʌ-/‑ɣəʌ- and for plural possessed ‑ʌ-. The table of Surgut forms is given in the Short Grammatical Description p. 16. �Ostiacica 264. The 1pl suffix ‑w, Surgut ‑ɣ° originates from Proto-Khanty and Proto-Ugric suffix ‑ɣ°, which also has an etymological counterpart in the Hungarian 1Pl suffix of the definite conjugation ‑uk (Honti 1985). 265. The consonant behind the personal pronouns and endings is the PFU *s, which in Surgut dialects (and Kaz) is represented by ʌ, in the South by t and in northern and easternmost dialects by l. The PFU l has the same representation. 266. There are a few etymologies in the (Baltic-)Finnic languages in which t and n seemingly correspond to each other, but this is far from a regular sound change. Cf. note 244. 267. It is worth noting that the vowel is a full one and thus part of the suffix, not a binding vowel. In 3sg and 1pl, the vowel is reduced and does not belong to the suffix. 268. This is not a diphthong; the role of a after a relatively weak velar consonant is purely acoustic. 269. A reduced vowel, phonematically /ə/. 270. In Trj consonant-final stems, the vowel in singular persons and 1pl is ǝ̑ /ə, in second and third persons dual and plural i ̮/i. In vowel-final stems the vowel is full and its quality depends on the vowel of the stem, whether it is full or reduced. ☙ 42 ❧ N.B. It can easily be noticed that most of the suffixes mentioned above are closely related to the personal pronouns. In singular, m, n, t (ȶ) are only shortened forms of ma ‘I’, neŋ ‘thou’, teu (ȶeux) ‘he’. Of the dual suffixes, men in the first and ten in the third person correspond mīn ‘we (two)’ and tīn ‘they (two)’ almost to the letter. The m in the first person plural has probably changed into u, like in many Samoyedic dialects, in order to make a difference from the first person singular264. The t (ȶ) in the third person plural has a visual correspondence to the personal pronoun teg (ȶeg)265. The suffix den (ten) in the second person dual and plural is, though, very different from the personal pronoun, but it seems that neŋ ‘thou’ originates from teŋ through a consonant change which is very common in the Finnish languages, and thus in this case it is easy to explain the affinity266. § 86 Concerning the vowel of the personal suffixes or the so-called binding vowel, it is in the Irtyš dialect nearly always the same and consists of an e267. The nouns ending in x normally have the binding vowel ae, especially in the first and second person singular268; e.g. jūrax ‘side’, jūragaem, jūragaen, jūragat. In the first and second person plural, a appears in most cases (see the paradigms). In the third person singular, e alternates sometimes with a, o and can, according to § 32, even be lost269: wāx ‘money’, wāgat ‘his money’, sōx ‘skin’, sōgot ‘his skin’, pōs ‘glove’, pōst ‘his glove’. Sometimes an elision of the binding vowel also occurs in a consonantfinal noun, when the dual and second person plural suffixes are attached to the nominative singular. In the Surgut dialects, though, the binding vowel disappears in front of the first person plural suffix (cf. the paradigm). Otherwise in the Surgut dialects the binding vowel is very vague270: Sometimes there is a, sometimes e and also other vowels that we cannot present exactly. 88 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 43 ❧ § 87 In combination with the personal suffixes the noun stem is subject to regular changes, which have already been discussed in the phonology and partly also in § 69. We make a short remark on the most important ones: a) In most cases, a short final a changes into e, but remains unchanged after x, g, k; e.g. aŋa ‘mother’, suffixes I. aŋem, aŋen, aŋet ‘my, your, his mother’; II. aŋemen, aŋeden, aŋeden ‘our, etc. mother’, III. aŋeu, aŋeden, aŋet; ańaxa ‘stepmother’, suffixes I. ańaxaem, ‑xaen, ‑xaet, II. ańaxaemen, ‑xaeden, ‑xaeden, III. ‑xaeu, ‑xaeden, ‑xaet271. In the Surgut dialects, a also remains unchanged after other consonants, but in combination with the suffixes of the second and third person in dual and plural, a as well as e easily change into i272; e.g. kara ‘ground, place’, suffixes I. karam (also kara’am), karan (kara’an), karaȶ; II. karamen, karaten or karin; III. karaux, karaden or karin, kariȶ, dual karagaȡam, pl. karaȡam. b) In the Irtyš dialect, the other vowels remain mostly unchanged; e.g. kēǯe ‘knife’, suffixes I. kēǯem, kēǯen, kēǯet; II. kēǯemen, kēǯeden, kēǯeden; III. kēǯeu, kēǯeden, kēǯet273. c) When ending a diphthong, i and u change into j, w in front of the binding vowel274; e.g. woi ‘fat’, suffixes I. wojem, wojen, wojet; II. wojemen; III. wojeu, pl. woidam; keu ‘stone’, I. kewem, kewen, kewet; II. kewemen; III. keweu; pl. keudam. d) In some of the Surgut subdialects, stem-final i changes into e after a preceding consonant in the first and second person singular; e.g. kilsi ‘barbel’, suffixes I. kilsem, kilsen, kilsiȶ; II. kilsimen, etc., whilst in other dialects you can hear ie in the first and second person singular and i in the other persons; e.g. kiuri ‘wound’, suffixes I. kiuriem, kiurien, kiuriȶ; II. kiurimen; III. kiuriu, etc. 89 271. In this single example, it is not only that a follows a velar consonant (cf. § 86, note 268) but also that the word consists of three syllables. It is therefore impossible to say whether a in ae is a similar acoustic phenomenon to that in the note 268 or the final vowel of the stem, which might be preserved in polysyllabic (3+) stems. 272. This i belongs to the suffix of the persons mentioned. The final vowels represent the reduced vowel (karǝ̑ ‘place’) and the paradigm in Surgut (Trj) is the following: karam, kara, karaʌ, karamǝ̑n, kari ̮n, kari ̮n, karaɣ°, kari ̮n, kari ̮ʌ. The n of the second person singular is lost in Trj and the full vowel alone shows the function of the Px in question. 273. Actually, the stem-final schwa disappears in front of the full vowel of the suffix; there is thus an alternation between ə and e. What Castrén has heard would probably have been: (kečǝ ‘knife’) *kečem, *kečen, *kečǝt, *kečemǝn, *kečetǝn, *kečetǝn, *kečew, *kečetǝn, *kečet (cf. the DN Ko Kr paradigms in Honti 1984: 132–133). 274. This, too, shows clearly that it is not a binding vowel but part of the suffix. It is somewhat absurd to say that a binding vowel causes a change in the stem. �Ostiacica 275. i.e. stem-final full vowels 276. A correct term would probably be “possessive”; Castrén has clearly thought of combinations of suffixes. 277. The suffix denoting dual possessed probably consists of the basic dual character ‑ɣ and l/ʌ/t adopted from the suffix for plural possessed. 278. These two plural suffixes have different origins: the absolute plural suffix goes back to the PFU (PU) *‑t whilst the suffix for plural possessed originates from Proto-Khanty *‑il. In the southern dialects, the consonants cannot be distinguished from one another because of the common sound change *l > t. 279. i.e. reduced vowel (ə) 280. The elision would also lead to unpronounceable consonant clusters. 281. We can also bear in mind that the two plurals are two separate suffixes, cf. note 278 above. ☙ 44 ❧ e) After long vowels and sometimes also after short ones275, g or j is added; e.g. jesnā ‘brotherin-law’, suffixes I. jesnāgem or ‑jem, jesnāgen or ‑jen, jesnāget or ‑jet, etc. f) When the nominal stem ends with a consonant, the final consonant sometimes gets smoother, sometimes harder or undergoes another change according to general rules; e.g. rīt ‘boat’, rīdem ‘my boat’; put ‘kettle’, pudem ‘my kettle’; kerap ‘vehicle’, kerabem ‘my vehicle’; nānk ‘larch’, nāŋem ‘my larch’; oitˊ ‘fence’, oid em, plural oittam ‘my fences’; kāń ‘arctic ˊ ˊ fox’, plural kānd am ‘my arctic foxes’; ńań ‘bread’, pluˊ ral ńand am ‘my breads’, etc. ˊ The following sound changes deserve a special § 88 attention, because they do not occur in the absolute declension but only in the suffixal276 one. a) In the Surgut dialects the dual character xan, xen, etc. changes into xat, xet, etc. in connection with the personal suffixes; e.g. kara ‘ground, place’, dual karagan, suffixal karagaȡam, ‑gaȡan, etc.277 b) the plural character et changes into it in front of the personal suffix; e.g. kēǯe ‘knife’, plural kēǯet, suffixes I. kēǯidam, kēǯidan, kēǯidet; II. kēǯidemen, etc.278 c) When the nominal stem ends with a consonant and has a long vowel in the penultima, in the suffixal forms the short vowel279 of the final syllable undergoes elision in singular, while in dual and plural this does not happen280; e.g. pōgor ‘islet’, singular pōxrem ‘my islet’, plural pōgordam ‘my islets’; wāsex ‘duck’, singular wīsxam ‘my duck’, dual wāsekkaȡam, plural wāsekȶam or wāsekȡam. d) Consonant-final stems always lose the binding vowel of the plural in connection with the personal suffixes; e.g. xuran ‘stall, shed’, plural xuranet, suffixal xurandam; tābet ‘week’, plural tāptet; suffixal tābettam; kōr ‘oven’, plural kōret, suffixal kōrdam.281 90 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 45 ❧ § 89 In the following paradigms, the word īma ‘wom- an’ shows the comprehensive overview of the nominal declension in connection with the personal suffixes282. All the other examples urmā ‘mitten’, kerap ‘vehicle’, pōgor ‘islet’, jūrax ‘edge’ will be given only in the basic form. I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. 1. īmem 1. īmemen 1. īmeu 1.283 Basic form Singular 2. īmen 2. īmeden 2. īmeden 3. īmet284 3. īmeden 3. īmet 1. īmidam 1. īmidemen 1. īmideu Plural 2. īmidan 2. īmiden 2. īmiden 3. īmidet 3. īmiden 3. īmidet 1. īmema 1. īmemena 1. īmewa Dative Singular 2. īmena 2. īmedena 2. īmedena 3. īmeda 3. īmedena 3. īmeda 1. īmidama 1. īmidemena 1. īmidewa Plural 2. īmidana 2. īmidena 2. īmidena 3. īmideda 3. īmidena 3. īmideda I. II. III. Locative Singular 1. īmemna 2. īmenna 1. īmememna285 2. īmedenna 1. īmeuna 2. īmedenna 3. īmetna 3. īmedenna 3. īmetna I. II. III. Plural 1. īmidamna 2. īmidanna 1. īmidememna286 2. īmidenna 1. īmideuna 2. īmidenna 3. īmidetna 3. īmidenna 3. īmidetna 91 282. There is also a series of dual possessed with the dual character ‑ŋǝt- : imeŋǝtam ‘my two women’, imeŋǝtan, imeŋǝtat, imeŋǝtǝmǝn ‘the two women of us two’, imeŋǝtǝn, imeŋǝtǝn, imeŋǝtǝw ‘our two women (of the several of us)’, imeŋǝtǝn, imeŋǝtat. (Kr Ko suffixes, cf. Honti 1984: 133.) 283. stem type ending in a reduced vowel 284. īmit (imit) ‘his/her woman’ would be expected. The vowel in px.sg<3sg is the same as in all persons of the plural possessed. It is also different from the form imet ‘their woman’ (px.sg<3pl). 285. īmemenna (imemənnə) would be expected. 286. īmidemenna (imitəmǝnnə) would be expected. �Ostiacica 287. stem type ending in a full vowel ☙ 46 ❧ I. II. III. 1. īmemīwet 1. īmemenīwet 1. īmewīwet Ablative Singular 2. īmenīwet 2. īmedenīwet 2. īmedenīwet I. II. III. 1. īmidamīwet 1. īmidemenīwet 1. īmidewīwet Plural 2. īmidanīwet 2. īmidenīwet 2. īmidenīwet 3. īmedīwet 3. īmedenīwet 3. īmedīwet 3. īmidedīwet 3. īmidenīwet 3. īmidedīwet Instructive Sing. 2. īmenat 2. īmedenat 2. īmedenat 3. īmedat 3. īmedenat 3. īmedat I. II. III. 1. īmemat 1. īmemenat 1. īmewat I. II. III. 1. īmidamat 1. īmidemenat 1. īmidewat Plur. 2. īmidanat 2. īmidenat 2. īmidenat 3. īmidedat 3. īmidenat 3. īmidedat 1. īmemda 1. īmemenda 1. īmeuda Caritive Sing. 2. īmenda 2. īmedenda 2. īmedenda 3. īmetta 3. īmedenda 3. īmetta 1. urmāgem 1) 1. urmāgemen 1. urmāgeu 2.287 Basic form Sing. 2. urmāgen 2. urmāgeden 2. urmāgeden 3. urmāget 3. urmāgeden 3. urmāget I. II. III. I. II. III. 1) or: urmajem, urmajen, urmājet, also: urmaem, urmaen, urmaet, cf. ańaxaem, ańaxaen, ańaxaet. 92 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 47 ❧ Plur. 2. urmāgidan I. 1. urmāgidam II. 1. urmāgidemen 2. urmāgiden III. 1. urmāgideu 2. urmāgiden 3. urmāgidet 3. urmāgiden 3. urmāgidet I. II. III. 3.288 Basic form Sing. 1. kerabem 2. keraben 1. kerabemen 2. kerabeden 1. kerabeu 2. kerabeden 3. kerabet 3. kerabeden 3. kerabet I. II. III. 1. keraptam 1. keraptemen 1. kerapteu Plur. 2. keraptan 2. kerapten 2. kerapten 3. keraptet 3. kerapten 3. keraptet I. II. III. 4.289 Basic form Sing. 1. pōxrem 2. pōxren 1. pōxremen 2. pōxreden 1. pōxreu 2. pōxreden 3. pōxret 3. pōxreden 3. pōxret I. II. III. 1. pōgordam 1. pōgordemen 1. pōgordeu Plur. 2. pōgordan 2. pōgorden 2. pōgorden 3. pōgordet 3. pōgorden 3. pōgordet I. II. III. 5.290 Basic form Sing. 1. jūragaem 2. jūragaen 3. jūragat 1. jūragaemen 1) 2. jūragaeden 2) 3. jūragaeden 2) 1. jūragaeu 2. jūragaeden 2) 3. jūragaet 2) 2) or: urmājidam, urmājidan, urmājidet, also: urmaidam, urmaidan, urmaidet, cf. ańaxaidam, ańaxadann, ańaxaidet. 1) jūraxmen 2) juraxten 93 288. stem type ending in a full vowel + consonant 289. stem type ending in a reduced vowel (ǝ) + consonant, in which the metathesis/elision of ǝ takes place in certain inflected forms 290. <jūrax> is a derivative (with presumably a full vowel in the second syllable), cf. jĭra ‘aside’. �Ostiacica 291. stem type ending in a reduced vowel 292. It is worth remembering that <ȡ> and <ȶ> represent the same phoneme. The plural possessor series with dual possessed is actually kăraɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° ‘our two places (of several of us)’, kăraɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n ‘your two places’, kăraɣǝ̑ʌaʌ ‘their two places’. 293. Stem type ending in a consonant. There is also a paradigmatic vowel alternation (see p.  49/95) and a simplification of the stem consonant č > t in front of the character ʌ for plural possessed. 294. The whole paradigm in a normalized form is the following: (possessed in singular:) učem, učen, učǝ̑ʌ, učmǝ̑n, uči ̮n, uči ̮n, učǝ̑ɣ°, uči ̮n, uči ̮ʌ; (possessed in dual:) åčɣǝ̑ʌam, åčɣǝ̑ʌa, åčɣǝ̑ʌ, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑m ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑ɣ°, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌaʌ; (possessed in plural:) åtʌam, åtʌa, åtʌ, åtʌǝ̑m ǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑ɣ°, åtʌaʌ. ☙ 48 ❧ I. 1. jūraxtam II. 1. jūraxtemen III. 1. jūraxteu Plur. 2. jūraxtan 2. jūraxten 2. jūraxten 3. jūraxtet 3. jūraxten 3. jūraxtet § 90 For the Surgut dialects, we want to present the following paradigms: kara ‘ground, place’ and āč ‘sheep’. I. II. III. 1.291 Basic form Sing. 1. karam 2. karan 1. karamen 2. karin 1. karaux 2. karin 3. karaȶ 3. karin 3. kariȶ Dual I. 1. karagaȡam 2. karagaȡan 3. karagaȶ II. 1. karagaȡamen 2. karagaȡen 3. karagaȡen III. 1. karagaȡaux 2. karagaȡen 3. karagaȡaȶ292 I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. 1. karaȡam 1. karaȡamen 1. karaȡaux 1. ūǯem 1. ūǯmen 1. ūǯeux Plur. 2. karaȡan 2. karaȡen 2. karaȡen 2.293 Basic form Sing. 2. ūǯen 2. ūǯin 2. ūǯin 1. āǯxaȡam 1. āǯxaȡamen 1. āǯxaȡaux Dual 2. āǯxaȡan 2. āǯxaȡen 2. āǯxaȡen 1. ātȶam 1. ātȶamen 1. ātȶaux Plur. 2. ātȶan 2. ātȶen 2. ātȶen 94 3. karaȶ 3. karaȡen 3. karaȡaȶ 3. ūǯeȶ 3. ūǯin 3. ūǯiȶ 3. āǯxaȶ 3. āǯxaȡen 3. āǯxaȡaȶ 3. ātȶ 3. ātȶen 3. ātȶaȶ294 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 49 ❧ § 91 We add the following list of words that undergo 295 a vowel alternation in the Surgut dialects. rāk sāp sāpeȶ čānč ȶābet ȶānt a and i296 ‘night’ Suffix I.1. ītem ‘dog’ īmpem ‘finger’ pīŋem ‘debt’ īrendam ‘nail’?? jīnkem ‘bark’ kīrem ‘duck’ wīsxam tīsem ‘ware, thing(s)’ ‘flour’ rīkem ‘brook’ sīpem ‘neck’ sīpȶem ‘knee’ čīnǯem ‘week’ ȶīptem ‘moss’ ȶīntem, etc. āč kāt ńāȶ lāt māntˊ āȶ pās sārt sājep jāgam ȶār tārax wān ȶān kār wāt a and u297 ‘sheep’ Suffix I.1. ūǯem ‘house’ kūtem ‘nose’ ńūȡem ‘hole’ lūtem ‘story’ mūnd em ˊ ‘year’ ūȡem ‘glove’ pūsem ‘pike’ sūrtem ‘net’ sūipam ‘moor’ jūgmen298 ‘meadow’ ȶūrem ‘crane’ tūrgam ‘shoulder’ wūnem ‘vein’ ȶūnem ‘ox’ kūrem ‘wind’ wūdem, etc. āt āmp pāŋ ārent jānk kār wāsex tās 95 295. The paradigmatic vowel alternation concerns the full vowels å, o, ä and e in the first syllable. 296. phonematically ä vs. i 297. phonematically å vs. u 298. This is “suffix I.2.”, i.e. px.sg <2sg; probably a typographic misprint instead of jūgmem (juɣmem). �Ostiacica 299. phonematically the same (e vs. i) 300. phonematically the same (o vs. u) 301. probably a typographical misprint, u instead of ū 302. The word for ‘oven’ is in Surgut dialects Likr kör, Trj ker. 303. South tä̆m, tăm, tä̆mǝ, Surgut tem, temi ‘this’; South Surgut tŏm, South tŏmǝ, Surgut tŏmi ̮ ‘that’ (Honti 1984: 74) 304. These shorter pronouns (South ˊ ˊ tĕw, Surgut tu) that refer to more distant objects (not visible, as opposed to tŏm, South tŏmǝ, Surgut tŏmi ̮ ‘that’) are used only in attributive positions. In Surgut we also find ˊ ˊ ti ‘this (attributive)’ and tit ‘id. (absolute)’. (Ibid.) ☙ 50 ❧ ńēwer lēk ōp ōx lōx mōk ōnk pōm rōk sōm ȶōnt kōs kȫr kȫń e and i299 ‘lather’ suffix I.1. ‘trace’ ńīurem līkam, etc. o and u300 ‘father-in-law’ suffix I.1. ūpem ‘head’ ū’um (ūgum) ‘inlet, bay’ lū’um (lūgum) ‘young (of mūkam an animal)’ ‘resin’ ūnkam ‘grass’ pumem301 ‘front (of a rūkam cloth)’ ‘scale (of a fish)’ sūmem ‘goose’ ȶūndem ‘star’ kūsem, etc. ö and ü302 ‘oven’ suffix I.1. ‘arctic fox’ kǖrem kǖńem § 92 The demonstrative pronouns in Ostyak are toma (tom) ‘that’, Finnish tuo, and tema (teme, tem) ‘this’, Finnish tämä303. According to § 81, teu ‘he, it’ can also be used as a demonstrative pronoun. In adverbs as well as in some relative and interrogative pronoun compounds there are further demonstratives tit ˊ (tut) ‘this’ and ta ‘that’304. The declension of toma and ˊ tema is regular when these pronouns are used absolutely; e.g. dative tomeja, temeja, locative tomena, temena, ablative tomīwet, temīwet; pl. tomet, temet, etc. Only the dual in the Surgut dialects is irregular: tomīn, temīn. § 93 Interrogative and relative pronouns are expressed in Ostyak, like in the other related languages, mostly using the same words. These are: 96 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 51 ❧ xoi or xoje, S. koje ‘who, which’, Finnish ku, kuka305. met or metta ‘which, what’, Finnish mi, mikä. medoi, medoje (originally met-xoi), Surg. muguȡi ‘what’.306 The following words can also be regarded as relative pronouns: mecir, Surg. mugusir ‘what kind of’, tissir ˊ ‘that kind of’, tament ‘like that one’, timent ‘like this ˊ one’, etc.307 The declension of these pronouns follows the general rules both in Irtyš and in the Surgut dialects; e.g. xojīwet, medīwet, etc. § 94 Indefinite pronouns are formed from the interrogative and relative pronouns with the help of the derivative suffix at; e.g. xajat 1) ‘someone’, 2) ‘person’, from xoi ‘who’; medat or mettat ‘something’, from met or metta ‘what’; mecirat ‘some kind of’, Russian какій то; tissirat ‘that kind of’308, Russian такій ˊ то, etc. 2) Verb § 95 There are two classes of verbs in Ostyak that not only differ from each other somewhat in their meaning but also in the flexion. One includes transitive or active verbs, the other includes all the intransitive and neutral verbs. In flexion, auxiliary and passive verbs correspond almost entirely to the latter.309 § 96 Both classes of verbs can include basic words as well as derivatives. The first ones consist of one or at most two syllables, the latter have in their stem two syllables at least, often more. The derivation happens with the help of special character letters, which can be attached to a basic as well as to a derived stem of a noun or a verb. Verbs that form compounds with postpositions occur in Ostyak very rarely and they are formed completely on the basis of the sense of the Russian language. 97 305. The Finnish counterpart is not relative but only interrogative. The comparison, though, is correct. 306. The simple interrogative-relative pronouns are in South χŏjǝ, Surgut kŏjaɣi ̮ ‘who, which’, South mĕj (North mŭj), Surgut mĕɣ°i, mö̆ɣi ‘what, which; what kind of’ (Honti 1984: 75). 307. They are not relative pronouns but rather pronominal attributes. 308. ‘this kind of’ 309. Here the two Khanty conjugation paradigms (subjective vs. objective) are interpreted as qualities of the verbs. The transitive verbs, however, can be inflected in any of these two conjugations depending on whether there is a topicalized object in the sentence, either overt or deleted (Sosa 2017). In addition, many seemingly intransitive verbs (such as ‘come’) can be inflected in the objective conjugation, especially verbs of motion when there is a topicalized goal for the movement. These sentences can also be passivized so that the goal of the motion is in the subject ˊ ˊ position; e.g. tät-äŋket χŭjnǝ jŏχtaj ‘a man (AG) came to see his grandmother’ (S) (SüdostjK 163) (Kulonen 1989: 158–). �Ostiacica 310. Interestingly enough, Castrén does not make an exact etymological comparison to the Finnish suffix, even though in Proto-Khanty and the easternmost and northernmost dialects the suffix has (had) the form ‑l-. 311. In this word, the derivative suffix is also originally ‑t-, cf. Kaz pŏtǝrtĭʌ- ‘to speak continuously’, where ‑ʌ- is the suffix in question and ‑t- the suffix discussed in b). 312. Zero-derived verbs do not need to end in t; there are also a few of them that do not; e.g. ʌoŋ ‘warm (weather)’ torəm ʌoŋəs ‘the weather became warm’. 313. This is to say that it also appears as a regular stem consonant without a special function. 314. These represent the common and ancient PFU causative suffixes *t, *tt and *pt. 315. originally and in the easternmost dialects ‑il ☙ 52 ❧ § 97 Ostyak seems to be very rich in derived verbs. Because of the lack of sufficient material, we can only give here the most important derivatives and their component elements. a) d, t, (ȡ, ȶ) and d ,ˊ t,ˊ (ȡ,ˊ ȶˊ) make diminutive verbs that express an action which is continuous, and are in Finnish formed with the character l310; e.g. padartem ‘to talk’311, towottem ‘to row’, aidadem ‘to hunt’, tegdem ‘to fly’. Both intransitive and transitive verbs also are formed from nouns with the same characters; e.g. ōd a ‘sour’, ōd edem ˊ ˊ ‘become sour’; ājem ‘glue’, ājemdem ‘to glue’; seker ‘hit’, sekerdem ‘to hit’; pōs ‘mark’, pōstem ‘to mark’; tēt ‘full’, tēttem ‘to fill’. When the stem ends in the same letter, the derived verbs, at least the intransitive ones, do not need any special character; e.g. montˊ ‘story’, montem ‘to tell a ˊ story’; patˊ ‘excrement’, patem ‘defecate’; pēget ˊ ‘bath’, pēgtem ‘to take a bath’312. It can be noticed, though, that these characters also appear in many primitive verbs and in many meanings; e.g. tadem ‘to pull’, xadem ‘to die’, ūd em ‘to ˊ swim’, jāstem ‘to say’313. b) Moreover and primarily, transitive verbs out of intransitives and causatives out of immediatives are also formed with t, tˊ e.g. termadem ‘to ; hurry (intr.)’, termattem ‘to hurry (tr.)’, jend em ˊ ‘to drink’, jenttem ‘to give to drink’. In these deˊ rivatives, t (tˊ) is often doubled; e.g. tēbem ‘to go wrong’, tēbettem ‘to make a mistake’; sergem ‘to drop (off)’, sergettem ‘to shake’. In many derivative verbs, pt appears instead of tt; e.g. xajd em ˊ ‘to be left’, xajd aptem ‘to leave (tr.)’, kergem ‘to ˊ fall’, kereptem ‘to knock over’.314 c) The frequentative verbs take usually the character īd (īt); e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, jāstīdem ‘to say many times’, tōxnem ‘to meet’, tōxnīdem ‘to meet often’315. 98 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 53 ❧ d) It seems that many frequentative verbs can also be formed with the characters x, k, ḱ, g, ǵ; e.g. ārgem, ārkem ‘to sing’, nuigem ‘to get tired’, jantkem ‘to play’, ńāgam ‘to laugh’, tūtxaem ‘to churn’316. e) Momentaneous verbs are formed with the help of m; e.g. pulemem ‘to swallow’, pūmem ‘to blow (once)’. This character not only expresses a momentaneous action, but also appears with many other meanings; e.g. temem ‘to scatter (tr.) around’, kušmem ‘to burn (intr.)’, čošmem ‘to scatter (tr.), to pour’.317 f) s (c) is in Ostyak as well as in other related languages used to form augmentative verbs that express an action that is fulfilled quickly and energetically; e.g. punǯesem ‘to open (quickly)’, Finnish awaisen; aŋasem ‘to take one’s shoes off (quickly)’, Finnish riisasen; mōŋasem ‘to rub’, Finn. hierasen; xūdesem ‘to cough’, Finn. rykäsen; tāksem ‘to spit’, Finn. sylkäsen.318 ˊ The reflexive verbs have the character š; e.g. g) mīdašem ‘to be for rent’, etc.319 § 98 Many of the characters mentioned in the § above can also be combined with each other to form further derivatives. We present some of these: h) The character of the diminutive can be followed by almost any other character; e.g. jōxtem or jōgodem ‘to enter’, frequ. jōxtīdem; jōndem ‘to sew’, augm. jōndesem; tēgdem ‘to fly’, mom. tēgetmem; termadem ‘to hurry (intr.)’ caus. termattem, etc. i) From the momentaneous verbs especially causatives can be formed; e.g. ēnmem ‘to grow (intr.)’, ēnmettem ‘to nourish’; kušmem ‘to burn (intr.)’, kušmettem ‘to burn (tr.)’ 99 316. In most of these, k or ɣ belongs to the stem in one way or another, at least historically, cf. Mansi (So) ērǝɣ ‘song, to sing’ (Khanty Trj ärǝɣ ‘song’, ärǝɣ‘to sing’) and (So) janəɣ ‘play; to play’ (Khanty (DN) jănt-: jăntkǝm, jăntχǝm, jănkǝm ‘to play’). 317. ‑m- is also very common as a translative suffix with which verbs are formed from nouns, and especially adjectives. 318. Honti (1984: 53–55) does not mention this suffix in Khanty, but it undoubtedly exists. The Finnish derivatives mentioned here go back to *ŋć. 319. This is rare, too. �Ostiacica 320. The basic formal difference between the subjective and objective conjugation (cf. note 309) is that the suffixes in the objective conjugation coincide with the possessive suffixes (§  83– 90) whilst the basic verbal personal suffixes are present in the subjective conjugation. We have seen (note 267) that the possessive suffixes of many persons include a full vowel. 321. E.g. Tra mĕn ‘he went’, jŏɣət ‘he came’; the present tense has a tense suffix ʌ: mĕnʌ ‘he goes’ (mĕnʌəm ‘I go’), jŏɣətʌ ‘he comes’ (jŏɣətʌəm ‘I come’, jŏɣətʌən ‘you (Sg.) come’, etc.). 322. This does not, however, take into account the paradigmatic vowel alternation; the vowel used in the imperative is the more rarely occurring one. ☙ 54 ❧ k) Many diminutive verbs that have the character nt and md have also probably been formed on the basis of other derivatives; e.g. xūdem ‘to hear’, xūdandem ‘to listen’; ēpsendem ‘to sniff’, ńa­sam­ dem ‘to slip, to slide’, joworxamdem ‘to turn (tr.)’. Conjugation 1. The conjugation of the transitive and intransitive verbs § 99 The Ostyak language shares the feature with the Samoyedic languages that the transitive and intransitive verbs differ in their flexion to a certain degree. However, the differences occur mostly only in some personal suffixes and especially in the binding vowel.320 The moods and tenses are formed quite similarly in both classes. In relation to the stem, we can notice that the final syllable in intransitives is often long, while in transitives it is often short. This definition cannot, however, be presented as any kind of common rule. § 100 It can further be added about the verbal stem that it seldom and only exceptionally appears in its simplest form: in the Surgut dialects in the third person singular indicative preterite with intransitive verbs321. But if we want to have a stem which is common to all dialects as well as intransitive and transitive verbs, we can find it easily by leaving out the final vowel in the second person imperative322. How different moods, tenses and other verbal forms are constructed based on this stem, will be presented in the following paragraphs. A. Indicative § 101 In Ostyak, the indicative has two tenses: the pret- erite and the future. The present coincides with 100 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 55 ❧ the future323, and the preterite is able to express all modifications of the past tense. Sometimes the future is also expressed with the infinitive and the auxiliary verb jidem; e.g. xantča jidem ‘I will write’. In the past tense, in some dialects the augmentative and in others the diminutive verbal derivatives can be used to mark the perfect; e.g. tēgetmem ‘I have flown’, Russian улетҍлъ; wermem ‘I have made’, pansim ‘I have put’324. § 102 There is no special character for the preterite in Ostyak, instead, the personal suffixes are attached directly to the verbal stem; e.g. panem ‘I placed/ put’ Imp. pane, stem pan. The character of the future is fully identical to the derivational suffix of the diminutive verbs, and consists thus of d, (ȡ), d ,ˊ (ȡˊ) and t, (ȶ), tˊ(ȶˊ)325. These consonants are attached to the stem according to the common rules presented in the phonology. The most important of these are: 1. When the stem ends in a vowel or a smooth or indefinite consonant, the character of the future is d (ȡ) or d ˊ (ȡˊ), after a final hard consonant it is t (ȶ) or tˊ(ȶˊ); e.g. tuem ‘to bring’, fut. tudem; werem ‘to make’, fut. werdem (stem wer); emem ‘to suck’, fur emdem (stem em); panem ‘to put’, fut. pandem (stem pan); telem ‘to weep’, fut. teldem (stem tel); jigem ‘to harˊ ˊ ˊ ness’, fut. jiktem (stem jik); tēbem ‘to go wrong’, fut. tēptem (stem tēp), ńāgam ‘to laugh’, fut. ńāxtam (stem ńāx); edem, S. üȡim ‘to heat’, fut. ettam, S. üȶȶim, etc. ˊ 2. According to § 47, čg, tt, ńd change in the future tense into tč, tt,ˊ nd ; e.g. īǯem ‘to stir’, fut. ītčem ˊ instead of īčtem; muŋolǯem ‘to knot’, fut. muŋoltčem; kenǯem ‘to seek’, fut. kentčem; jēnd em ‘to drink’, fut. ˊ jēnttem; ūd em ‘to swim’, fut. ūttam; pańem ‘to twist’, ˊ ˊ ˊ fut. pand em, etc. ˊ A final i (j), u (w) after a preceding vowel some3. times undergoes an elision, sometimes not; e.g. 101 323. The reason the future is considered the primary function of the non-past tense probably has to do with the grammatical traditions of that time. The other explanation could be its markedness in contrast to the past (preterite). 324. Both are participle suffixes. ‑mis clearly a past participle and very common in all Khanty dialects; ‑s- is more seldom used and also has (at least in Mansi) the function of a present participle (Kulonen 2007: 187–88). Anyway, this participle is the origin of the past tense (imperfect) suffix ‑s-, which is in use in the eastern dialects (VVj Surgut) as well as in the North. It seems that the example pansim is from Castrén’s observations from the Surgut dialects, even if it is not said to be so. In O, too, pănsǝm is the normal form of the past tense paradigm (sg1.PAST). 325. Actually t (South), ʌ (Surgut); the palatalized consonants here are due to assimilation and purely phonetic/acoustic variants, thus: (South) tutəm, ˊ wertəm, emtǝm, păntǝm, tĕltǝm, jĭktǝm, teptǝm, ńăχtəm, ĕttǝm (S. ö̆ʌʌəm). �Ostiacica 326. These are five of the seven total so-called thematic verbs (all monosyllabic), which have more than one alternating stems: South mĕ- ~ mĕj-; wo- ~ woj- (u- ~ uj- is the form in the south-north transitional dialects Ni, Šer as well as in Vj in the East; Surgut wu- ~ wuj-); wĕ- ~ wĕj-; jĕ- ~ jĕw- (Surgut jĕ-  ~ jĕɣ-); te- ~ tew- (Surgut ʌi-  ~ ʌiɣ°/ʌiw-). The two remaining verbs of this group are ni- ~ niw- ‘to be visible’ and tu-  ~ täw-/tĕw- (Surgut tu-  ~ tuɣ°-/tuw-) ‘to bring’. (Honti 1984: 36.) 327. Actually ‘to have’; Khanty and Mansi are the only Finno-Ugric languages that have a commonly used verb with this meaning; the other languages use different structures to express having something. 328. i.e. a schwa (ə) 329. This is the same schwa (ə) marked here with different short (= reduced) vowels a, e, o. 330. Here, the stem is meant instead of future. This must be a lapsus. The vowel (schwa) comes between the two stem-final consonants. ☙ 56 ❧ mejem ‘to give’, fut. medem; ujem ‘to see’, fut. udem; wejem ‘to take’, fut. wedem; jiwem ‘to come’, fut. jidem; tewem ‘to eat’, fut. tedem326; cf. tejem ‘to weave’, fut. teidem; tājem ‘to be327’, fut. tājdam; xujem ‘to spawn’, fut. xuj­dem; sēwem ‘to spin’, fut. sēudem; tīwem ‘to be born’, fut. tīudem. 4. When the stem ends in two consonants, the following can be noted concerning the formation of the future: a) Sometimes, the character of the future can be attached directly to the stem, especially after nt, mt, pt, nk, nx; e.g. jōndem ‘to sew’, fut. jōnttem; ēpsendem ‘to sniff’ (stem ēpsent), fut. ēpsenttem; tēremdem ‘to make the bed’, fut. tēremttem; ōrdem ‘to divide’ (stem ōrt), fut. ōrttem. The verbs ending in nt,ˊ lč, nč form the future tense in the manner described in nr. 2 of this paragraph. b) The latter of the final two consonants, especially if it is k or g, can also undergo elision; e.g. kergem ‘to fall’, fut. kerdam; ārgem ‘to sing’, fut. ārdam; jantkem ‘to play’, fut. janttam; jāŋam ‘to walk’, fut. jāŋxtam or jāxtam. 328 c) A short e is often placed in front of the character of the future; e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, fut. jāstedem; kattem ‘to hold’, fut. kattedem; kereptem ‘to fell’, fut. kereptedem; mūrtem ‘to brake’, fut. mūrtedem; tēgetmem ‘to fly away’, fut. tēgetmedem; unttem ‘to teach’, fut. unttedem, etc. d) Whenever the preceding syllable is long, the auxiliary vowel329 can be placed between the two consonants of the future330; e.g. āxtem ‘to vomit’, fut. āgattam; jēŋdem ‘to spin’, fut. jēŋettem; jōxtem ‘to enter’, fut. jōgottam; ńōxrem ‘to slice’, fut. ńōgordam; nāurem ‘to jump’, fut. nāwerdam; ōmsem ‘to sit’, fut. ōmastem; etc. All words of this kind have, in fact, lost their stem vowel both in the indicative preterite and in the imperative 102 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 57 ❧ according to § 32; e.g. ēne ‘big’331, Ind. preterite ēn­ mem332 instead of ēnemem, fut. ēnemdem333, imp. ēn­ me instead of ēneme. § 103 The personal suffixes for nouns and verbs in indicative preterite and future coincide with each other. Some exceptions occur in the Irtyš dialect only in intransitive verbs, whereas transitive verbs take the normal personal suffixes of the nouns334. Regarding the binding vowel it can be generally noted that there is a considerable similarity on one hand between the transitive verb and the vowel-final noun335, and on the other between the intransitive verb and the consonant-final noun336. § 104 In the Irtyš dialect, the verbal personal suffixes in the indicative future and preterite with the addition of the binding vowel are the following: 1. In the transitive verb337 Sing. 1. -em 2. -en 3. -et 2. In the intransitive verb338 Sing.1. -em (am) 2. -en (an) 3. -ōt, et, t Dual 1. 2. 3. -emen -eden -eden Dual 1. 2. 3. -emen, men -eden (den, ten) -egen (gen, ken) Pl. 1. 2. -eu -eden Pl. 1. 2. -eu -edā or ede, (da or de, ta or te) -et 3. 3. -et § 105 This overview shows that the intransitive verbs 339 have only two specific suffixes: 1. in the third person dual egen (gen, ken), which is similar to the dual character of the nouns; 2. eda or ede (da, de or ta, te) in the second person plural. In the preterite, the third person ends in ōt, in the fut. in et or t340 e.g. ēttīdem 103 331. This is an adjective serving as a basis for the verbal derivation (cf. note 317). 332. ‘I grew; I have grown’ 333. ‘I grow; I am growing’ 334. I.e. they are equivalent to the possessive suffixes. 335. stem type ending in a reduced vowel (paradigm example imǝ ‘woman’) 336. In most persons (with the exception of 3sg) the vowel, if it appears, is a schwa (ǝ). 337. The suffixes for the objective conjugation (referring to one object) are ‑em, ‑en, ‑ǝt; ‑emǝn, ‑etǝn, ‑etǝn; ‑ew, ‑etǝn, ‑et. 338. The suffixes for the subjective conjugation are ‑ǝm/‑am, ‑ǝn/‑an, ∅/‑ot; ‑mǝn, ‑tǝn ‑ɣən (‑tən); ‑əw, ‑tə, ‑ət. 339. It is meant that these suffixes differ considerably from the possessive suffixes. It is worth noticing that while Khanty makes use of n in many elements of the second persons (personal pronouns and all suffixes for 2sg), in the 2pl subjective conjugation we can see the original PU suffix *‑te. 340. ‑t is the tense suffix of the present (“future”), so the personal suffix is ∅. �Ostiacica 341. The corresponding actual forms: ettitǝm, ettitot, ettittam, et­ti­tǝt. 342. The corresponding actual forms: mĕnǝm, mĕnot, mĕntam, mĕnt. The 3sg.prs form has the zero personal suffix (cf. notes 338 and 340); ‑t is the tense suffix. 343. Usually for the form in question only the suffix ‑ot is given. There is no other documentation of this kind of variation in the southern Khanty texts, which makes this observation highly interesting. 344. Castrén has marked a diphthong ae instead of e (ə) after velar consonants (cf. note 23). In the subjective conjugation, both ə and a occur, depending on the stem type (Honti 1984: 41). 345. I.e. 1sg, 2sg; this is not dependent on the consonant of the stem but on the stem type (stable stems as opposite to nonstable (thematic) stems, cf. note 326). (Honti 1984: 41.) 346. Obviously a typographical error instead of enmem (1sg.PAST, used as the basic form for verbs in this grammar). ☙ 58 ❧ ‘I watched’, third person ēttīdōt, fut. ēttīttam, third person ēttīttēt341 menem ‘I went’, third person menōt, fut. mendem, third person ment342. Some verbs have in the preterite third person sing. two suffixes et and ōt, the first to express the imperfect, the latter the perfect343; e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, third person jāstet ‘said, dixit’ (R.  говорилъ), jāstōt ‘has said, dicebat’ (R. сказалъ); werem ‘to make’, third person weret ‘made, faciebat’ (R. дҍлалъ), werōt ‘has made’ (R. сдҍлалъ). Regarding further the binding vowel in the personal suffixes, the following can be noted: a) In the transitive verbs, the binding vowel remains unchanged in all persons of the pret. and fut. b) In the intransitive verbs, the binding vowel e can sometimes alternate with other vowels; e.g. tapkaem344 ‘to whisper’, ńāgam ‘to laugh’. ˊ In the future tense, the intransitive verbs, simic) larly to the nouns in pl., commonly have a as the binding vowel in the first and second person345, especially after a hard consonant; e.g. ēnmen346 ‘to grow’, fut. first person ēnemdam, second person ‑an; tinesem ‘to trade’, fut. first person tinestam, second person ‑an; āmdīdem ‘to be happy’, fut. first person āmdīttam, second person ‑an. d) The binding vowel disappears completely in all dual persons and the second person plural of the preterite and especially the indicative future of the intransitive verbs, as long as the two consonants allow it; e.g. towottem ‘to row’, fut. towottedem, dual 1. towottetmen, 2. towottetten, 3. towottetken, plur. 2. towottetta. § 106 In the Surgut dialects, the personal suffixes in the indicative pret. and fut. are the following: 104 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 59 ❧ 1. In the transitive verb. 2. In the intransitive verb. Sing. 1. em Sing. 1. em (am) 2. en, e 2. en (an) 3. dax (dex), 3. — tax (tex) Dual 1. 2. 3. Pl. 1. 2. 3. damen (demen) tamen (temen) ten ten daux (deux) taux (teux) ten iȶ Dual 1. men 2. ten 3. xan, kan, gan (xen, gen, ken) Pl. 1. aux 2. 3. tax t N.B. This scheme might not be fully reliable, because we are lacking a sufficient number of paradigms from the Surgut dialects. It has to be noted especially, concerning the binding vowel, that it alternates a lot and often undergoes an elision347. § 107 Regarding personal suffixes, it is typical for the Surgut dialects that the intransitive verbs have no personal marking in the pret. and fut. third person singular, whilst in the transitive verbs the original t is lengthened into tax (tax) etc348; e.g. menem ‘I went’, Third person men; panem ‘I placed/put’ third person pandax (probably from pant, panda). The suffixes for first person dual and plur. in transitive verbs have without doubt been formed from the third person sing. suffix mentioned through elision of the aspiration. Considering the349 dual and plural suffixes ten, tax, it seems that t belongs to the original personal suffix (cf. § 85), even though it does not always appear with nouns350. 105 347. In 1sg and 2sg suffixes there is a difference between full vowel (e; objective conjugation) and a reduced vowel (ǝ: subjective conjugation); e.g. ʌäpətʌəm ‘I feed’, ʌäpətʌem ‘I feed him’. 348. t has the function of singular object in the Surgut dialects, even though it appears only in 3sg, 1du and 1pl. In the paradigms of dual and plural object it is replaced by the characters of the dual (‑ɣəʌ-) and plural (‑ʌ-) object (= possessed); e.g. (perfect) păn­t ǝ̑ɣ ‘he put it’, păn­t ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n ‘we(2) put it’, păn­ tǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put it’; păn­ɣ ǝ̑ʌ ‘he put them(2)’, păn­ɣ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n ‘we(2) put them(2)’, păn­ɣ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put them(2)’; pă­n ǝ̑ʌ ‘he put them (several)’, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n ‘we(2) put them’, păn­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put them’. In the present tense, t is also lacking in 3sg after the present tense suffix ʌ; the corresponding present tense forms (3sg, 1du, 1pl) are (singular object) pănʌǝ̑ɣ, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­t ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­t ǝ̑ɣ°; (dual object) păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ɣ ǝ̑ʌ, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ ɣǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ɣ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ°; (plural object) păn­ʌ ǝ̑ʌ, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n (lacking the plural ‑ʌ-!), păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° (following Honti 1984: 111). 349. Second person has to be meant here. 350. Cf. note 339. �Ostiacica 351. The inflected conjunctive is not described in the modern Khanty grammars (Honti 1984: 50). 352. Honti (1984: 112, 115) gives full paradigms, including the first persons, both to the Surgut and the southern dialects (see also the Short Grammatical Description (Directives), p. 28). 353. It is unclear which rules are meant here. Both are full vowels and thus stable. ☙ 60 ❧ B. Conjunctive § 108 As far as I know, the Irtyš dialect has no spe- cial inflected form for the conjunctive, instead this mood is formed, as in many other languages, with the particle adaŋ. This particle can be placed either before or after the indicative preterite or future; e.g. ma adaŋ werem or ma werem adaŋ ‘I would have made’; ma adaŋ werdem or ma werdem adaŋ ‘I would make’. Originally there has also been a special conjunctive with the suffix ŋ in the Irtyš dialect, and it seems that this character is attached to the particle adaŋ (from at) mentioned above. Moreover, it is probable that the imperative of the third person singular has borrowed its ŋ from the conjunctive. § 109 Instead, in the Surgut dialects, the conjunctive is still commonly in use, and formed with ŋ; e.g. werŋam ‘I would make’, Russian дҍлалъ бы, panŋam ‘I would put’ R. клалъ бы351. Considering the personal suffixes, in the conjunctive they are exactly the same as in the nouns, both in transitive and in intransitive verbs, namely: Sing. 1. am, 2. an, 3. aȶ. Dual 1. amen, 2. in, 3. in. Plural 1. aux, 2. in, 3. iȶ; e.g. werŋam, werŋan, werŋaȶ, werŋamen, etc. C. Imperative § 110 The imperative has no common character, in- stead the different persons are formed in different ways. The first person is missing in all the three numbers, and has no other expression but the future352. In the second person, the imperative ends in the Irtyš dialects in the transitive verb in e and in the intransitive verb in a, which also alternates with other vowels according to the general rules353. All the other persons have in all numbers a binding vowel a (Surgut e, i), to which in the second person dual and 106 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 61 ❧ plural the normal suffixes of transitive and intransitive verbs are attached354. The third person has a special character g, which also appears in many related languages355. This character alternates in the third person singular with ŋ (cf. § 108) and in the plural it can even undergo elision. In the singular, the character can either be followed by a further personal suffix or appear without it, in the dual the syllable en is attached to it, and in the plural the third person ends in aget or at356. 357 § 111 Except in the second person singular and dual , both the transitive and the intransitive verbs have the same suffixes. These are: In the Irtyš dialect Sing. 2. — 3. ag (aŋ), agat (aŋat) Dual 2. aden 3. agen In the Surgut dialect Sing. 2. — 3. x, egat (eget) Plur. 2. Plur. 2. 3. Dual 2. 3. aden, intr. ada 3. at, agat358 iten ēgenat (eginet) iten, intrans. itax (itex) itat (itet)359 N.B. My material is not sufficient to define the quan- tity of the binding vowel; sometimes it is written long, sometimes short. D. Infinitive § 112 The infinitive ends in the Irtyš dialect in dai (dei) or tai (tei), in the Surgut dialects in daga (taga), and the same suffix is used to express the “accus. supin.” as well. These characters are attached to the stem according to the rules given for the future tense. The final i in the Irtyš dialect and the syllable ga in Surgut are often dropped off; e.g. ōmasta taŋadam ‘I want to sit’, tēde most ‘it is necessary to eat, one has to eat’. 107 354. This means that in the second persons there is a difference between transitive and intransitive, i.e. objective and subjective conjugation. The same is said in the introductory lines to § 111, although there is a slight inaccuracy in the numbers (see note 357 below). 355. i.e. the PFU imperative suffix *k 356. Honti (1984: 115) gives for Ko 3sg ‑aŋ(at), 3du ‑aŋǝn, 3pl ‑at. 357. In the table, the third person plural also has two different suffixes (tr./intr. = obj./subj.). In 2sg, the final vowel shows the conjugation, and also the number of the object is apparent (as in the indicative): păna ‘put (something)’, păne ‘put it!’, păneŋǝta ‘put the two!’, păneta ‘put them!’ (Honti 1984: 115). 358. The subjective conjugation paradigm in South according to Honti (1984: 115) is (‘to put’) pănam, păna, pănaŋ(at); pănamǝn, pănatǝn, pănaŋǝn; pănaw, pănatǝ, pănat. 359. The subjective conjugation paradigm in Surgut according to Honti (1984: 112) is (‘to feed’) ʌiptimät, ʌiptä, ʌiptǝjät; ʌiptimǝnät, ʌiptitǝn, ʌiptiɣənät; ʌiptiɣ°ät, ʌiptitəɣ, ʌiptität. �Ostiacica 360. This should be: final. 361. Typographical error: uimemna (уімемна) instead of jimemna (јімемна) (the letters (Ossetian-Cyrillic) у and (Latin) j may have been mixed here). 362. Castrén’s idea of the origin of the suffix is, indeed, interesting (cf. Mansi mā ‘ground, place’, which is used to construct gerund-like forms). It is, though, related to the past participle (below) and e.g. in Mansi there is a gerund with n, which might be related to the n-element in this suffix. However, the form jimemna (jĕmemnǝ) is not a gerund but the past participle with possessive suffix (PRTC.PAST-px.sg<1sg-LOC) and the locative suffix is used here in a temporal function. The gerund does not take any possessive suffixes, but temporals like in the example are as a rule formed using the following formula: past participle + px + locative. 363. It is also etymologically the same suffix. 364. The similarity is only superficial; the ‑m of the participle is not etymologically related to the first person suffix ‑m. 365. It corresponds to both active and passive participles in many languages, e.g. Finnish (heittänyt ‘has thrown’, heitetty ‘has been thrown’) and is thus used of all verbs. About transitivity as a verbal phenomenon in Khanty see note 309. 366. “To shed light on” is probably what is meant here: in the original, the verb should be erleuchtern instead of erleichtern (“erleichtern” is also in the German mscr. MC V, p. 143). ☙ 62 ❧ E. Gerund § 113 In Ostyak, the gerund has the character men, which is probably the locative form of an extinct stem ma. The original suffix of the locative (na) has shortened in the absolute form through the elision of the initial360 vowel, whilst in connection with the personal suffixes it appears in its full form; e.g. ma uimemna361 ‘in my going (when I go)’.362 As a rule, the character of the gerund must be attached to the stem, but in cases where many consonants come together a binding vowel may be added; e.g. werem ‘to make’, ger. wermen; menem ‘to go’, ger. menmen; xanǯem ‘to write’, ger. xanšmen; jastem ‘to say’, ger. jastemen; attem ‘to stop’, ger. attemen. There are no elisions in the gerund and it is worth noticing that even stem-final i and u remain unchanged in the gerund; e.g. ujem ‘to see’, ger. uimen. F. Participle § 114 The Ostyak language has two participles: 1. pre- sent or future, which ends in da (ȡa), de (ȡe) or ta (ȶa), te (ȶe); 2. preterite with the suffix em (am). The present participle is formed similarly to the infinitive and often falls together with it363; e.g. unttada xajat ‘teacher’ (homo docens), unttada menōt ‘went to teach’, xantča xui ‘writer’, xantča mendam ‘I go and write’. The preterite participle in its turn is similar to the first person of the indicative preterite364; e.g. tagamem ‘I threw; thrown’. In Ostyak as well, like in many related languages, the preterite participle has mainly the meaning of passive and therefore it is seldom used with intransitive verbs.365 366 § 115 In order to facilitate the overview of the conjugation of transitive and intransitive verbs, we provide two paradigms from both main dialects: 108 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 63 ❧ 1. The transitive conjugation In the Irtyš dialect Sing. 1. 2. 3. In the Surgut dialects Indicative Preterite panem Sing. 1. ‘I placed/put’ panen 2. panet 3. panem panet367 pandax Dual 1. 2. 3. panemen paneden paneden Dual 1. 2. 3. pandamen panten panten Plur. 1. 2. 3. panen368 paneden panet Plur. 1. 2. 3. pandaux panten paniȶ Sing. 1. 2. 3. Future pandem Sing. 1. panden 2. pandet 3. panȡem panȡen panȡadax Dual 1. 2. 3. pandemen pandeden pandeden Dual 1. panȡadamen 2. panȡaten 3. panȡaten Plur. 1. 2. 3. pandeu pandeden pandet Plur. 1. panȡadaux 2. panȡaten 3. panȡiȶ Sing. 1. 2. 3. Conjunctive panem or Sing. 1. pandem adaŋ panen or 2. panden adaŋ panet adaŋ 3. Dual 1. panemen adaŋ etc. 109 Dual 1. 2. 3. panŋam panŋan panŋat panŋamen panŋin panŋin 367. Misprint: should be panen or pane. 368. Misprint: should be paneu; mscr. (p. 258) has paneul ! “Sg 1. paném 2. panén 3. panét (panót) Du 1. panémen 2. penéden 3. panéden Pl. 1, panéul 2. panéden 3. panét.” �Ostiacica 369. Trj pănitat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌiptität ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3sg) 370. Ko pănaŋǝn (Honti 1984: 115) 371. Trj pănitǝnat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌip­ti­tǝnät ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3du) 372. Trj păniʌaʌat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌip­ti­ʌä­ʌät ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3pl) 373. menŋen (Ko mĕnŋǝn, Trj mĕnɣən) would be expected; the stem is men- (mĕn-). ☙ 64 ❧ In the Irtyš dialect Sing. 2. 3. In the Surgut dialects Plur. 1. panŋaux 2. panŋin 3. panŋiȶ Imperative pane Sing. 2. 3. panag (panaŋ) or panagat (panaŋat) Dual 2. 3. panaden panagen370 Plur. 2. 3. panaden panat, panaget pane panex, panegat369 Dual 2. paniten 3. paneganat371 Plur. 2. 3. paniten panitat372 Infinitive pandai pandaga Gerund panmen Present Preterite panmen Participle panda Present panem Preterite panda panem 2. The intransitive conjugation In the Irtyš dialect In the Surgut dialects Sing. 1. 2. 3. Indicative Preterite menem ‘I went’ Sing. 1. menen 2. menōt 3. Dual 1. 2. 3. menmen menden meŋen373 Dual 1. 2. 3. menmen menten meŋen373 Plur. 1. 2. 3. meneu menda menet Plur. 1. 2. 3. meneux mentex ment 110 menem menen men �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 65 ❧ Sing. 1. 2. 3. Dual 1. 2. 3. Plur. 1. 2. 3. Future mendam Sing. 1. mendan 2. ment 3. mendemen mendeden mendegen374 menȡem menȡen menȶ Dual 1. menȡemen 2. menȡeden 3. menȡegen374 Plur. 1. menȡeux 2. menȡedex 3. menȡet mendeu mendeda mendet Conjunctive Sing. 1. menem or Sing. 1. menŋam mendam adaŋ 2. menen or 2. menŋan mendan adaŋ 3. menōt or ment 3. menŋat, etc. adaŋ, etc. Sing. 2. 3. Imperative mena Sing. 2. menag 3. (menaŋ) or menagat (menaŋat) mene menex (menegat) Dual 2. 3. menaden menagen Dual 2. meniten 3. menigenat Plur. 2. 3. menada menat, menaget375 Plur. 2. 3. menitex menidat376 Infinitive mendai mendaga Gerund menmen Present (Preterite menmen Participle menda Present menem) (Preterite 111 menda menem) 374. There are two dialectal variations in South: DN mĕntǝɣən, Ko. mĕntǝŋən; Surgut (Trj) mĕnʌǝɣən (Honti 1984: 111–115). 375. The corresponding forms in Ko (Honti 1984: 115) are păna, pănaŋ(at); pănatǝn, pănaŋǝn; pănatǝ, pănat; Honti also gives the first person forms: 1sg pănam, 1du pănamǝn, 1pl pănaw. 376. The corresponding forms in Trj (Honti 1984: 112) are păna, pă­n ǝ̑­ jat; păni ̮tǝ̑n, păni ̮ɣǝ̑nat; păni ̮tǝ̑ɣ, păni ̮tat; Honti also gives the first person forms: 1sg păni ̮mat, 1du păni ̮mǝ̑nat, 1pl păni ̮ɣ°at. �Ostiacica 377. The alternation in the vowel length has no function here. All the vowels that are subject to paradigmatic vowel alternation are full (Castrén: long) vowels. 378. phonematically /ä/ 379. actually: ‘to call’ ☙ 66 ❧ § 116 The verbs in which the stem vowel alternates in some way in the Surgut dialects are partly transitive but much more often intransitive. As already mentioned in the phonology § 28, the stem vowel can be subject to vowel alternation only in the indicative preterite, the imperative and in the preterite participle; e.g. umsem ‘to sit’, fut. āmasȶem; conj. āmasŋam, imperat. umsa (ümsa), inf. āmastaga, ger. amasmen377, present part. āmasta, preterite umsem. We provide here some examples of verbs of this kind: Preterite i a378 ȶīgȡem ‘to wait’ Future ȶāgaȶȶem pīrdem ‘to order’ pāretȶem pīrtim pārtȶim tīȡem ‘to pull’ tāȶȶam ȶīptem ‘to feed’ ȶābetȶem īȶȶem ‘to carry’ āȶȶem īȶmem ‘to lift’ āȡemȡem īrgem ‘to sing’ āregȡem u a Preterite jūndem ‘to sew’ Future jāntȶem ūgoȡem ‘to vomit’ āgaȶȶem ˊ māntȶem ˊ mūnd em ‘to tell stories’ ūrdem ‘to divide’ āretȶem ūmsem ‘to sit’ āmasȶem ūmdem ‘to set’ āmatȶem wāgaȡem wūgem ‘to ask379’ kūȡem ‘to stay kāȶȶem the night’ e ȶāȶȶem ˊ ȶūȡ´ m ‘to stand’ kūŋdem ‘to climb’ kāŋatȶem, etc. Preterite i ˊ jīnd em ‘to drink’ nīurem ‘to jump’ linkem ‘to cover’ 112 Future e jēntȶem ˊ nēwerȡem lenkȶem, etc. �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 67 ❧ u Preterite mūndem ‘to rub’ mūrtem ‘to break, crumble’ Preterite ü lünkim ‘to cover’ Future Future o mōŋatȶem mōretȶem ö lönkȶim, etc.380 N.B. If my ear has not misguided me, there are also words that are subject to a special vowel alternation in the imperative: cf. § 29, nr. 1381. 2. The conjugation of the passive verbs § 117 Due to my insufficient observations it is not pos- sible to say if the Ostyak language has a complete passive voice382; it is certain, though, that single passive forms appear commonly. Like in other related languages, in Ostyak the notion of passive seems to be connected with the reflexive; e.g. unttem ‘teach’, pass. unttājem ‘I was taught’ or ‘I learned’383. In some passive verbs the reflexive function is even primary; e.g. pōt ‘cold’, pass. pōdājem ‘get cold’, pass. pōtmājem384; pēgmem ‘to freeze (intr.)’, pass. pēgmājem; ńešmem ‘become blunt’, pass. ńešmājem385. The examples above show that passive verbs cannot be formed only from transitive and intransitive verbs but also from nouns. 386 § 118 The third person preterite and future or present is the simplest and most common of all the passive forms. The character of the preterite is in the Irtyš dialect āi or ai, which is attached directly to the stem; e.g. xanen387 (stem xan) ‘to touch’, passive pret. xanai; werem ‘to make’ (stem wer), passive pret. werāi; mejem ‘to give’ (stem mei or me), passive pret. mejāi; xanǯem ‘to write’ (stem xanč), passive pret. xanǯāi. The third person388 future ends in dāi, tāi or dai, tai and is in its formation similar to the indicative future as well as especially the infinitive of the transitive and intransitive 113 380. The alternation of ü and ö is purely phonetical. The phoneme is /ö̆/. 381. the alternation of å ~ u ~ (velar) i 382. On the next page, though, he gives a full paradigm from the southern dialect. He probably means that he does not have a sufficient amount of sentences to describe the use of the passive. The passive in Khanty is extensive, regular and rich in its use. (Kulonen 1989.) 383. The reflexive in Khanty has a separate suffix. In this example, the closeness of passive and reflexive is more due to the semantics of the verb itself. 384. I have called the passive verbs that have no active counterpart “medial”; they refer to states of affairs that are not actions, i.e. have no agent. 385. There are, indeed, verbs that have the same meaning with and without the passive suffix. These verbs are formed with the translative suffix ‑m-. 386. singular 387. PAST.2sg form used as basic form instead PAST.1sg; probably a misprint 388. singular �Ostiacica 389. Of course, the similarity is superficial, as the elements are of different origins: present tense t (< Proto-Khanty *l) vs. infinitive t (< PFU *tA) and passive j (< PU reflexive-passive *j) vs. lative j (cf. Surgut ‑taga; < PU *k). The suffixal vowel in both is a full vowel a, and the final i in the infinitive in the southern dialects seems to have disappeared after Castrén’s visit. 390. should be: third 391. There is also a passive paradigm from Surgut in the mscr. (p. 272): Preteritum Sg. 1. onŧ­to­jem 2. onŧ­ to 3. onŧ­ti Du. 1. onŧ­toi­men 2. onŧ­ to­ten 3. onŧ­ti­gen Pl. 1. onŧ­to­joh 2. onŧ­to­tah 3. onŧ­to­tat; Futurum Sg. 1 onŧ­ta­ŧo­jem 2. onŧ­ta­ŧo 3. onŧ­ ta­ŧi Du. 1. onŧ­ta­ŧoi­men 2. onŧ­ta­ŧo­ ten 3. onŧ­ta­ŧi­gen Pl. 1. onŧ­ta­ŧo­joh 2. onŧ­ta­ŧo­tah 3. onŧ­ta­ŧat. 392. This not quite true: the personal suffixes are the same as those in the subjective (“intransitive”) paradigm. 393. Only part of the verbs discussed in this chapter are auxiliaries in the modern sense of the word. By “assisting verbs”, Castrén refers to verbs of being, becoming and existing; he does not mention verbs like taŋk- ‘want’, etc., which occur together with infinitives and are the modern auxiliaries. 394. This is the verb ‘to have’ in Khanty. It also has the meaning of ‘to keep, to hold’. 395. Both etymologies are incorrect. taj- is not connected to the demonstrative ta (which seems like an idea that just crossed Castrén’s mind; it is interesting that he has decided to publish it here) and ut- is the original ☙ 68 ❧ verbs389; e.g. unttem ‘to teach’, fut. unttedem, inf. unttedai, future passive unttedāi; edīdem ‘to heat’, fut. edīttem, inf. edīttai, passive future edīttāi, etc. In the Surgut dialects, the passive preterite is formed in the first390 person with ōi and the future with ȶōj, ȡōj; the other persons are unknown to me. § 119 Except for the third person sing., the preterite and the future in the Irtyš dialect391 take exactly the same suffixes as the transitive and intransitive verbs392; e.g. Sing. 1. 2. 3. Dual 1. 2. 3. Plur. 1. 2. 3. Preterite unttājem unttājen unttāi 1) unttāimen 2) unttāiden unttāigen unttājeu unttāida 3) unttājet 1) unttai, 2) unttaimen, unttaiden, unttaigen, 3) unttaida. Sing. 1. 2. 3. Dual 1. 2. 3. Plur. 1. 2. 3. Future unttedājem unttedājen unttedāi 1) unttedāimen 2) unttedāiden unttedāigen unttedājeu unttedāida 3) unttedājet 1) unttedai, 2) unttedaimen, ‑daiden, ‑daigen, unttedaida. § 120 According to my observations, this passive form can be used only in the indicative. There is, 114 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 69 ❧ though, a periphrastic passive in all moods and tenses. This is formed with the preterite participle and the auxiliary verb ūdem; e.g. kitem ūdem ‘I was sent’, kitem ūttam ‘I am being sent’, etc. 3. The conjugation of the auxiliary 393 verbs § 121 The Ostyak language has two different verbs for ‘to be’: 1) tājem (Surg. tōjem), which has developed from ta ‘that’ and expresses existence394, and 2) ūdem (Surg. waȡam), originally ‘to live’, from which ‘to be’ is a derived meaning395. When used as auxiliary verbs, both have the same meaning and the only difference between them is that ūdem has a complete and tājem a very incomplete conjugation396. 397 § 122 Along with the preterite tājem, in the indicative future or present tāidam or taidam is more often used. Of all the other moods I have noticed only the gerund tāimen (taimen). In the indicative preterite and future, the conjugation of this verb is quite regular; e.g. sing. tājem, tājen, tājōt, dual tāīmen (taimen), tāiden (taiden), tāigen (taigen), plural tājeu, tāida (taida), tājet; fut. sing. tāidam (taidam), tāidan (taidan), tāit (tait); dual tāidemen (taidemen), etc.398 It seems, according to my notes, that both tājem and tāidam can sometimes be used exactly like an impersonal; e.g. ma wāx tājem ‘I had money’, actually ‘my money was’; ma īsen tāidam ‘I have a mill’399. § 123 Because ūdem, as stated in § 121, is originally an intransitive verb400, it is conjugated according to the paradigm of the other intransitive verbs; e.g. pret. sing. ūdem, ūden, ūdōt; dual ūtmen, ūtten, ūtken; plur. ūden, ūtta, ūdet; fut. sing. ūttam, ūttan, ūtt; dual ūttemen, etc., imperat. sing. 2. ūda, inf. ūttai, ger. ūtmen, etc. It was already mentioned above that the passive conjugation is formed with the help of this auxiliary verb. PFU word for ‘to be’, related to Finnish olla (ole-), Mansi ōland Hungarian van (val-). 396. Both have a complete paradigm. 397. The preposition “in” serves no purpose in the German original and can also be left unread in the translation. It is probably an error in the typesetting process. 398. In the manuscript (pp. 274–275) Castrén gives a set of paradigms of “auxiliary verbs”, i.e. not only taj- and ut- but also ji- ‘to come’. Preteritum Sing. 1. tajem 2. tajen 3. tajót Dual 1. tájmen 2. taiden 3. taigen Plur. 1. tajeu 2. taida 3. tájit Sing. 1. udêm 2. udên 3. udót Dual 1. utmen 2. utten 3. utken Plur. 1. udêu 2. utta 3. údet Sing. 1. jîwêm 2. jîwên 3. jîwót (juwot) Dual 1. jîwmen 2. jîwden 3. jîwgen Plur. 1. jîwu 2. jîwda 3. jîwêt Futurum Sing. 1. tájdam 2. táidan 3. táit Dual 1. taidêmen 2. taidêden 3. taidêgen Plur. 1. taidêu 2. taidêda 3. taidêt Sing. 1. úttam 2. úttan 3. ut Dual 1. uttmên 2. úttêden 3. úttêgen Plur. 1. uttêu 2. uttêda 3. úttêt Sing. 1. jídêm 2. jiden 3. jit Dual 1. jítmen 2. jítten 3. jítken Plur. 1. jídêu 2. jitta 3. jidet 399. As already stated, ‘to have’ is the basic meaning of the verb. The sentences are not 115 �Ostiacica impersonal nor existential (“my money was” is a misinterpretation) but simply: ‘I’-NOM ‘money’-NOM ‘have’-PAST.1sg (and same in all persons: nan wax tajen ‘you had money’, tew wax tajot ‘he had money’, min wax tajew ‘we had money’, etc.). 400. No matter the origin, ‘to be’ and ‘to live’ are, of course, both intransitive and thus follow the subjective conjugation paradigm. 401. Here, German (and during fieldwork, Russian) as the metalanguage has probably caused some confusion. The Russian [statʹ] of course has both the functions of future and becoming, as well as the German werden, but, as we can see from the examples, the function of ji- as an auxiliary is ‘begin, start’ (with infinitive: to do something) and occasionally it can also serve as a future auxiliary. In absolute position, i.e. without an infinitive, the meaning of the verb is, besides the basic ‘to come’, also (with dative) ‘to become (something)’. 402. This is the literal translation of the German translation; actually the word forms negative existential sentences and the example sentence is thus ‘there is no money’. 403. With a noun marked with a possessive suffix, a negative possession can be expressed, as in e.g. Hungarian, which has a similar negative particle, lovam nincs ‘I have no horse’, “my horse there-is-not”. 404. Rather: ‘there is nothing’; i metta alone means ‘nothing’. ☙ 70 ❧ § 124 To express becoming or turning into some401 thing , the language uses the intransitive verb jiwem (juwem, Surg. jigem, jugam), fut. jidem ‘to come’. This auxiliary verb is in its use quite similar to the Russian стану; e.g. xantča jiwem ‘I started to write’ (писатъ сталъ), xantča jidem ‘I will write’ (писатъ стану), ēne jiwem ‘I have become big’ (большой сталъ), ēne jidem ‘I will become big’ (большой стану). It has to be noticed that jiwem is constructed mainly with the dative; e.g. saxseŋa jiwem ‘I became fat’, āra jit ‘it will be a lot’. Considering the conjugation, this verb behaves like the intransitives. § 125 Lacking negative particles, Finnish and other related languages use one or more negative auxiliary verbs, which, together with the main verb, form a special, negative conjugation. In Ostyak, however, the affirmative and the negative conjugation are almost the same. The language has, indeed, a negative auxiliary: endam or endem ‘is not’, Russian нҍтъ, but this cannot be inflected; e.g. wax entam ‘it is not money’402, tawem entam ‘I have no horse’403, i metta endam or per endam ‘nothing’404, etc. At the most, dual or plural characters may be added to endam or endem; e.g. miin endemgen ‘we two are not’405 (насъ нҍтъ), pl. meng endemet. § 126 Together with verbs, endam changes into ent or en, whilst the main verb undergoes no change406; e.g. ent ujem ‘I did not see’, en menem ‘I did not go’, dual 1. ent ujemen, ent menmen, fut. ent udem, end mendem, inf. ent udai, ent mendai, ger. ent utmen, ent menmen, etc. Only in the imperative does ent, en change in all persons and numbers into at, Surg. atl407 e.g. at uje ‘don’t see’, at mena ‘don’t go’, dual at ujaden, at menaden, etc. 116 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 71 ❧ 3) Particles A) Postpositions § 127 Like the other related languages, Ostyak also has no prepositions but only postpositions, which are called so because they are placed after the word to which they are related. The postpositions do not, in fact, form a special class of words, because they are, with a few exceptions, real nouns, they form constructions with the genitive, they take personal suffixes, and thus share all the properties of the other nouns. Even though the nominal stem of many postpositions is not apparent any more, the case suffixes are often in these words easily recognizable. Only a few postpositions are expressed with the nominal stem or the nominative; most of them have the suffixes of the dative, the locative or the ablative, sometimes also the caritive. In § 67 it was already mentioned that in postpositions as well as in adverbs, there are case suffixes that have already disappeared in the nominal inflection. § 128 In the following, we provide a list of words that can be used as postpositions in Ostyak: erek, NS.408 ürük ‘extra, too much’ (Lat. nimius, 1. nimis), ‘in addition to, except’ (Lat. praeter). In the Irtyš dialect, the caritive suffix is often attached to this postposition; e.g. ma tau erekte i met en taidam ‘I have nothing except a horse’409. 2. it, Surg. iȶ ‘down, under’; idn (locat.), Surg. iȡn ‘down’, itta (abl.), Surg. iȶta ‘from below’. The words it and jit (cf. the word list) probably represent the same stem. 3. itpeja (itpea), Surg. iȶpija (dat.) ‘in front of’; itpena, Surg. iȶpina (loc.) ‘before, in front of’; itpīwet, Surg. iȶpijeux or iȶpiji (abl.) ‘from the front’. These postpositions are probably compounds 117 405. ‘we two are not there, there is no two of us’ 406. I.e. in non-existential constructions. The particle behaves like nicht in German or inte in Swedish. 407. It is etymologically related to Mansi ul and Finnish älä (sg), älkää (pl) in the corresponding function. The main verb is in the imperative. 408. This abbreviation is not included in the list of dialects (p. ix). It is probably the Lower Surgut (LS) dialect, which in Swedish (the original language of the manuscript) would have this abbreviation (Nedre Surgut). 409. Note the very common use of the verb taj- ‘to have’ and its understandable translation, even though Castrén had troubles in describing the verb (§§ 121–122). �Ostiacica 410. rather a derivative from the word (South) it, (Surg.) itl ‘front’ 411. Latin pone ‘behind’ 412. pir means ‘the space behind something’ whereas puj is primarily the body part. 413. locative 414. ablative 415. The comparison with Finnish is semantic, not etymological (and not meant to be, either). ☙ 72 ❧ of two words: it ‘front’ and pi ‘side’410. 4. xowatta ‘along’ from the stem xou ‘long’. 5. id at, Surg. jid a ‘towards, at, against’. ˊ ˊ 6. maxta ‘around’. 7. moxta Surg. mugda ‘through’. 8. nox, Surg. nok ‘up, upwards’ (R. въверхъ). 9. nūmen, Surg. nōmen (locat.) ‘up, above’; nūmatta, Surg. nōmeȶta (abl.) ‘from above’. The stem of this postposition is nūm (num), Surg. nōm (nom) ‘heights’ (cf. the word list). oxteja, Surg. ogoteja (dat.) ‘on’, actually ‘into the 10. above’, oxtena, Surg. ogotena (loc.) ‘on, in the above’, oxtīwet, Surg. ogotejeux or ogoteji (abl.) ‘from above’. The stem is in the Irtyš dialect oxta, cf. the word list. 11. pira (dat.) ‘behind, back’; pirna (loc.) ‘behind (pone411), after, afterwards’, piretta or pirīwet, Surg. pireux, piri (abl.) ‘behind, from behind’. The stem is pir ‘back side’, cf. the word list. In the Irtyš dialect, there is puja, puina, pujīwet from pui ‘behind’412, which is almost identical but less often used as a postposition. Furthermore, the Russian preposition за can also be formed into a postposition denoting the same space relations by adding the Ostyak case suffixes: saja (dat.), saina (loc.) and sajīwet (abl.). peda, pede, pete ‘in order to, because of, instead 12. of’. In the same meaning, pedan, pedait, sagait, etc. are also used. puŋada, S. poŋaȡa (dat.) ‘next to, beside’, puŋatna, 13. S. poŋaȶna413 ‘next to, beside’; puŋatīwet, Surg. poŋaȡeux, poŋaȡi414 ‘beside’. The stem: puŋat, poŋaȶ ‘side’. kuda (dat.), kutna (locat.), kudīwet (abl.) ‘between; 14. among’. The stem: kut ‘the place between’, Finn. väli415. 15. kutteba, Surg. ječega (dat.) ‘in the middle’; kuttepna, Surg. ječen (loc.) ‘in the middle’; kuttepīwet, 118 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 73 ❧ Surg. ječegeux, ječegi (abl.) ‘from the middle’. The stem is in the Irtyš dialect kuttep, in the Surgut dialects ječe ‘middle’. 16. tibeja (tibea), Surg. tigbija (dat.) ‘into’; tibena, Surg. tigbina (loc.) ‘in, inside’; tibīwet, Surg. tigbijeux, tigbiji ‘from inside’. The postpositions are formed from the stem tibe, Surg. tigbi ‘inside’, and in the Surgut dialects, they can also be expressed with onda, ondan, ondeux or ondi from ont ‘inside’. 17. tom pēlga or tom peja, Surg. tom pīlega, tom pija or kaibija (dat.) ‘on the other side’, tom pēlgena or tom pena, Surg. tom pēlgena, tom pina, kaibina (loc.) ‘on the other side’, tom pēlegīwet or tom pīwet, Surg. tom pēlegeux (pelegi), tom pijeux (piji), kaibijeux (kaibiji) ‘from the other side’. In a similar way tem pēlga or tem peja, Surg. tem pēlega or tem pija (dat.) ‘on this side’, etc. 18. unda, Surg. andaga ‘up to, until’. 19. waȶȶax, waȡȡax (Surg.) ‘without’. 20. ūtta, Surg. ūȶti ‘over, on the opposite side’. B) Adverbs § 129 Like the postpositions, the adverbs in Ostyak are also formed from the noun with different case suffixes, and it has already been shown in the previous paragraphs that many words can be used both as postpositions and as adverbs. There are also many adverbs in Ostyak that are formed from demonstrative, relative and interrogative pronouns. There are few primitive words among the adverbs, yet a noun and especially an adjective in the nominative case can also be used as an adverb. Furthermore, many adverbs are borrowed from Russian. § 130 The adverbs of location are, organized according to their stem, the following: 119 �Ostiacica 416. The Surgut particles tegenam and togonam are formed with the suffix of the approximative case. ☙ 74 ❧ 1. xoda, Surg. koȶnam ‘where to’; xodan, Surg. kotti, kot ‘where’, xotye, Surg. kotl ‘from where’. The stem is probably xo (cf. the pronoun xoi, xoje in §  93). Instead of these adverbs, in the Irtyš dialects met tagaja ‘where to’, met tagana ‘where’, met tagajīwet ‘from where’, etc. are used. 416 2. tege, Surg. tegenam ‘here (to)’, tette, Surg. tetti, tet ‘here’; tet sagat, Surg. teȶ ‘from here’. Cf. the demonstrative pronoun tem ‘this’. 416 ‘there (to)’, totta, Surg. 3. togot,ˊ Surg. Togonam totti ‘there’, Surg. toȶ ‘from there’. Cf. the demonstrative pronoun toma. 4. nox ‘up, upwards’; see § 128 nr. 8. 5. nūmen ‘up, in the heights’, nūmatta ‘from above’; see § 128 nr. 9. 6. itn ‘down’, loc. idn, etc. see § 128 nr 2. 7. awasta ‘from below’, abl. of awas ‘the underneath’. 8. pira ‘back’, pirna ‘behind’, pirīwet ‘from behind’, see §128 nr 11. 9. itpeja ‘forth’, etc. see § 128 nr 3. 10. xowa, Surg. kokko ‘far away’, xowan, Surg. kowon (loc.) ‘far away’, xowatta, Surg. kowaȶta (abl.) ‘from afar’. The stem is xou ‘long’. 11. wana (dat.) ‘close (to)’, wanen, wanna (loc.) ‘close’; wanetta, Surg. waneȶta ‘from nearby’. The stem is wan ‘short’. 12. kīm, kēm ‘out’, kāmen, kēmen ‘outside’, kāmetta, Surg. kāmeȶta ‘from outside’. 13. jox, Surg. jok ‘home’ (domum), jadan, Surg. jokon ‘at home’ (domi), jokoȶta (Surg.), xodīwet (Irt.) ‘from home’. 14. moxta, Surg. norok ‘straight’. 15. megde ‘past, by’ 16. beste ‘all over’, Russ. вездѣ. A § 131 mong the temporal adverbs especially the following may be noted: 1. xun, Surg. xunti ‘when’. 2. tutna ‘then’. ˊ 3. in, Surg. it ‘now’. Cf. the word list. 4. sīra, Surg. sār, sārna ‘before’; cf. the word list. 120 �Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 75 ❧ 5. pirna ‘after’; see § 128 nr 11. 6. xou, xowat, Surg. kowat ‘for a long time’; cf. word list. 7. xowan, Surg. kowan ‘long ago’. 8. sora, Surg. sarga ‘soon’, Russ. скоро. 9. togan ‘always’. 10. us, uš ‘already’, Russ. уже. 11. os, ješo (Russ. ещо) ‘still’. 12. mettatna ‘sometime’. 13. xattīwen ‘during the daytime’. 14. ātna, Surg. jōgon ‘in the night’. 15. idaina ‘in the evening’. 16. ādeŋ, Surg. āȡeŋ ‘in the morning’. 17. tem xat ‘today’, etc. § 132 Among the other adverbs, we can only give the following: 1. ar ‘many, a lot’. 2. čīmet, Surg. čīmeȶ ‘(a) little’. 3. ašma, tax, Surg. čikka ‘very’. ˊ 4. cebara ‘well’. 5. medagem ‘how much’. 6. tegem, tigem ‘this much’. ˊ ˊ 7. xot sagat ‘how’. 8. tem sagat, tegena, temida ‘like this’. 9. medīwet, medoi peda ‘why’. 10. tut peda ‘because of that’. ˊ C. Conjunctions § 133 The Ostyak language has only a few conjunc- tions, and many of these are, furthermore, borrowed from Russian. Some conjunctions are independent words, while others can only be used enclitically. Here we list the most important of both classes: a) Independent conjunctions ada — ada ‘either — or’. lipa — lipa ‘either — or’, Russ. либо — либо. 121 �Ostiacica 417. As already stated in note 174, this is not a particle but a noun ot ‘thing’. 418. The semantics of the interjections are, of course, approximate. ☙ 76 ❧ nīci ‘perhaps’. otnāko ‘yet’, Russ. однако. met, metta ‘that, so that’. sto ba, sto bi ‘so that’, Russ. что бы. ada metta, at metta ‘as if’. ješeli ‘if’, Russ. ежели. i ‘also’, Russ. и. ādeŋ the character of the conjunctive. ta ‘and’, Russ. да. b) Enclitic conjunctions īti, īda ‘as, like’. pa, ba ‘though’, Finn. pa, pä. se or še ‘yes, too’, Russ. же. wet,ˊ Surg. wiȡi ‘even’, Russ. вҍдь. li ‘whether’, Russ. ли. kuš, Surg. kuč ‘even though’, Russ. хотя, хоть. at, a particle that forms indefinite nouns, pronouns and adverbs.417 D. Interjections 418 § 134 Only the following interjections have been noticed by me: a’a ‘yes’. au ‘what did you say?’ ta ‘well’. ti, tit, titti ‘well, see’. ˊ ˊ a ‘ouch’. ax ‘oh’. ja ‘well’. 122 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar (Ostiacica) Subject The topic of the resource <em>Ostiacica</em>. Manuscripta Castreniana, Linguistica V. 175 p. ISBN 978-952-7262-00-9 (print/hardcover), ISBN 978-952-7262-01-6 (online/pdf). 50 €. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Matthias Alexander Castrén edited and commentary by Ulla-Maija Forsberg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Finno-Ugrian Society Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno-Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/d97e5fe7f57d3511739071f1eaee5c61.pdf 1c1b20a6f15d02e7a30a73ad308e92ec PDF Text Text Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Short Grammatical Description of Khanty U l l a -M a i j a Fo r sb e r g Phonology There is a clear tendency in the Khanty dialects, in phonology as well as at the other levels of grammar, for the eastern dialects to show a remarkable complexity compared to the other dialect groups. The northern dialects show a great simplification and the southern dialects fall somewhere in between. The consonant system in Proto-Khanty was, according to Honti (1984: 25), the following: Labial Dental p t Palatal Velar k s m n ṇ ń ŋ č ć l ḷ l´ ʌ w r j ɣ There was also a labial velar consonant (fricative) *ɣ°, which occurred only in one position (function): as the personal marker of the first person plural, as well as in possessive suffixes and in the verbal personal endings. The essential changes from Proto-Khanty to the Surgut, southern (Irtyš and northern (O = Obdorsk) dialects are the following: 1. In front of a velar vowel, word-initial k changed into χ in all the western dialects, i.e. in the southern (Irtyš) and the northern dialects. There is thus a difference between the Irtyš/O and Surgut dialects in the words that begin with χ in Irtyš/O and k in Surgut. 2. The Proto-Khanty lateral fricative ʌ was (and still is) preserved in the Surgut dialects whereas in the Irtyš dialects it merged with t and in O with l. The original palatalized lateral *l ´ changed into a lateral palatalized fricative in Surgut and a palatalized t´ in the South. The Proto-Khanty ḷ lost its cacuminality in the most dialects, taking the place of the unmarked lateral in the consonant system. 11 �Ostiacica 3. The Proto-Khanty č was preserved in all positions in the Surgut dialects, while in the Irtyš dialect it changed into š in when it precedes a consonant. In other positions, it was preserved in the Irtyš dialect, too. The palatalized affricate ć changed into t´ in both the eastern (including Surgut) and southern (Irtyš) dialects. In O, č is represented by s and ć by ś. 4. In the Surgut dialects, the labial vowels o and ö labialized the velar consonant following them, resulting in *k > k°, *ɣ > ɣ°, *ŋ > ŋ°. In Proto-West-Khanty (predecessor of the southern [Irtyš] and northern dialects), the velar fricative *ɣ between vowels changed into w after a labial front vowel, while in other positions both *k and *ɣ became a voiceless fricative χ. When n followed in the next syllable,*ɣ changed into nasal ŋ. In word-final positions in nouns, it disappeared. 5. The marker of the first person plural *ɣ° was preserved in some of the Surgut dialects, whereas in other dialects, including Irtyš, it changed into w. The consonant phonemes in Surgut (Tremjugan, Trj) and Irtyš dialects are thus the following (Honti 1984: 26): Trj p t s t´ k k° Irtyš p t t´ k s š m n ṇ ń ŋ ŋ° č m n ṇ ń ŋ č χ l l´ l ʌ r ʌ´ w j ɣ ɣ° w r j ɣ The phonological system of the northernmost dialects (O) has undergone a remarkable simplification. In the consonant system, the only opposition left is the palatalization of the dental consonants. The cacuminal row has disappeared. 12 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty O p t s m n t´ k ś χ ń ŋ w l r l´ j The vowel system in Proto-Khanty was the same as in the modern easternmost dialects (Vach and Vasjugan). It consists of 15 phonemes in the first syllable, 11 full vowels and four reduced or short vowels. The full vowels can also be considered to have a lax articulation, whereas the reduced ones have a firm articulation (Honti 1984: 19). Full i̮ Reduced a ă u o ɔ ŏ i e ä ĕ ü ö ɔ̈ ö̆ In Surgut, the number of reduced vowels has increased, while the number of full vowels has decreased. The number of vowel phonemes that occur in the first syllable is 13. In non-initial syllables, Trj has eight vowels and the rest of the Surgut dialects have four. This is because the original (Proto-Khanty) velar/palatal vowel harmony is preserved in the easternmost dialects and the Trj dialect of the Surgut group. The other Surgut dialects, as well as the Irtyš and the northern dialects, have lost it (Honti 1984: 20). Trj 1st syllable i̮ u i o e å ä ŏ ă 2nd syllable (other Surgut dialects) i̮ i i e̮ e e a ä ä ö̆ ɔ̈̆ ĕ ä̆ ǝ̑ ǝ ǝ The southern dialects show a somewhat simplified picture. The number of vowel phonemes in initial syllables is 11 and in non-initial syllables, four (Honti 1984: 21): DN 1st syllable u ü i o e a ä ŏ ă ĕ ä̆ 13 2nd syllable i e ä ǝ �Ostiacica In O, the vowel system is even simpler, consisting of only ten vowels in the initial and four vowels in non-initial syllables. It is, interestingly enough, practically the same as the vowel system of the northern Mansi dialect (despite the two having arrived at the present state through very different historical developments) (Honti 1984: 22): O 1st syllable u i o e a ä ŭ ŏ 2nd syllable i e a ǝ ĭ ă Morphology Khanty has three numbers – singular, dual and plural – in the absolute nominal declension and in all personal categories (possessive suffixes of nouns and verbal personal endings). In the absolute nominal declension, the singular is unmarked, while the dual suffix goes back to Proto-Khanty *kVn and the plural suffix ‑t derives from Proto-Uralic. Dialect sg du pl Trj ∅ ɣən/ɣə̑n t Other Sur ∅ ɣən t DN/DT ∅ ɣən t O ∅ ŋən t In the possessive declension, the dual suffixes represent Proto-Khanty *kVl and the plural marker goes back to Proto-Khanty *l. The dual suffix is likely a combination of the original Uralic dual *k (which appears e.g. in the absolute dual ‑ɣ in Mansi) and a plural *l of obscure origin. (DN/DT = Demjanka, Southern/Irtyš, Ko = Konda, Southern/Irtyš) Dialect sg du pl Trj ∅ ɣəʌ/ɣə̑ʌ ʌ Other Sur ∅ ɣəʌ ʌ 14 DN/DT ∅ ɣǝt t Ko ∅ ŋǝt t O ∅ ŋil l �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty E.g. O Ko Trj ewem ‘my daughter (1)’ ewem ‘my daughter (1)’ wä̆ʌim ‘my reindeer (1)’ eweŋilam ewilam ‘my 2 daughters’ ‘my daughters (pl)’ eweŋǝtam ewitam ‘my 2 daughters’ ‘my daughters (pl)’ wä̆ʌiɣəʌäm wä̆ʌiʌäm ‘my 2 reindeer’ ‘my reindeer (pl)’ Possessive Paradigms Khanty makes use of possessive suffixes indicating the person of the possessor and the number of the possessed (singular, dual or plural). The full possessive paradigm (in the nominative) thus consists of 27 forms. Of these forms, the second and third dual and second plural (2du 3du 2pl) have merged into a single suffix. This is a feature common to all Khanty and Mansi dialects, even if the morphology of the suffixes varies. The possessive forms can further be inflected in the nominal cases. (O = Northern, Ko = Konda, Southern/Irtyš, Trj = Eastern/Surgut) 1Sg 2Sg 3Sg O ewi ‘girl, daughter’ (Honti 1984: 140) sg possessed du possessed pl possessed ewem eweŋilam ewilam ewen ewiŋilan ewilan eweʌ ewiŋilal ewilal 1du 2du 3du ewemən ewan ewan ewiŋilǝmǝn ewiŋilən ewiŋilǝn ewilǝmǝn ewilən ewilǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl ewew ewan eweʌ ewiŋilǝw ewiŋilən ewiŋilal ewilǝw ewilən ewilal 1sg 2sg 3sg Ko ewǝ ‘girl, daughter’ (Honti 1984: 132) sg possessed du possessed pl possessed ewem eweŋǝtam ewitam ewen eweŋǝtan ewitan ewit eweŋǝtat ewitat 1du 2du 3du ewemǝn ewetǝn ewetǝn eweŋǝtǝmǝn eweŋǝtǝn eweŋǝtǝn ewitǝmǝn ewitǝn ewitǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl ewew ewetǝn ewet eweŋǝtǝw eweŋǝtǝn eweŋǝtat ewitǝw ewitǝn ewitat 15 �Ostiacica 1sg 2sg 3sg 1du 2du 3du 1pl 2pl 3pl Trj wä̆ʌi ‘reindeer’ (Honti 1984: 130) sg possessed du possessed pl possessed wä̆ʌim wä̆ʌiɣəʌäm wä̆ʌiʌäm wä̆ʌe wä̆ʌiɣəʌä wä̆ʌiʌä ̆ʌiʌ ̆ʌiɣəʌ wä wä wä̆ʌiʌ wä̆ʌimən wä̆ʌiɣəʌəmən wä̆ʌiʌəmən ̆ʌin ̆ʌiɣəʌən wä wä wä̆ʌiʌən ̆ʌin ̆ʌiɣəʌən wä wä wä̆ʌiʌən wä̆ʌiɣ° wä̆ʌiɣəʌəɣ° wä̆ʌiʌəɣ° ̆ʌin ̆ʌiɣəʌən wä wä wä̆ʌiʌən ̆ʌiʌ ̆ʌiɣəʌäʌ wä wä wä̆ʌiʌäʌ The 1sg suffix *‑m goes back to Proto-Uralic and has cognates in all of the related languages. The same element of the first person is included in the 1du suffix, which additionally has a marker ‑n. The whole suffix *‑mVn can be traced back to Proto-Uralic, as it has cognates in Mansi (N āɣimen ‘the daughter of us two’), Saami (N nieidaime id.) and Samoyedic (Nenets ngønomyih ‘the boat of us two’). The 1pl suffix originates from Proto-Ugric. Honti (1985, 1998) gives a reconstruction consisting of a round vowel and ‑k resulting in the Ob-Ugrian languages in ‑k° and further in something identical to the modern Surgut form ‑əɣ°. In most of the Khanty dialects, as well as in Mansi, the suffix is represented by ‑w (‑ǝw, ‑uw) in possessive suffixes (Mansi N χāpəw ‘our boat’) as well as in the verbal conjugation as a personal suffix (see pp. 24–25). In Hungarian, this Proto-Ugric personal suffix appears in its most original form, round vowel + ‑k, in the verbal conjugation, as the suffix of 1pl in the objective (definite) conjugation (e.g. adjuk ‘we give it’). The form of the 2sg suffix ‑n has its origin in the verbal conjugation. In the conjugation, ‑n has a wider distribution, extending throughout an area where the Ob-Ugrian languages are the core and reaching to Komi in the west and Samoyedic in the east. In Ob-Ugrian, this 2sg ‑n has further occupied the second person pronouns, which did not occur in the neighbouring languages (Kulonen 2001a). The 2du suffix goes back to *‑tVn (shown p. 15 in the southern [Ko] paradigm) and is parallel to the 1du suffix *‑mVn (cf. Saami N nieidade ‘the daughter of you two’). The 2pl suffix originally had only the ‑n element, which refers only to person. The three persons 2du, 3du and 2pl have merged in all of the dialects, but the merging has gone in different directions in different dialects. In Ko (southern), the suffix clearly has its origins in the 2du suffix (as it is exactly the same as in Saami, for instance), while in O and Trj it is not possible to say which is the original function, 3du or 16 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty 2pl. As ‑n likely originates from verbal inflection and the second person singular, it is more likely that the ‑n (in ~ an) is the original 3du suffix consisting of the dual marker of the possessive suffixes without a personal element, which would be a Proto-Khanty *‑ʌ- (PU *s). This, in turn, appears in the 3sg and 3pl suffixes with its regular sound correspondences (O ‑l, Ko ‑t, Trj ‑ʌ). Nominal Case System The nominal case system in Proto-Finno-Ugrian was the following (Janhunen 1982, Korhonen 1991) Nominative Accusative Genitive ∅ *‑m *‑n Locative *‑nA Ablative *‑tA Lative *‑k, ?*‑n, ?*‑j In the first phase of Proto-Ugric, the locative and the ablative merged into a case, which Korhonen calls the prolocative (Korhonen 1991): Nominative Accusative ∅ *‑m Prolocative Lative *‑nA, *‑tA *‑k, ?*‑n In the next phase (Proto-Ugric II), a new ablative case emerged, probably from a local derivative element. The accusative case (*‑t) comes from the pronominal declension (still occurring in this function in Khanty, see p. 19–); modern Hungarian uses this suffix in the accusative in nominal declension. At this stage, three new local cases were also formed on the basis of a series of postpositions (root *‑nV): Nominative ∅ Accusative *‑m/*‑t Locative *‑nA, *‑tA Ablative *‑l(A) Lative *‑k Locative II *‑nVt(A) Ablative II *‑nVl Lative II *‑nVk In Proto-Khanty (Honti 1984: 40), the old case suffixes were represented as follows: Nominative ∅ Lative (Dative) *‑a/*‑ä Locative *‑na/*‑nä < PFU, PUgric II Lative *‑k < PFU Locative, PUgric II Locative *‑nA Instructive-Final *‑at/*‑ät < PFU Ablative, PUgric II Locative *‑tA Instrumental-Comitative *‑nat/*‑nät < PUgric Locative II *‑nVt Translative *‑ɣa/*‑ɣä < PFU, PUgric II Lative *‑k 17 �Ostiacica Additionally, there was an abessive case (*‑ləɣ/*‑lǝ̑ɣ) of unknown origin. The ablative was expressed, as in most of the modern Khanty dialects, with a postposition. In the eastern dialects, the Proto-Khanty system was expanded with the approximative (*‑pa/*‑pä (VVj) ~ *‑nam/*‑näm (Sur), distributive (*‑tǝltä/*‑tǝ̑lta) and expletive (*‑pti/*‑pti ̮) cases, all of which are still preserved in the Surgut dialects. The ablative postposition was agglutinated into a suffix. In the southern (Irtyš) dialects, the function of the instrumental-comitative was taken over by the instructive-final and locative, while the functions of the translative were replaced by the lative. In addition, the abessive lost its productivity. The same happened to the abessive in the northern dialects: the locative took over the functions of both the instrumental-comitative and the instructive. The translative disappeared in all northern dialects except Obdorsk. All these steps have led to very different case systems depending on the dialect: the Surgut dialects have a diverse system of 11 cases and have thus approximately doubled the number of cases from the earlier phases and proto-languages, whereas the northern Khanty dialects today have the smallest number of nominal cases in the entire Uralic language family. The modern systems are the following (to show the dialectal variation in the case systems, the Kaz = Kazym dialect from the northern area as well as V = Vach dialect from the eastern area are also presented, Kr = Krasnojarsk, Southern/Irtyš): Nominative Lative-Dative-Loc. Translative O (Honti 1984: 139) ewi ‘girl’ eweŋən ‘2 girls’ ewet ‘(pl) girls’ ewina eweŋənna ewetna ewəji (? eweŋənni ? ewetti) Nominative Lative-Dative Locative Kaz (Honti 1984: 136) ewĭ ‘girl’ eweŋən ‘2 girls’ ewet ‘(pl) girls’ ewĭja eweŋəna eweta ewĭjən eweŋənən ewetən Kr (Honti 1984: 133) Nominative ewǝ ‘girl’ eweŋǝn ‘2 girls’ ewit ‘(pl) girls’ Lative-Dative ewǝja eweŋǝna ewita Locative ewǝnǝ eweŋǝnnǝ ewitna Ablative ewiwǝ(t) eweŋǝniwǝ(t) ewitiwǝ Instrum.- ewejat eweŋǝnat ewitat Comitative Abessive ewǝta ? ? 18 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Nominative Lative-Dative Locative Ablative Approximative Instructive-Final Instrum.Comitative Translative Abessive Expletive Trj (Honti 1984: 129) imi ‘woman’ imiɣǝn ‘2 women’ imit ‘(pl) women’ imǝjä imiɣǝnä imitä iminǝ imiɣǝnnǝ imitnǝ imǝji imiɣǝni imiti iminäm imiɣǝnnäm imitnäm imǝjät imiɣǝnät imität iminät imiɣǝnnät imitnät imiɣǝ imiɣǝʌ imipti imiɣǝnɣǝ imitɣǝ ? imitǝpti V (Honti 1984: 123) köt ‘hand’ kötkən ‘2 hands’ kötət ‘(pl) hands’ kötä kötkənä kötətä kötnə kötkənä kötətnə kötöɣ kötkənöɣ kötətöɣ kötpä, kötäpä (kötkən(ä)pä) (kötət(ä)pä) kötə kötkənə kötətə kötnä(t) kötkənnä(t) kötətnät Nominative Lative-Dative Locative Ablative Approximative Instructive-Final Instrum.Comitative Translative kötǝɣ Abessive kötlǝɣ Distributive kötəltä Comparative kötniŋi(t) (kötkənǝɣ) kötkənlǝɣ ? kötkənniŋi(t) (kötǝtǝɣ) kötǝtlǝɣ ? kötǝtniŋi(t) Pronominal Case System The personal pronouns have three basic cases: nominative, accusative and dative. The nominative is represented by the personal pronoun stem, the accusative has the ending ‑t and the dative is formed with the possessive suffix added to the stem. This seems to have been the pronominal case system of Proto-Khanty. Many of the related FinnoUgric languages show a similar use of pronoun stem + possessive suffix (or relics of the system) either as accusative (Mansi, Hungarian) or dative (Erzya, Mari, Komi, Udmurt), so it is probably an old feature and might be the first actual inflected form of personal pronouns in the development of PFU (Kulonen 2001b). An accusative case with the ending ‑t is also found in Hungarian (nominal inflection) and Finnish 19 �Ostiacica (personal pronouns), but the historical relationship of these accusative suffixes is not quite clear, essentially because of the two different strategies in personal pronoun declension in the Uralic languages, the other being a series of uninflected pronouns with a round vowel (Singular *mun *tun *sun). Khanty, as well as Mansi, Hungarian, Mari and the Permic and Baltic-Finnic languages represent the first type: a stem with illabial vowel (singular *mi, *ti, ?*si) and declension with possessive suffixes. The three cases in O (northern), DN (southern) and Trj (eastern, Surgut) are the following (Honti 1984: 143, 148, 150): Nominative 1sg 2sg 3sg O mä nä̆ŋ, nĕŋ luw DN mä(n) nŏŋ tĕw Trj mä nö̆ŋ ʌĕɣ° 1du 2du 3du min nin lin min nin tin min nin ʌin 1pl 2pl 3pl muŋ näŋ luw(ǝt) mŏŋ nĕŋ tĕɣ mĕŋ nĕŋ ʌĕɣ Accusative The accusative in the northernmost dialects (incl. O) has merged with the dative. Accusative on its own is present only in the Kazym dialect of the northern group (and therefore presented here). This basic accusative has the ending ‑t (‑at, ‑ät, ‑tĭ): Kaz 1sg mantĭ, manət(tĭ) 2sg naŋət(tĭ) 3sg ʌŭwət(tĭ) DN mänt nŏŋat tĕwat Trj mänt nö̆ŋǝt ʌĕɣ°ät 1du 2du 3du mĭnət(tĭ) nĭnət(tĭ) ʌĭnət(tĭ) minat ninat tinat minät ninät ʌinät 1pl 2pl 3pl mŭŋət(tĭ) naŋət, nĭnət(tĭ) ʌĭwət(tĭ) mŏŋat nĕŋat tĕɣat mĕŋät nĕŋät ʌĕɣät 20 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Dative The basic form of the dative is stem + possessive suffix. It appears in its most original form in DN (southern dialects) and some of the northern dialects (Nizjam and Šerkaly). In Kazym, the possessive suffix can take the further lative suffix (‑a). In Surgut, the t-element can show influence from the accusative, while in the easternmost dialects, the dative is formed, analogically to the nominal declension, with the stem + nominal lative ending. 1sg 2sg 3sg O (Acc.-Dat.) mänem nä̆ŋen, nĕŋən luwel Kaz mănem(a) năŋen(a) ʌŭweʌ(a) DN mĕnem nŏŋen tĕwet Trj mäntem nö̆ŋäti ʌĕɣ°äti 1du minemən minemǝn minäti 2du 3du ninan linan mĭnemən mĭnemna nĭnan(a) ʌĭnan(a) ninesǝn tinesǝn ninäti ʌinäti 1pl 2pl muŋew, muŋilǝw näŋilǝn, nĕŋilǝn mŏŋew nĕŋesən mĕŋäti nĕŋäti 3pl luwilal mŭŋew(a) năŋan(a) nĭnan(a) ʌĭweʌa tĕɣet ʌĕɣäti Secondary Cases There are a variable number of secondary cases of pronouns in different dialects. Of these, the locative is the most widespread. A locative form of the 1sg pronoun is also attested in O (Honti 1984: 150): Locative DN mänə nŏŋnə tĕwnə Trj mänə nö̆ŋnə ʌĕɣ°nə 1du 2du 3du minnǝ ninnǝ tinnǝ minnə ninnə ʌinnə 1pl 2pl 3pl mŏŋnə nĕŋnə tĕɣnə mĕŋnə nĕŋnə ʌĕɣnə 1sg 2sg 3sg O mänemna 21 �Ostiacica The eastern dialects, including Trj in the Surgut group, have a complete nominal case paradigm for the pronouns as well (Honti 1984: 143): 1sg 2sg 3sg Ablative Approxim. Comitative Instrumental Translative mäniŋtem mäntemnäm mäntemnät mäntemät mäntemɣə nö̆ŋniŋte nö̆ŋätinäm nö̆ŋätinät nö̆ŋätəjät ʌĕɣ°niŋtiʌ ʌĕɣ°ätinäm ʌĕɣ°ätinät ʌĕɣ°ätəjät 1du minniŋtimən minätinäm 2du ninniŋtin ninätinäm 3du ʌinniŋtin ʌinätinäm minätinät ninätinät ʌinätinät minätəjät ninätəjät ʌinätəjät minätiɣə ninätiɣə ʌinätiɣə 1pl 2pl 3pl mĕŋätinät nĕŋätinät ʌĕɣätinät mĕŋätəjät nĕŋätəjät ʌĕɣätəjät mĕŋätiɣə nĕŋätiɣə ʌĕɣätiɣəö mĕŋniŋtiɣ° nĕŋniŋtin ʌĕɣniŋtiʌ mĕŋätinäm nĕŋätinäm ʌĕɣätinäm Verbal Inflection The structure of inflected verbal forms is stem + (tense +) (genus/object +) person, e.g.: păn-ǝm păn-t-ǝm păn-aj-ǝn păn-t-aj-ǝn păn-t-em păn-t-eŋət-am tu-ʌ-ə̑m tu-s-ə̑m tu-ʌ-oj-ə̑m tu-ʌ-ə̑ɣə̑l-am tu-s-ʌ-a Ko ‘I (did) put (smth)’ [păn- + 1sg] ‘I (do) put (smth)’ [păn- + prs + 1sg] ‘you were being put’ [păn- + pass + 2sg] ‘you are being put’ [păn- + prs + 2sg] ‘I (do) put it’ [păn- + prs + sg<1sg] ‘I (do) put them two’ [păn- + prs + du + 1sg (or păn- + prs + du<1sg)] Trj ‘I bring (smth)’ [tu- + prs + 1sg], ‘I brought (smth)’ [tu- + IMPF + 1sg], ‘I am brought’ [tu- + prs + pass + 1sg], ‘I bring them two’ [tu- + prs + du + 1sg (or: tu- + prs + du<1sg)], ‘you brought them’ [tu- + IMPF + pl + 2sg (tu- + IMPF + pl<2sg)] 22 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Tempus The only tense common to all Khanty dialects is the present tense marked with the (Proto-Khanty) suffix *l, the origin of which is unknown. Most of the dialects have a system of two tenses, the other one being either the unmarked perfect (as in the southern dialects) or the imperfect with the marker ‑s-. This imperfect marker also appears in Mansi and has cognates in Nenets and Mari. Originally, it was probably a present/past participle suffix, as can be seen in some Mansi dialects (Kulonen 2007: 184–188). Of the Surgut dialects, Trj has both perfect (unmarked) and imperfect (‑s-). The easternmost dialects (Vach and Vasjugan) make use of two additional narrative past tenses. Dialect PKh VVj Sur Sal Present *l l ʌ t Perfect ∅ ∅ ∅ ∅ Imperfect *s s (s) (s) Hist.perf. – ɣäl – – Hist.imperf. – ɣäs – – Irt t ∅ – – – Ni Sher Kaz Ber t t ʌ l ∅ – – – – s s s – – – – – – – – O l – s – – Genus The passive voice marker in Proto-Khanty was *‑Vj-, where the quality of the vowel cannot be reconstructed on the basis of a large variation in the modern dialects. In absolute final position, i.e. in the 3sg where no personal suffix is attached, the passive form ends with a vowel (except in South). In Trj, it disappears in some other forms, too. The eastern dialects show a labial vowel (‑u, ‑uj- in VVj, ‑o, ‑oj- in Surgut) and most of the northern dialects have ‑a, ‑aj-, as well as Irtyš, where also the 3sg forms (absolute final) include ‑j. Some (middle) dialects show a reduced vowel ‑ǝ, ‑ǝj-, (Kazym) ‑ĭ, ‑ĭj-. As stated on p. 22, the passive marker is placed between the tense suffix and the personal ending, unlike e.g. Mansi, which has a syntactically identical passive voice with an (etymologically) different suffix, which was originally a derivative element and is placed in front of the tense suffix. In the passive forms, the basic personal endings of the verb are also visible. As an introduction to the personal forms, the past passive paradigms from O mä̆- ‘to give’ (‘I was given, you were given’, etc.), Ko păn- ‘to put, to place’ (‘I was placed’, etc.) and Trj ʌåpǝt- ~ ʌipt- ‘to feed’ (‘I was fed’, etc.) are provided (Honti 1984: 113, 115, 122): 23 �Ostiacica 1sg 2sg 3sg O ‘to give’ mä̆sajəm mä̆sajən mä̆sa Ko ‘to place’ Trj ‘to feed’ pänajəm ʌäpǝtsojǝ̑m pänajən ʌäpǝtso pänaj ʌäpǝtsi 1du 2du 3du mä̆sajmən mä̆sajtən mä̆sajŋən pänajmən pänajtən pänajɣən ʌäpǝtsojmǝ̑n ʌäpǝtsotǝ̑n ʌäpǝtsiɣǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl mä̆sajəw mä̆sajti mä̆sajət pänajəw pänajtǝ pänajət ʌäpǝtsojǝ̑ɣ° ʌäpǝtsotǝ̑ɣ ʌäpǝtsät Personal Endings There are two sets of verbal personal endings in Khanty, one of which is used in passive (provided above) and the subjective conjugation (sentences without object or with a focalized object), and the other in the objective conjugation (with a topicalized object often lacking in the overt sentence [as a zero anaphora]). The personal suffix follows the tense suffix except in the unmarked perfect, where it follows the stem. The verbal endings of the subjective conjugation show the basic and original personal elements. In Proto-Khanty, they were the following: 1sg -m 2sg -n 3sg ∅ 1du -mǝn 2du -tǝn 3du -ɣǝn 1pl -ɣ° 2pl -tǝɣ 3pl -t The third person singular has no ending, while the third persons dual and plural represent the absolute dual and plural suffix, respectively. The second person dual shows the areal innovation of ‑n instead of the PU suffix ‑t for the second person (see p. 16), but the old element ‑t- is present in the second persons of dual and plural. In addition to the passive paradigm presented above, the following paradigms of the subjective conjugation illustrate the mechanism. Examples are given from both the present and the perfect tense (Synja [Syn] here representing the northernmost dialects and imperfect instead of perfect). In can be noted that the 3sg form ends in a tense suffix, but when there is no such suffix (as in the southern perfect), a special personal ending ‑ot is added. It is of relatively late origin, and interesting in the sense that it is the only occurrence of a round vowel in non-first syllables in the southern dialects. A similar occurrence is the passive suffix ‑oj- in Surgut. 24 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Present tense (Honti 1984: 111, 114, 121) Syn pŏn- ‘to place’ Ko păn- ‘to place’ Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ 1sg pŏnləm păntam ʌäpǝtʌǝm 2sg pŏnlən păntan ʌäpǝtʌǝn 3sg pŏnəl pănt ʌäpǝtǝʌ 1du 2du 3du pŏnləmǝn pŏnlətǝn pŏnləŋǝn (‑tǝn) păntǝmǝn păntǝtǝn păntǝŋǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl pŏnləw pŏnlətĭ pŏnlət pănttǝw păntǝtǝ păntǝt ʌäpǝtʌǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝɣ ʌäpətʌət Perfect (Honti 1984: 112, 115, 121) Syn pŏn- ‘to place’ Ko păn- ‘to place’ Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ 1sg pŏtsəm pănǝm ʌiptǝm 2sg pŏtsən pănǝn ʌiptǝn 3sg pŏnəs pănot ʌipǝt 1du 2du 3du pŏtsəmǝn pŏtsətǝn pŏtsəŋǝn pănmǝn păntǝn pănŋǝn ʌipǝtmǝn ʌiptǝtǝn ʌipetɣǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl pŏtsəw pŏtsətĭ pŏtsət pănǝw păntǝ pănǝt ʌiptǝɣ° ʌipǝtǝɣ ʌiptǝt It can further be noted that as the subjective conjugation endings represent the original verbal inflection, there is also no syncretism between the 2du 3du and 2pl forms, as in the case of possessive suffixes. The only exception is Synja, where there is a parallel suffix 3du ‑tǝn adopted from 2du. The objective conjugation suffixes are adapted from the possessive suffix paradigm. In addition, the elements (endings) referring to two (dual) or more (plural) objects are the same as those denoting to du or pl possessed in the possessive paradigm. The only exception to this is the sg<3sg suffix in the easternmost dialects, which use ‑tǝ instead of the expected ‑l. The objective conjugation is essentially used when there is a topicalized non-overt object in the sentence (zero anaphora, or rather the object represented by the objective conjugation suffix in the verb), but it can be used with an overt object as well. The idea of topicality instead of the former analysis based on the definiteness of the object comes from Mansi and the analysis made by Virtanen (2015). 25 �Ostiacica Sample paradigms from the following dialects illustrate the similarity between the objective conjugation and possessive suffixes (Honti 1984: 111–122): 1sg 2sg 3sg O mä̆- ‘to give’ (present) sg object du object mä̆lem mä̆lŋilam mä̆len mä̆lŋilan mä̆lli mä̆lŋili pl object mä̆llam mä̆llan mä̆lli 1du 2du 3du mä̆lemən mä̆llən mä̆llən mä̆lŋilmən mä̆lŋilən mä̆lŋilən mä̆llǝmǝn mä̆llǝn mä̆llǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl mä̆lew mä̆llən mä̆lət mä̆lŋiləw mä̆lŋilən mä̆lŋilal mä̆llǝw mä̆llǝn mä̆llal 1sg 2sg 3sg O mä̆- ‘to give’ (preterite/imperfect) sg object du object pl object ̆sem ̆sŋilam mä mä mä̆slam ̆sen ̆sŋilan mä mä mä̆slan ̆sli ̆sŋili mä mä mä̆sli 1du 2du 3du mä̆semən mä̆slən mä̆slən mä̆sŋilmən mä̆sŋilən mä̆sŋilən mä̆slǝmǝn mä̆slǝn mä̆slǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl mä̆sew mä̆slən mä̆sət mä̆sŋiləw mä̆sŋilən mä̆sŋilal mä̆slǝw mä̆slǝn mä̆slal 1sg 2sg 3sg Syn pŏn- ‘to place’ (present) sg object du/pl object pŏnlem pŏnləl(l)am pŏnlen pŏnləl(l)an pŏnləl(li) pŏnləl(li) 1du 2du 3du pŏnlemǝn pŏnləl(l)ǝn pŏnləl(l)ǝn pŏnləlmǝn pŏnləl(l)ən pŏnləl(l)ən 1pl 2pl 3pl pŏnlew pŏnləl(l)ǝn pŏnlel pŏnləl(l)əw pŏnləl(l)ən pŏnləl(l)at 26 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty 1sg 2sg 3sg Ko păn- ‘to place’ (present) sg object du object păntem pănteŋǝtam pănten pănteŋǝtan păntǝt ? 1du 2du 3du păntemən păntetən păntetən pănteŋǝtəmən pănteŋǝtən pănteŋǝtən 1pl 2pl 3pl păntew păntetən păntet pănteŋǝtəw pănteŋǝtən pănteŋǝtat 1sg 2sg 3sg Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ (present) sg object du object pl object ʌäpǝtʌem ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌäm ʌäpǝtʌǝʌäm ʌäpǝtʌe ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌä ʌäpǝtʌǝʌä ʌäpǝtʌǝɣ ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌ ʌäpǝtʌǝʌ pl object păntemǝt păntenǝt păntewət 1du 2du 3du ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpətʌiʌ ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌäʌ ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝʌäʌ 1sg 2sg 3sg Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ (perfect) sg object du object ʌiptem ʌipǝtɣǝʌäm ʌipte ʌipǝtɣǝʌä ʌipǝttǝɣ ʌipǝtɣǝʌ 1du 2du 3du ʌipǝttǝmən ʌiptǝtǝn ʌiptǝtǝn ʌipǝtɣəʌəmən ʌipǝtɣǝʌən ʌipǝtɣǝʌən ʌipǝtʌəmən ʌipǝtʌən ʌipǝtʌən 1pl 2pl 3pl ʌipǝttǝɣ° ʌiptǝtǝn ʌiptiʌ ʌipǝtɣǝʌəɣ° ʌipǝtɣǝʌən ʌipǝtɣəʌäʌ ʌipǝtʌəɣ° ʌipǝtʌən ʌipǝtʌäʌ 27 pl object ʌipǝtʌäm ʌipǝtʌä ʌipǝtǝʌ �Ostiacica Directives Proto-Khanty had an imperative form for second persons. The imperative suffix was a full vowel (*a/*ä [subjective conjugation], *i ̮/*i [objective conjugation]) and is still represented as a full vowel in different dialects (Honti 1984: 47). 2sg has no personal ending, and in 2du and 2pl forms of the subjective conjugation respective personal endings are attached to the vowel-final imperative form. In the objective conjugation, the personal suffixes and the scope of objective conjugation forms vary between dialects, and the differences are not easily explicable. Some examples of imperatives: jăŋɣ-a DN (Vértes 1975: 10) mĕn-a jŏχ tuw-e! walk-Imp.2Sg go-Imp.2Sg to=home take-Imp.Sg<2Sg ‘come, go and take him home!’ O mä̆-, mij- ‘to give’ (Honti 1984: 122) Subj. Conj. sg Object 2sg mija miji 2du mijatǝn mijalǝn 2pl mijati mijalǝn pl Object mijila mijijalǝn mijijalǝn 2sg 2du 2pl Ko păn- ‘to put’ (Honti 1984: 115) Subj. Conj. sg Object du Object păna păne păneŋǝta pănatǝn pănetǝn păneŋǝtǝn pănatǝ pănetǝn ? pl Object păneta ? ? 2sg 2du 2pl Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to give to eat’ (Honti 1984: 112) Subj. Conj. sg Object du Object ʌiptä ʌipte ʌiptiɣəʌä ʌiptitǝn ʌiptitǝn ʌiptiɣəʌən ʌiptitəɣ ʌiptitǝn ʌiptiɣəʌən pl Object ʌiptiʌä ʌiptiʌən ʌiptiʌən In many dialects, there are also optative/jussive forms. In the northern dialects, they are lacking. The southern dialects have optative forms for first and third persons. There is no difference between subjective and objective conjugation. The forms seem to be based on the 2sg imperative: 28 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty DN păn- ‘to put’ (Honti 1984: 115) 1sg pănam 3sg pănaŋ(at) 1du 3du pănamən pănaŋǝn 1pl 3pl pănaw pănat The Trj dialect also shows optative/jussive for first and third persons, and in most of them (excl. 1sg and 1du), there is also a full paradigm for the objective conjugation: 1sg 3sg Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to give to eat’ (Honti 1984: 112) Subj. Conj. sg Object du Object ʌiptimät ? ? ʌiptǝjät ʌiptität ʌiptiɣəʌät pl Object ? ʌiptiʌät 1du 3du ʌiptimənät ʌiptiɣǝnät ? ʌiptitǝnät ? ʌiptiʌǝnät 1pl 3pl ʌiptiɣ°ät ʌiptität ? ʌiptiɣəʌǝnät ? ʌiptiɣəʌəɣ°ät ʌiptiʌəɣ°ät ʌiptiʌäʌät ʌiptiɣəʌäʌät ʌiptiʌäʌät In the southern and Surgut dialects, the passive voice also has an optative paradigm. The suffix used in these forms in ‑mus-/‑mos- in Surgut and ‑mas- in the South. In the southern (Kr) dialect, the suffix has the function of optative and the structure of the form is stem + mood (‑mas-) + genus (‑ǝj) + person; in Trj, the suffix ‑mus-/‑mos- serves as the passive suffix, as the personal endings come from the optative paradigm where the mood suffix is in fact a kind of clitic. The structure of the Trj forms is stem + genus (‑mus-/‑mos-) + person + mood (‑at): Kr seŋk- ‘to beat’ Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to give to eat’ seŋkmasǝjǝm seŋkmasǝjǝn seŋkmasǝ(j) ʌäpǝtmusǝ̑mat ʌäpǝtmusǝ̑nat ʌäpǝtmosat 1du 2du 3du seŋkmasǝjmǝn seŋkmasǝjtǝn seŋkmasǝjŋǝn ʌäpǝtmosmǝ̑nat ʌäpǝtmustǝ̑nat ʌäpǝtmusɣǝ̑nat 1pl 2pl 3pl seŋkmasǝjǝw seŋkmasǝjtǝ seŋkmasǝjǝt ʌäpǝtmosǝ̑ɣ°at ʌäpǝtmostǝ̑ɣat ʌäpǝtmosat 1sg 2sg 3sg (Honti 1984: 116) 29 (Honti ibid. 113) �Ostiacica Syntax This very short description of syntactical phenomena is based on Southern Khanty. Word Order The basic word order in Khanty is SOV (and in intransitive constructions, S-Adv-V). The place for Topic is in the beginning of the sentence and the place for Focus in front of the verbal predicate. There are, though, exceptions, meaning that the word order can be seen as a tendency rather than a strict rule: SOV [ – – ] urt [name] hero (S) DN (SüdostjK: 6) täpǝt piš täw=soχ 7 tunt-ot fold horse=pelt (O) put=on-past.3Sg (V) ‘the hero put on a sevenfold horse pelt’ mä 1Sg DN (SüdostjK: 9) jĕɣ-păɣ-em brother-px.Sg<1Sg (O) wet-en kill-past.2Sg (V) ‘you killed my brother’ χutǝm 3 imǝ woman (S) Ko (SüdostjP III: 2) χutǝm χut 3 fish (O) wet-ǝt catch-pret.3pl (V) ‘the three women caught three fishes’ SVO [ – – ] [name] DN (SüdostjK: 1) urt, tĕw hero tăj-ot 3Sg (S) have-pret.3Sg (V) sewǝŋ ewǝ, wetˊ ŋ ewǝ ǝ braided daughter (O) beautiful daughter (O) ‘the hero, he had a braided daughter, a beautiful daughter’ 30 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty SVAdv DN (SüdostjK: 2) mĕn-t-əmən, jĕɣ-păχ, wit go-prs-1du (V) brother upstream woč-əmen-a town-px.Sg<1du-lat (Adv) ‘brother, we’ll go to our upstream town’ Complex Sentences Temporal subordinate sentences are formed with action converb structures if the sentences refer to the same time: DN (SüdostjK: 3) tˊ w-kemnǝ [ – – ] kimǝtˊ ĕ äŋkǝr-mǝmitat-nǝ, [ – – ] then jeɣǝ χŏr outwards pĕt-ewǝ look-prtc.px.Sg<3pl-loc, enǝ rot tŏt ti kätt-ǝt river bend bottom-abl big boat there ptcl appear-past.3Sg ‘then when they looked out (of the window), a big boat [– –] appeared in the bend of the river If the sentences refer to happenings that follow each other, a particle kemnǝ follows the participle form of the subordinated verb: nŏχ up χănč-atəmet rip-prtc.px.Sg<3Sg nŏχ DN (SüdostjK: 10) kemnə ewəm-ta, up kemnə ti ptcl mostə-ta hug-inf kiss-inf jĕw-ət start-prs.3Sg ‘when she has unpicked [the seams], she starts to hug and kiss him’ When there is any hint of causality in the subordination, a conjunction is used (along with a finite verb): kŏš nŏɣ ätmitt-ət cnj up DN (SüdostjK: 10) weɣ-ət ĕnt tĕrm-ət lift-prs.3Sg strength-px.Sg<3Sg not be=enough-prs.3Sg ‘when (~ even though) she tries to lift him, she has no strength’ 31 �Ostiacica Predicative Structures In present predicative sentences where both NPs represent 3sg, there is no copula: äj-pe DN (SüdostjK: 1) jĕg-păɣ-ət, unt=toŋχ-ta small-cl brother.px.Sg<3Sg forest=devil(‑car) jĕg-păɣ-ət brother.px.Sg<3Sg pelkat χoj, kŏtǝp half man, middle pes=nem-ta without-name-car χoj man ‘his youngest brother is the man-half-forest-devil; his middle brother is the nameless-man’ In other persons and tenses, the verb us- (ut-) ‘to be’ is needed: DN (SüdostjK: 11) tütəŋ nun us-tan fiery cunt be-prs.2Sg ‘you are a fiery cunt’ Possessive Structures The GN structure in Khanty is expressed with a possessor in nominative + possessed with a possessive suffix: DN (SüdostjK: 12) tăɣər-sem kĕŋən-tat armour button-px.pl<3Sg ‘the buttons of the armour’ täw DN (SüdostjK: 10) sŏχ-ət jontəm=jăt-tat horse pelt-px.sg<3Sg seam-px.pl<3Sg ‘the seams of the horse’s pelt’ mŏŋǝ 1pl DN (SüdostjK: 7) jart-ew-a tut-ew fortress-px.Sg<1pl.lat bring-prs.Sg<1pl ‘we’ll take him into our fortress’ 32 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty mŭŋ Sav (SüdostjK: 141) wet-aj-ǝt tĕw neŋ-ǝt moχ-tew pĕta ˊ 1pl child-px.pl<1pl kill-past.pass-3pl 3Sg wife-px.Sg<3Sg because ‘our children were killed because of his wife’ When the possessor itself is possessed (is marked with px), the possessed can also be left unmarked: Sav (SüdostjK: 143) măńǝk-em kur sămǝrm-ǝt-em nephew-px.Sg<1Sg foot grab-prs-Sg<1Sg ‘I’ll grab my nephew’s foot’ măńǝket nephew-px.Sg<3Sg Sav (SüdostjK: 143) kur tˊ ǝ foot ptcl sămǝrm-ǝt grab-past.Sg<3Sg ‘he grabbed his nephew’s foot’ The predicative possession is expressed with the verb tăj- ‘to have’: [ – – ] urt, tĕw DN (SüdostjK: 1) tăjot sewǝŋ ewǝ, wetˊ ŋ ewǝ ǝ [name] hero, 3Sg have-pret.3Sg braided daughter beautiful daughter ‘the hero, he had a braided daughter, a beautiful daughter’ Dative Shift and Passive All Khanty dialects make use of dative shift to move topical/animate recipients and benefactives from oblique to object position. The object is marked with nominative, or, if it is a personal pronoun, with accusative, and the original object in the new oblique position is marked in the southern dialects with the instrumental-comitative (‑at) case. Other dialects use either locative (‑nə, northern dialects) or instructive-final (‑at/‑ät, eastern dialects), depending on the case system (see pp. 18–19). (One can also observe in these examples that in the case of coordinated parts of speech [marked here with ‿], the inflectionally suffix usually occurs only on the latter one.) 33 �Ostiacica män-t, pĕɣtə ńŏɣǝs, pĕɣtə wăχsar-at măχta 1Sg-acc tŭwetteŋ DN (SüdostjK: 3–4) χŏj, pĕt-ettem tall man black‿sable‿black‿fox-instr ear-px.pl<1Sg along măχta, along täk-at ˊ throw-opt.3pl ‘may they cover me (throw around me), a big man, up to my ears (with) black sables, black foxes’ Similarly, topicalized objects can be moved to subject position by using the passive voice. The new subject is in the nominative and the former subject becomes the agent marked with locative (in all dialects; the locative in the northern dialects has a heavy load because it is used to mark many oblique constituents, even grammatical ones!): äj=pa neŋ-nǝ Ko (SüdostjP III: 14) kŏttǝp=pa neŋ ĕńtˊ st-aj ǝ young=prtc woman-loc middle=prtc woman ask-past.pass. 3Sg ‘the middle woman was asked by the youngest woman’ (< äj=pa neŋ kŏttǝp=pa neŋ ǝ ĕńtˊ st-ǝt young=prtc woman middle=prtc woman ask-past.Sg.3Sg) jĕŋk-a DN (SüdostjK: 9) waɣət-tə ewe-t-nə kŏjənt=otəŋ-at seŋk-t-aj water-lat go-prtc girl-pl-loc yoke=end-instr beat- prs-pass.3Sg ‘he is beaten by the water-carrying girls with the tip of the (water-carrying) yoke’ (< jĕŋk-a waɣət-tə water-lat go-prtc ewe-t kŏjənt=otəŋ-at girl-pl seŋk-t-et yoke=end-instr beat-prs-Sg.3pl ‘the water-carrying girls beat him with the tip of the yoke’) Both the dative shift and the passive can occur in the same sentence, as in the following example. It is to be expected, because an animate, human entity often acts as a recipient in the sentence, and additionally, is the main character in the story and thus has a high degree of topicality: 34 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty DN (SüdostjK: 4) pĕɣtə ńŏɣǝs, pĕɣtə wăχsar-at weŋ-tat χănǝm-tat-nǝ black‿sable‿black‿fox-instr son-in-law-px.pl<3Sg‿relative-px.pl<3Sg-loc ti kit-aj ptcl send-past.pass.3Sg ‘he was sent black sables and black foxes by his sons-in-law, his relatives’ The agent in a passive sentence is often overt only when it is focalized. Agentless passive sentences are much more common (illustrated here with four sentences in a row from SüdostjK: 7): DN tˊ w-kemnǝ ĕ then tŏt that urttat-nǝ săɣat täpǝt piš tŏt=ti kätt-aj. hero-px.pl<3Sg-loc that=ptcl catch-past.pass.3Sg time nik ti to=shore täw sŏχ waɣǝtt-aj. ptcl walk+caus-past.pass.3Sg sĕmǝ-ja ti jont-aj, seven fold horse pelt inside-lat ptcl sew-past.pass.3Sg rot-a ti păn-aj. boat-lat ptcl put-past.pass.3Sg ‘Then his heroes caught him. After that, he was taken down to the shore. He was put inside the sevenfold horse pelt and laid down in a boat.’ Another type of passive is the impersonal, where both subject and agent are lacking. The impersonal passive describes an action only, without reference to who is the actor (or the target). Here, an example is presented with context: jewəttə-ta ˊˊ tŏt=tə DN (SüdostjK: 6) jĕw-ət i shoot-inf that-ptcl start-past.3pl and čupa only pira around jewəttə-ta jĕw-aj ˊˊ shoot-inf start-past.pass.3Sg ‘they (the heroes) started to shoot, there was shooting all around’ 35 �Ostiacica Negation In the standard negation, a negative particle ĕn(t) is used. It is followed by the finite verb (predicate) in the same form as in affirmative sentences: DN (SüdostjK: 11) tu-tə χăčaχ ĕnt χoj tăj-t-an man carry-inf strength neg have-prs.2Sg ‘you don’t have the strength to carry a man’ (cf. χoj tu-tə χăčaχ tăj-t-an man carry-inf strength have-prs.2Sg ‘you have [enough] strength to carry a man’ [constructed]) Sav (SüdostjK: 150) män=pä ĕn χet-t-am ˊ 1Sg=too neg stay-prs.1Sg ‘I won’t stay either’ (cf. ˊ χet-t-am män=pä 1Sg=too stay-prs.1Sg ‘I will stay, too’ [constructed]) In the negation of predicative structures (existentials), the negative word is ĕntəm. It is used with negative counterparts of affirmative sentences both without a copula and with ut- ‘to be’ (see p. 32). It cannot be called a negative particle because it is inflected in number: tĕɣ tŏtt(ǝ) ĕntam-ǝt DN (KT 58) män tŏtt(ǝ) ĕntam nin tŏtt(ǝ) ĕntam-eɣǝn they are not there’ ‘ ‘I am not there’ ‘you two are not there’ 3pl there neg-pl 1Sg there neg 2du there neg-du The negation of directives has a negative particle of its own in ät. It is followed by the imperative form, which is the same as in affirmative directives: 36 �Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Sav (SüdostjK: 150) ät täwǝtt-atǝn! ˊ ˊˊ neg scold-Imp.2du ‘don’t scold me (, you two)!’ The same negative particle is also used in conjunctive functions (the conjunctive is expressed in the example with the Russian loan word štobi, but the function is stressed by using the imperative/optative variant of the particle): jŏχ home DN (SüdostjK: 11) ti nĕr-ot ptcl χeti-tat-nə run-past.3Sg štobi štobi ät ăjət-taj grandson-px.pl<3Sg-loc neg see-prs.pass.3Sg ‘(she) runs home so that she would not be seen by her grandsons’ 37 � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Short Grammatical Description of Khanty (Ostiacica) Subject The topic of the resource <em>Ostiacica</em>. Manuscripta Castreniana, Linguistica V. 175 p. ISBN 978-952-7262-00-9 (print/hardcover), ISBN 978-952-7262-01-6 (online/pdf). 50 €. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ulla-Maija Forsberg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Finno-Ugrian Society Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno-Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/7de648576ba53deeac84b1c60c31eb2c.pdf a5dd731ffa4d17c989c5d2c2c6caa15b PDF Text Text Matthias Alexander Castrén O stiac ic a Matthias Alexander Castrén (1813–1852) was by far the most significant Finnish linguist of the 19th century. In addition to being a linguist he was also a multidisciplinary scholar, equally versatile in the fields of ethnography, folklore, mythology, archaeology, history, and human geography. He left behind a huge corpus of field data, collected by himself during prolonged expeditions to Karelia, Lapland, Arctic Russia, and Siberia between 1838 and 1849. During the short periods of time Castrén spent in an academic environment, he had little opportunity to synthesize his collections, a situation aggravated by his rapidly progressing and ultimately fatal illness. Therefore, a major part of his scholarly heritage remained unpublished when he died. The Khanty grammar is one of the few materials Castrén was able to publish himself. He collected the material over the course of a few weeks in the summer of 1845 in the Irtyš and Surgut areas, where the southern and eastern dialects of Khanty were spoken. During these weeks, he outlined the Khanty grammar in Swedish and his companion Johan Reinhold Bergstadi translated it into German. After Castrén returned from his journey in 1849, he was able to check the German translation and oversee the printing of the book. In this critical edition, most of the commentary is made based on the printed book, which is here translated into English. There are only minor comments on the differences between the printed version and the manuscript, as Castrén seemingly had control over the printing process, and thus the printed version can be regarded as his own synthesis of the grammatical and lexical notes. The commentaries are made on the basis of best modern knowledge of Khanty. In this volume, a brief modern grammar of Khanty is also presented, focusing on the Irtyš and Surgut dialects. O  Edited by Ulla-Maija Forsberg 9 7 8 9 5 2 7 2 6 2 0 0 9 〉 isbn 978-952-7262-00-9 (print) isbn 978-952-7262-01-6 (online) issn 2489-4397 hanti_kannet.indd 1 Manuscripta Castreniana Manuscripta Castreniana Linguistica V 3.4.2018 13:12:19 �lja Zem Ka r a S e a aja Ba re n ts S e a Nov M.A. Castrén’s Visits to the Khanty area Centra l Sib erian P lateau Dudinka M.A. Castrén’s stops in the Khanty area Other major cities and settlements ic ct ar (Ob' River) n r Tu Lo we e cl r ci gusk a 27th Oct. (8th Nov.) 1843 Enis Obdorsk (Salexard) ej from 28th Oct. (9th Nov.) 1843 until Jan. 1844 Arxangel'sk Berëzov D Ur al M ou nt ai ns rn Reval Tallinn Pe he vin a St Petersburg Vy č e g d a Riga ona Vjatka (Kirov) V Perm' ga Don Kiev (Kyiv) Voronež Samara Karbina Bronnikovo Krivoščëkovo (Novosibirsk) Ir ty š Omsk ol Čeljabinsk Ufa I Barnaul Ka ma V ' Tomsk Tjumen' l Simbirsk (Uljanovsk) Vampugol Cingaly Ekaterinburg Kazan' ga Nižnij Novgorod ol Brjansk Dn ep r Moscow arrived before and left after 25th June (6th July) 1845 arrived before and left after 12th (24th) March 1844 & from 16th (28th) May until 25th May (6th June) 1845 ol Minsk Lokosovo Tobol'sk Tver' Jaroslavl' Ob Samarovo (Xanty-Mansijsk) Demjanskoe Ura a Vilnius Nižnevartovsk Megion Enisejsk ° 60 n b' Vologda va Toropkova i.e.  Skripunova from 04th (16th) until 5th (17th) July 1845 O ob Da ug Sux from 1st (13th) Aug. until 12th (24th) Sept. 1845 š No rt Petrozavodsk čo ra Helsingfors Helsinki Surgut from 2nd half of Jan. until at least 04th (16th) March 1844 rty Stockholm T Korjakov (Pavlodar) Semipalatinsk (Semej) �Manuscripta Castreniana Linguistica V Matthias Alexander Castrén O sti aci ca Edited by Ulla-Maija Forsberg Finno-Ugrian Society Helsinki 2018 � Matthias Alexander Castrén: Ostiacica Manuscripta Castreniana Linguistica V Edited by Ulla-Maija Forsberg Finno-Ugrian Society Helsinki 2018 http://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/ Editorial Board of the series Manuscripta Castreniana Ulla-Maija Forsberg, Juha Janhunen, Ildikó Lehtinen, Karina Lukin, Timo Salminen Drawing on the cover by Albert Edelfelt (M.A. Castrén with Khanty informants, published in M.A. Castrén, elämä ja matkustukset, nuorisolle kerrotut, G.W. Edlund, Helsinki 1878), photograph Markku Haverinen, National Board of Antiquities, Finland Painting on the back by G.D. Budkowski (“Matthias Alexander Castrén”, 1845), photograph National Board of Antiquities, Finland Map on the first endpaper Anna Kurvinen, Timo Salminen, Ulla-Maija Forsberg Map on the last endpaper Anna Kurvinen, Timo Salminen Layout and cover Anna Kurvinen © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno‑Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors isbn 978-952-7262-00-9 (print) isbn 978-952-7262-01-6 (online) issn 2489-4397 Printon Tallinn 2018 Bookstore Tiedekirja Snellmaninkatu 13 FI-00170 Helsinki p. (09/+3589) 635 177 https://www.tiedekirja.fi/ tiedekirja@tsv.fi Contents Manuscripta Castreniana: A General Preface to the Series by Juha Janhunen Editor’s Foreword by Ulla-Maija Forsberg Short Grammatical Description of Khanty by Ulla-Maija Forsberg 6 9 11 Matthias Alexander Castrén: Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar with a Short Word List Edited and commentary by Ulla-Maija Forsberg 41 Preface� I Phonetics (Sounds) � 47 II Morphology �70 Ostyak Word List� 123 Abbreviations � References � 172 174 �Manuscripta Castreniana: A General Preface to the Series Manuscripta Castreniana: A General Preface to the Series Manuscripta Castreniana: A General Preface to the Series Matthias Alexander Castrén (1813–1852) was by far the most significant Finnish linguist of the 19th century. When he died at the young age of 38, he left behind a huge corpus of field data, collected by himself during prolonged expeditions to Karelia, Lapland, Arctic Russia and Siberia from 1838 to 1849. In the short periods of time he spent in an academic environment, he was largely occupied by university teaching and social activities and had little opportunity to synthesize his collections, a situation aggravated by his rapidly progressing and ultimately fatal illness. Therefore, and in spite of his active production of specialized articles, reviews and travel reports during his lifetime, a major part of his scholarly heritage remained unpublished when he died. Ever since, the fate of this legacy has stood in the focus of Finnish linguistics. In Castrén’s lifetime it was said that he had “written the grammars of fourteen languages”, but the actual number of separate idioms documented by him is much larger, coming close to thirty. Moreover, although his main focus was the Samoyedic branch of Uralic, he also recorded several Finno-Ugrian idioms, including varieties of Finnic, Saamic, Mari, Komi and Khanty, as well as languages and dialects belonging to the Turkic, Mongolic, Tungusic and Yeniseic families. With most of these languages, he was the first to collect any kind of coherent grammatical information, which, moreover, was complemented by lexical collections of varying sizes. Not surprisingly, he is today regarded as the founder of not only Uralic, but also Altaic and Palaeosiberian linguistics. An important feature of his approach was that he worked in the framework of a consistent linguistic theory, close to what is today known as “basic grammar”. It has to be added, however, that Castrén was not only a linguist, but a multidisciplinary scholar equally versatile in the fields of ethnography, folklore, mythology, archaeology, history and human geography. Although he had both predecessors and successors, he is with good reason honoured as the pioneer and foremost representative of the Finnish school of linguistic anthropology, a tradition that was formed several decades before the international breakthrough of the field. Using a more modern term, his way of looking into languages in their overall extra-linguistic context, would correspond to the concept of “rich grammar”. Considering his work on mythology, especially the study of shamanism, he was also the founding figure of the so-called “Northern Paradigm” of mythological studies, a branch of comparative religion whose significance has only recently been fully understood. Folklore and mythology were discussed by Castrén in a number of public lectures he gave at the Imperial Alexander University in Helsinki. Linguistic topics were treated by him in a series of academic dissertations, presented between 1839 and 1850. In addition, he authored grammatical sketches with vocabularies on Izhma Komi and Meadow Mari, published in Latin in 1844 and 1845, respectively. After his last expedition he started working on a new series of German-language academic grammars to which he gave the general title Nordische Reisen und Forschungen. The series was authorized and financed by the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences in St Petersburg, and the first volume, on Khanty, appeared in 1849. In his remaining two years, Castrén managed to complete the manuscript for a second volume, on Samoyedic. With Castrén’s death, however, the future of his grammars was in danger, and the series would have been discontinued had it not been taken up by his colleague Anton Schiefner (1817–1879). From 1852 to 1861, Schiefner rapidly completed the project by editing and publishing, not only the Samoyedic volume, but also five other volumes of Castrén’s linguistic field data, as well as a reissue of the Khanty volume. To these, he added the German editions of five volumes of Castrén’s lectures and earlier publications, including letters and travelogues, which were also being made available in parallel Swedish versions under the name Nordiska resor och forskningar, published between 1852 and 1870. This 12-volume international series immediately consolidated Castrén’s reputation and has been used as a basic tool of reference ever since—even for languages for which more extensive descriptions have subsequently become available. In spite of the extremely valuable contribution made by Schiefner to Castrén’s legacy, it was almost immediately realized that even more needed to be done. For one thing, there remained important parts of Castrén’s materials that were not included in the series published by Schiefner. Moreover, Schiefner, who was not a field linguist, occasionally made mistakes when reading and interpreting Castrén’s handwritten materials, which were not always in an accessible format. The idea of republishing Castrén’s data in a more complete and correct form was first suggested as early as the 19th century, and this became one of the long-term objectives of the Finno-Ugrian Society, which was founded in Helsinki in 1883 with the specific goal of continuing Castrén’s work in the field of Uralic and Altaic linguistics and ethnography. During the more than 125 years of its existence, the Finno-Ugrian Society has, indeed, cultivated Castrén’s legacy by both financing new field work by many generations of scholars and by publishing the results of their work. However, the full publication of Castrén’s manuscript materials has not been realized until now. After the idea had once again been mentioned in connection with the 110th anniversary of the 6 7 �Manuscripta Castreniana: A General Preface to the Series Ostiacica: Editor’s Foreword Society in 1993, the plan of opening a new series of publications under the name Manuscripta Castreniana gradually ripened. This series is scheduled to contain a critical edition of all relevant parts of Castrén’s manuscripts, including both linguistic descriptions and non-linguistic materials. The series will consist of both printed volumes and digital materials available on the website of the project. In accordance with the original agreement with the Russian Imperial Academy of Sciences, Castrén’s manuscripts were placed in the library of the Imperial Alexander University of Helsinki, where Schiefner sent them after completing his work on them. For unknown reasons, however, a small part of the materials remained in the archives of the Academy in St Petersburg. The academy also received Castrén’s important ethnographic collections from Siberia. The materials kept in Helsinki have been bound into 33 mainly folio-sized volumes, which, over the years, have been preliminarily catalogued and microfilmed. Unfortunately, the work has never been professionally completed, which is why the volumes still offer surprises to those delving into them. For the new series of publications, the Finno-Ugrian Society has mobilized a representative team of experts. The volumes, published in a free order, are divided into three sections: Linguistica, Realia and Personalia. The Linguistica section will contain Castrén’s grammatical and lexical data on all the languages he documented. The Realia section will contain his notes on extralinguistic realities, including ethnography, folklore, mythology, archaeology, history and geography. Finally, the Personalia section will contain his letters and travelogues, as well as a biography with a full bibliography of his works. The contents of all the volumes are annotated on the basis of today’s level of scholarship. In this connection, it may be recalled that large parts of Castrén’s materials, including, in particular, those dealing with subsequently extinct languages, are the only extant documents on the topics they deal with. English was chosen as the language of this series in order to give Castrén’s oeuvre the visibility it deserves among the international and Anglo-Saxon readership for whom English is the first language of scholarly communication. The Swedish and German editions, published in the 19th century, will, of course, retain their historical value, but they are inevitably losing their relevance as sources of primary data. For practical reasons, though perhaps unfortunate for some readers, certain parts of the primary material in our new series are made available only in the original languages, that is, mainly Swedish. This is particularly the case with Castrén’s letters and travelogues. Even so, the present series will provide a basis for the future translation of these materials into other languages, including English. Editor’s Foreword Juha Janhunen 8 The Khanty Grammar During his second journey in 1845–49, Castrén worked for less than three weeks with Khanty informants. This happened in the summer of 1845 after he had arrived in Siberia. He travelled from Permʹ to Ekaterinburg and further on to Tobolʹsk, where he took the boat down along the river Irtyš towards Samarovo (today Chanty-Mansijsk). During this boat trip, he had an opportunity to make notes on the southern Khanty dialects. From Samarovo, Castrén travelled down the river Obʹ and worked with Forest Nenets, until he returned to the town of Surgut by the end of summer. There he checked his notes on Khanty and also collected additional material from the dialects in the Surgut area. During this couple of weeks, he outlined the Khanty grammar (in Swedish) and his companion Bergstadi translated it into German. After Castrén returned from his journey in 1849, he was able to check the German translation and oversee the printing of the book. In this critical edition, most of the commentary is made based on the printed book, here translated into English. There are only minor comments on the differences between the printed version and the manuscript, as Castrén seemingly had control over the printing process, and thus the printed version can be regarded as his own synthesis of the grammatical and lexical notes. The Manuscript Castrén’s manuscript Vol. V in the Finnish National Library consists of grammatical notes (Förarbeten till ”Versuch einer Ostjakischen Sprachlehre”), the manuscript in Swedish (121 pages) and the German translation by Bergstadi (170 pages). In the German version, many paragraphs are written twice or even three times, of which the last has been printed and the first and possible second have been crossed out. The printed version is a relatively true edition of the German translation (with minor differences). This, again, is not only a translation but also an edition. The differences between the Swedish and German versions come mainly from the order of presentation of the phonological modifications. The Swedish version also includes slightly more paradigms. The Ostyak lexical collections make up Castrén’s manuscript Vol. VI in the Finnish National Library. They consist of “Ostjakisk ordförteckning” (Ostyak word list), 270 pages in a provisory alphabetical 9 �Ostiacica: Editor’s Foreword Short Grammatical Description of Khanty order, Khanty – Swedish; “Ostjakisk ord-register” (Ostyak word register), pp. 271–330 ordered by theme/parts of speech; “Ostjakiskt Vocabularium” (Ostyak Vocabulary) pp.  331–381, again ordered alphabetically, translated into Swedish and also with etymological commentary (as in the printed version); as well as several “preparatory” versions of the word lists (383–545). Pages 547–629 consist of grammatical notes and paradigms. The original of the Khanty – German printed version is on pages 631–687 of manuscript Vol. VI. Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Ulla-Maija Forsb erg The Structure of the Critical Edition Phonology In what follows, I will first present a short outline of Khanty grammar as it is understood today. The presentation is based on the southern dialects, which were studied after Castrén (and the Hungarian scholars Antal Reguly and József Pápay), especially by the Finnish scholar K.F. Karjalainen, who collected an extensive material from these dialects in the beginning of the 20th century (Karjalainen 1948, 1964, Vértes 1975). The dialects became extinct by the second half of the 20th century. The Surgut dialects, which also play a role in Castrén’s grammar, are spoken still today, and have been extensively studied by the Hungarian scholars László Honti (e.g. Honti 1977) and Márta Csepregi (e.g. Csepregi 1998), also in the field. The present knowledge of these dialects is based mainly on their work. The main part of the book is the translation of the printed grammar with comments presented in marginal notes. It has double page numbering: running page numbers at the bottom of the page and original page numbers from the printed grammar from 1849 at the top. The final part consists of Castrén's word list ("Wörterverzeichniss"). The word list is commented on with a special method of its own, and this method is described in the beginning of the list (page 78/124). All references used in the grammar parts (both the modern and the commented grammar) and in the word list are presented together at the end of the volume. There is a clear tendency in the Khanty dialects, in phonology as well as at the other levels of grammar, for the eastern dialects to show a remarkable complexity compared to the other dialect groups. The northern dialects show a great simplification and the southern dialects fall somewhere in between. The consonant system in Proto-Khanty was, according to Honti (1984: 25), the following: Acknowledgements I wish to thank the University of Helsinki for providing me with a sabbatical year after seven years of administrative work as a full-time dean and vice rector. I am also grateful to the Humboldt University in Berlin, which allowed me to work in the inspiring atmosphere at the Institute of Nordic Studies (Nordeuropa-Institut) and where I could feel the strong tradition in Ostyakology, Khanty studies, based on the work of Wolfgang Steinitz and his colleagues. In Helsinki, December 2017 10 The editor Labial Dental p t Palatal Velar k s m n ṇ ń ŋ č ć l ḷ l´ ʌ w r j ɣ There was also a labial velar consonant (fricative) *ɣ°, which occurred only in one position (function): as the personal marker of the first person plural, as well as in possessive suffixes and in the verbal personal endings. The essential changes from Proto-Khanty to the Surgut, southern (Irtyš and northern (O = Obdorsk) dialects are the following: 1. In front of a velar vowel, word-initial k changed into χ in all the western dialects, i.e. in the southern (Irtyš) and the northern dialects. There is thus a difference between the Irtyš/O and Surgut dialects in the words that begin with χ in Irtyš/O and k in Surgut. 2. The Proto-Khanty lateral fricative ʌ was (and still is) preserved in the Surgut dialects whereas in the Irtyš dialects it merged with t and in O with l. The original palatalized lateral *l ´ changed into a lateral palatalized fricative in Surgut and a palatalized t´ in the South. The Proto-Khanty ḷ lost its cacuminality in the most dialects, taking the place of the unmarked lateral in the consonant system. 11 �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty 3. The Proto-Khanty č was preserved in all positions in the Surgut dialects, while in the Irtyš dialect it changed into š in when it precedes a consonant. In other positions, it was preserved in the Irtyš dialect, too. The palatalized affricate ć changed into t´ in both the eastern (including Surgut) and southern (Irtyš) dialects. In O, č is represented by s and ć by ś. 4. In the Surgut dialects, the labial vowels o and ö labialized the velar consonant following them, resulting in *k > k°, *ɣ > ɣ°, *ŋ > ŋ°. In Proto-West-Khanty (predecessor of the southern [Irtyš] and northern dialects), the velar fricative *ɣ between vowels changed into w after a labial front vowel, while in other positions both *k and *ɣ became a voiceless fricative χ. When n followed in the next syllable,*ɣ changed into nasal ŋ. In word-final positions in nouns, it disappeared. 5. The marker of the first person plural *ɣ° was preserved in some of the Surgut dialects, whereas in other dialects, including Irtyš, it changed into w. The consonant phonemes in Surgut (Tremjugan, Trj) and Irtyš dialects are thus the following (Honti 1984: 26): Trj p t s t´ k k° Irtyš p t t´ k s š m n ṇ ń ŋ ŋ° č m n ṇ ń ŋ č χ l l´ l ʌ r ʌ´ w j ɣ ɣ° w r j ɣ The phonological system of the northernmost dialects (O) has undergone a remarkable simplification. In the consonant system, the only opposition left is the palatalization of the dental consonants. The cacuminal row has disappeared. O p t s m n t´ k ś χ ń ŋ r l´ j The vowel system in Proto-Khanty was the same as in the modern easternmost dialects (Vach and Vasjugan). It consists of 15 phonemes in the first syllable, 11 full vowels and four reduced or short vowels. The full vowels can also be considered to have a lax articulation, whereas the reduced ones have a firm articulation (Honti 1984: 19). Full i̮ Reduced a ă u o ɔ ŏ i e ä ĕ ü ö ɔ̈ ö̆ In Surgut, the number of reduced vowels has increased, while the number of full vowels has decreased. The number of vowel phonemes that occur in the first syllable is 13. In non-initial syllables, Trj has eight vowels and the rest of the Surgut dialects have four. This is because the original (Proto-Khanty) velar/palatal vowel harmony is preserved in the easternmost dialects and the Trj dialect of the Surgut group. The other Surgut dialects, as well as the Irtyš and the northern dialects, have lost it (Honti 1984: 20). Trj 1st syllable i̮ u i o e å ä ŏ ă 2nd syllable (other Surgut dialects) i̮ i i e̮ e e a ä ä ö̆ ɔ̈̆ ĕ ä̆ ǝ̑ ǝ ǝ The southern dialects show a somewhat simplified picture. The number of vowel phonemes in initial syllables is 11 and in non-initial syllables, four (Honti 1984: 21): DN 1st syllable u ü i o e a ä ŏ ă 12 w l ĕ ä̆ 13 2nd syllable i e ä ǝ �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty In O, the vowel system is even simpler, consisting of only ten vowels in the initial and four vowels in non-initial syllables. It is, interestingly enough, practically the same as the vowel system of the northern Mansi dialect (despite the two having arrived at the present state through very different historical developments) (Honti 1984: 22): O 1st syllable u i o e a ä ŭ ŏ 2nd syllable i e a ǝ ĭ ă Other Sur ∅ ɣən t DN/DT ∅ ɣən t Ko ewem ‘my daughter (1)’ ewem ‘my daughter (1)’ wä̆ʌim ‘my reindeer (1)’ O ∅ ŋən t Khanty makes use of possessive suffixes indicating the person of the possessor and the number of the possessed (singular, dual or plural). The full possessive paradigm (in the nominative) thus consists of 27 forms. Of these forms, the second and third dual and second plural (2du 3du 2pl) have merged into a single suffix. This is a feature common to all Khanty and Mansi dialects, even if the morphology of the suffixes varies. The possessive forms can further be inflected in the nominal cases. (O = Northern, Ko = Konda, Southern/Irtyš, Trj = Eastern/Surgut) 1Sg 2Sg 3Sg In the possessive declension, the dual suffixes represent Proto-Khanty *kVl and the plural marker goes back to Proto-Khanty *l. The dual suffix is likely a combination of the original Uralic dual *k (which appears e.g. in the absolute dual ‑ɣ in Mansi) and a plural *l of obscure origin. Trj ∅ ɣəʌ/ɣə̑ʌ ʌ Other Sur ∅ ɣəʌ ʌ DN/DT ∅ ɣǝt t Ko ∅ ŋǝt t O ∅ ŋil l O ewi ‘girl, daughter’ (Honti 1984: 140) sg possessed du possessed pl possessed ewem eweŋilam ewilam ewen ewiŋilan ewilan eweʌ ewiŋilal ewilal 1du 2du 3du ewemən ewan ewan ewiŋilǝmǝn ewiŋilən ewiŋilǝn ewilǝmǝn ewilən ewilǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl ewew ewan eweʌ ewiŋilǝw ewiŋilən ewiŋilal ewilǝw ewilən ewilal (DN/DT = Demjanka, Southern/Irtyš, Ko = Konda, Southern/Irtyš) Dialect sg du pl eweŋilam ewilam ‘my 2 daughters’ ‘my daughters (pl)’ eweŋǝtam ewitam ‘my 2 daughters’ ‘my daughters (pl)’ wä̆ʌiɣəʌäm wä̆ʌiʌäm ‘my 2 reindeer’ ‘my reindeer (pl)’ Possessive Paradigms Khanty has three numbers – singular, dual and plural – in the absolute nominal declension and in all personal categories (possessive suffixes of nouns and verbal personal endings). In the absolute nominal declension, the singular is unmarked, while the dual suffix goes back to Proto-Khanty *kVn and the plural suffix ‑t derives from Proto-Uralic. Trj ∅ ɣən/ɣə̑n t O Trj Morphology Dialect sg du pl E.g. 1sg 2sg 3sg Ko ewǝ ‘girl, daughter’ (Honti 1984: 132) sg possessed du possessed pl possessed ewem eweŋǝtam ewitam ewen eweŋǝtan ewitan ewit eweŋǝtat ewitat ewemǝn ewetǝn ewetǝn eweŋǝtǝmǝn eweŋǝtǝn eweŋǝtǝn ewitǝmǝn ewitǝn ewitǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl 14 1du 2du 3du ewew ewetǝn ewet eweŋǝtǝw eweŋǝtǝn eweŋǝtat ewitǝw ewitǝn ewitat 15 �Ostiacica 1sg 2sg 3sg 1du 2du 3du 1pl 2pl 3pl Trj wä̆ʌi ‘reindeer’ (Honti 1984: 130) sg possessed du possessed pl possessed wä̆ʌim wä̆ʌiɣəʌäm wä̆ʌiʌäm wä̆ʌe wä̆ʌiɣəʌä wä̆ʌiʌä ̆ʌiʌ ̆ʌiɣəʌ wä wä wä̆ʌiʌ wä̆ʌimən wä̆ʌiɣəʌəmən wä̆ʌiʌəmən ̆ʌin ̆ʌiɣəʌən wä wä wä̆ʌiʌən ̆ʌin ̆ʌiɣəʌən wä wä wä̆ʌiʌən wä̆ʌiɣ° wä̆ʌiɣəʌəɣ° wä̆ʌiʌəɣ° ̆ʌin ̆ʌiɣəʌən wä wä wä̆ʌiʌən ̆ʌiʌ ̆ʌiɣəʌäʌ wä wä wä̆ʌiʌäʌ The 1sg suffix *‑m goes back to Proto-Uralic and has cognates in all of the related languages. The same element of the first person is included in the 1du suffix, which additionally has a marker ‑n. The whole suffix *‑mVn can be traced back to Proto-Uralic, as it has cognates in Mansi (N āɣimen ‘the daughter of us two’), Saami (N nieidaime id.) and Samoyedic (Nenets ngønomyih ‘the boat of us two’). The 1pl suffix originates from Proto-Ugric. Honti (1985, 1998) gives a reconstruction consisting of a round vowel and ‑k resulting in the Ob-Ugrian languages in ‑k° and further in something identical to the modern Surgut form ‑əɣ°. In most of the Khanty dialects, as well as in Mansi, the suffix is represented by ‑w (‑ǝw, ‑uw) in possessive suffixes (Mansi N χāpəw ‘our boat’) as well as in the verbal conjugation as a personal suffix (see pp. 24–25). In Hungarian, this Proto-Ugric personal suffix appears in its most original form, round vowel + ‑k, in the verbal conjugation, as the suffix of 1pl in the objective (definite) conjugation (e.g. adjuk ‘we give it’). The form of the 2sg suffix ‑n has its origin in the verbal conjugation. In the conjugation, ‑n has a wider distribution, extending throughout an area where the Ob-Ugrian languages are the core and reaching to Komi in the west and Samoyedic in the east. In Ob-Ugrian, this 2sg ‑n has further occupied the second person pronouns, which did not occur in the neighbouring languages (Kulonen 2001a). The 2du suffix goes back to *‑tVn (shown p. 15 in the southern [Ko] paradigm) and is parallel to the 1du suffix *‑mVn (cf. Saami N nieidade ‘the daughter of you two’). The 2pl suffix originally had only the ‑n element, which refers only to person. The three persons 2du, 3du and 2pl have merged in all of the dialects, but the merging has gone in different directions in different dialects. In Ko (southern), the suffix clearly has its origins in the 2du suffix (as it is exactly the same as in Saami, for instance), while in O and Trj it is not possible to say which is the original function, 3du or 16 Short Grammatical Description of Khanty 2pl. As ‑n likely originates from verbal inflection and the second person singular, it is more likely that the ‑n (in ~ an) is the original 3du suffix consisting of the dual marker of the possessive suffixes without a personal element, which would be a Proto-Khanty *‑ʌ- (PU *s). This, in turn, appears in the 3sg and 3pl suffixes with its regular sound correspondences (O ‑l, Ko ‑t, Trj ‑ʌ). Nominal Case System The nominal case system in Proto-Finno-Ugrian was the following (Janhunen 1982, Korhonen 1991) Nominative Accusative Genitive ∅ *‑m *‑n Locative *‑nA Ablative *‑tA Lative *‑k, ?*‑n, ?*‑j In the first phase of Proto-Ugric, the locative and the ablative merged into a case, which Korhonen calls the prolocative (Korhonen 1991): Nominative Accusative ∅ *‑m Prolocative Lative *‑nA, *‑tA *‑k, ?*‑n In the next phase (Proto-Ugric II), a new ablative case emerged, probably from a local derivative element. The accusative case (*‑t) comes from the pronominal declension (still occurring in this function in Khanty, see p. 19–); modern Hungarian uses this suffix in the accusative in nominal declension. At this stage, three new local cases were also formed on the basis of a series of postpositions (root *‑nV): Nominative ∅ Accusative *‑m/*‑t Locative *‑nA, *‑tA Ablative *‑l(A) Lative *‑k Locative II *‑nVt(A) Ablative II *‑nVl Lative II *‑nVk In Proto-Khanty (Honti 1984: 40), the old case suffixes were represented as follows: Nominative ∅ Lative (Dative) *‑a/*‑ä Locative *‑na/*‑nä < PFU, PUgric II Lative *‑k < PFU Locative, PUgric II Locative *‑nA Instructive-Final *‑at/*‑ät < PFU Ablative, PUgric II Locative *‑tA Instrumental-Comitative *‑nat/*‑nät < PUgric Locative II *‑nVt Translative *‑ɣa/*‑ɣä < PFU, PUgric II Lative *‑k 17 �Ostiacica Additionally, there was an abessive case (*‑ləɣ/*‑lǝ̑ɣ) of unknown origin. The ablative was expressed, as in most of the modern Khanty dialects, with a postposition. In the eastern dialects, the Proto-Khanty system was expanded with the approximative (*‑pa/*‑pä (VVj) ~ *‑nam/*‑näm (Sur), distributive (*‑tǝltä/*‑tǝ̑lta) and expletive (*‑pti/*‑pti ̮) cases, all of which are still preserved in the Surgut dialects. The ablative postposition was agglutinated into a suffix. In the southern (Irtyš) dialects, the function of the instrumental-comitative was taken over by the instructive-final and locative, while the functions of the translative were replaced by the lative. In addition, the abessive lost its productivity. The same happened to the abessive in the northern dialects: the locative took over the functions of both the instrumental-comitative and the instructive. The translative disappeared in all northern dialects except Obdorsk. All these steps have led to very different case systems depending on the dialect: the Surgut dialects have a diverse system of 11 cases and have thus approximately doubled the number of cases from the earlier phases and proto-languages, whereas the northern Khanty dialects today have the smallest number of nominal cases in the entire Uralic language family. The modern systems are the following (to show the dialectal variation in the case systems, the Kaz = Kazym dialect from the northern area as well as V = Vach dialect from the eastern area are also presented, Kr = Krasnojarsk, Southern/Irtyš): Nominative Lative-Dative-Loc. Translative O (Honti 1984: 139) ewi ‘girl’ eweŋən ‘2 girls’ ewet ‘(pl) girls’ ewina eweŋənna ewetna ewəji (? eweŋənni ? ewetti) Nominative Lative-Dative Locative Kaz (Honti 1984: 136) ewĭ ‘girl’ eweŋən ‘2 girls’ ewet ‘(pl) girls’ ewĭja eweŋəna eweta ewĭjən eweŋənən ewetən Kr (Honti 1984: 133) Nominative ewǝ ‘girl’ eweŋǝn ‘2 girls’ ewit ‘(pl) girls’ Lative-Dative ewǝja eweŋǝna ewita Locative ewǝnǝ eweŋǝnnǝ ewitna Ablative ewiwǝ(t) eweŋǝniwǝ(t) ewitiwǝ Instrum.- ewejat eweŋǝnat ewitat Comitative Abessive ewǝta ? ? 18 Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Nominative Lative-Dative Locative Ablative Approximative Instructive-Final Instrum.Comitative Translative Abessive Expletive Trj (Honti 1984: 129) imi ‘woman’ imiɣǝn ‘2 women’ imit ‘(pl) women’ imǝjä imiɣǝnä imitä iminǝ imiɣǝnnǝ imitnǝ imǝji imiɣǝni imiti iminäm imiɣǝnnäm imitnäm imǝjät imiɣǝnät imität iminät imiɣǝnnät imitnät imiɣǝ imiɣǝʌ imipti imiɣǝnɣǝ imitɣǝ ? imitǝpti V (Honti 1984: 123) köt ‘hand’ kötkən ‘2 hands’ kötət ‘(pl) hands’ kötä kötkənä kötətä kötnə kötkənä kötətnə kötöɣ kötkənöɣ kötətöɣ kötpä, kötäpä (kötkən(ä)pä) (kötət(ä)pä) kötə kötkənə kötətə kötnä(t) kötkənnä(t) kötətnät Nominative Lative-Dative Locative Ablative Approximative Instructive-Final Instrum.Comitative Translative kötǝɣ Abessive kötlǝɣ Distributive kötəltä Comparative kötniŋi(t) (kötkənǝɣ) kötkənlǝɣ ? kötkənniŋi(t) (kötǝtǝɣ) kötǝtlǝɣ ? kötǝtniŋi(t) Pronominal Case System The personal pronouns have three basic cases: nominative, accusative and dative. The nominative is represented by the personal pronoun stem, the accusative has the ending ‑t and the dative is formed with the possessive suffix added to the stem. This seems to have been the pronominal case system of Proto-Khanty. Many of the related FinnoUgric languages show a similar use of pronoun stem + possessive suffix (or relics of the system) either as accusative (Mansi, Hungarian) or dative (Erzya, Mari, Komi, Udmurt), so it is probably an old feature and might be the first actual inflected form of personal pronouns in the development of PFU (Kulonen 2001b). An accusative case with the ending ‑t is also found in Hungarian (nominal inflection) and Finnish 19 �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty (personal pronouns), but the historical relationship of these accusative suffixes is not quite clear, essentially because of the two different strategies in personal pronoun declension in the Uralic languages, the other being a series of uninflected pronouns with a round vowel (Singular *mun *tun *sun). Khanty, as well as Mansi, Hungarian, Mari and the Permic and Baltic-Finnic languages represent the first type: a stem with illabial vowel (singular *mi, *ti, ?*si) and declension with possessive suffixes. The three cases in O (northern), DN (southern) and Trj (eastern, Surgut) are the following (Honti 1984: 143, 148, 150): Dative Nominative 1sg 2sg 3sg O mä nä̆ŋ, nĕŋ luw DN mä(n) nŏŋ tĕw Trj mä nö̆ŋ ʌĕɣ° 1du 2du 3du min nin lin min nin tin min nin ʌin 1pl 2pl 3pl muŋ näŋ luw(ǝt) mŏŋ nĕŋ tĕɣ mĕŋ nĕŋ ʌĕɣ The basic form of the dative is stem + possessive suffix. It appears in its most original form in DN (southern dialects) and some of the northern dialects (Nizjam and Šerkaly). In Kazym, the possessive suffix can take the further lative suffix (‑a). In Surgut, the t-element can show influence from the accusative, while in the easternmost dialects, the dative is formed, analogically to the nominal declension, with the stem + nominal lative ending. 1sg 2sg 3sg O (Acc.-Dat.) mänem nä̆ŋen, nĕŋən luwel Kaz mănem(a) năŋen(a) ʌŭweʌ(a) DN mĕnem nŏŋen tĕwet Trj mäntem nö̆ŋäti ʌĕɣ°äti 1du minemən minemǝn minäti 2du 3du ninan linan mĭnemən mĭnemna nĭnan(a) ʌĭnan(a) ninesǝn tinesǝn ninäti ʌinäti 1pl 2pl muŋew, muŋilǝw näŋilǝn, nĕŋilǝn mŏŋew nĕŋesən mĕŋäti nĕŋäti 3pl luwilal mŭŋew(a) năŋan(a) nĭnan(a) ʌĭweʌa tĕɣet ʌĕɣäti Secondary Cases Accusative The accusative in the northernmost dialects (incl. O) has merged with the dative. Accusative on its own is present only in the Kazym dialect of the northern group (and therefore presented here). This basic accusative has the ending ‑t (‑at, ‑ät, ‑tĭ): Kaz 1sg mantĭ, manət(tĭ) 2sg naŋət(tĭ) 3sg ʌŭwət(tĭ) DN mänt nŏŋat tĕwat Trj mänt nö̆ŋǝt ʌĕɣ°ät 1du 2du 3du mĭnət(tĭ) nĭnət(tĭ) ʌĭnət(tĭ) minat ninat tinat minät ninät ʌinät 1pl 2pl 3pl mŭŋət(tĭ) naŋət, nĭnət(tĭ) ʌĭwət(tĭ) mŏŋat nĕŋat tĕɣat mĕŋät nĕŋät ʌĕɣät 20 There are a variable number of secondary cases of pronouns in different dialects. Of these, the locative is the most widespread. A locative form of the 1sg pronoun is also attested in O (Honti 1984: 150): Locative DN mänə nŏŋnə tĕwnə Trj mänə nö̆ŋnə ʌĕɣ°nə 1du 2du 3du minnǝ ninnǝ tinnǝ minnə ninnə ʌinnə 1pl 2pl 3pl mŏŋnə nĕŋnə tĕɣnə mĕŋnə nĕŋnə ʌĕɣnə 1sg 2sg 3sg O mänemna 21 �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty The eastern dialects, including Trj in the Surgut group, have a complete nominal case paradigm for the pronouns as well (Honti 1984: 143): Tempus 1sg 2sg 3sg Ablative Approxim. Comitative Instrumental Translative mäniŋtem mäntemnäm mäntemnät mäntemät mäntemɣə nö̆ŋniŋte nö̆ŋätinäm nö̆ŋätinät nö̆ŋätəjät ʌĕɣ°niŋtiʌ ʌĕɣ°ätinäm ʌĕɣ°ätinät ʌĕɣ°ätəjät 1du minniŋtimən minätinäm 2du ninniŋtin ninätinäm 3du ʌinniŋtin ʌinätinäm minätinät ninätinät ʌinätinät minätəjät ninätəjät ʌinätəjät minätiɣə ninätiɣə ʌinätiɣə 1pl 2pl 3pl mĕŋätinät nĕŋätinät ʌĕɣätinät mĕŋätəjät nĕŋätəjät ʌĕɣätəjät mĕŋätiɣə nĕŋätiɣə ʌĕɣätiɣəö mĕŋniŋtiɣ° nĕŋniŋtin ʌĕɣniŋtiʌ mĕŋätinäm nĕŋätinäm ʌĕɣätinäm Verbal Inflection The structure of inflected verbal forms is stem + (tense +) (genus/object +) person, e.g.: păn-ǝm păn-t-ǝm păn-aj-ǝn păn-t-aj-ǝn păn-t-em păn-t-eŋət-am tu-ʌ-ə̑m tu-s-ə̑m tu-ʌ-oj-ə̑m tu-ʌ-ə̑ɣə̑l-am tu-s-ʌ-a Ko ‘I (did) put (smth)’ [păn- + 1sg] ‘I (do) put (smth)’ [păn- + prs + 1sg] ‘you were being put’ [păn- + pass + 2sg] ‘you are being put’ [păn- + prs + 2sg] ‘I (do) put it’ [păn- + prs + sg<1sg] ‘I (do) put them two’ [păn- + prs + du + 1sg (or păn- + prs + du<1sg)] Trj ‘I bring (smth)’ [tu- + prs + 1sg], ‘I brought (smth)’ [tu- + IMPF + 1sg], ‘I am brought’ [tu- + prs + pass + 1sg], ‘I bring them two’ [tu- + prs + du + 1sg (or: tu- + prs + du<1sg)], ‘you brought them’ [tu- + IMPF + pl + 2sg (tu- + IMPF + pl<2sg)] 22 The only tense common to all Khanty dialects is the present tense marked with the (Proto-Khanty) suffix *l, the origin of which is unknown. Most of the dialects have a system of two tenses, the other one being either the unmarked perfect (as in the southern dialects) or the imperfect with the marker ‑s-. This imperfect marker also appears in Mansi and has cognates in Nenets and Mari. Originally, it was probably a present/past participle suffix, as can be seen in some Mansi dialects (Kulonen 2007: 184–188). Of the Surgut dialects, Trj has both perfect (unmarked) and imperfect (‑s-). The easternmost dialects (Vach and Vasjugan) make use of two additional narrative past tenses. Dialect PKh VVj Sur Sal Present *l l ʌ t Perfect ∅ ∅ ∅ ∅ Imperfect *s s (s) (s) Hist.perf. – ɣäl – – Hist.imperf. – ɣäs – – Irt t ∅ – – – Ni Sher Kaz Ber t t ʌ l ∅ – – – – s s s – – – – – – – – O l – s – – Genus The passive voice marker in Proto-Khanty was *‑Vj-, where the quality of the vowel cannot be reconstructed on the basis of a large variation in the modern dialects. In absolute final position, i.e. in the 3sg where no personal suffix is attached, the passive form ends with a vowel (except in South). In Trj, it disappears in some other forms, too. The eastern dialects show a labial vowel (‑u, ‑uj- in VVj, ‑o, ‑oj- in Surgut) and most of the northern dialects have ‑a, ‑aj-, as well as Irtyš, where also the 3sg forms (absolute final) include ‑j. Some (middle) dialects show a reduced vowel ‑ǝ, ‑ǝj-, (Kazym) ‑ĭ, ‑ĭj-. As stated on p. 22, the passive marker is placed between the tense suffix and the personal ending, unlike e.g. Mansi, which has a syntactically identical passive voice with an (etymologically) different suffix, which was originally a derivative element and is placed in front of the tense suffix. In the passive forms, the basic personal endings of the verb are also visible. As an introduction to the personal forms, the past passive paradigms from O mä̆- ‘to give’ (‘I was given, you were given’, etc.), Ko păn- ‘to put, to place’ (‘I was placed’, etc.) and Trj ʌåpǝt- ~ ʌipt- ‘to feed’ (‘I was fed’, etc.) are provided (Honti 1984: 113, 115, 122): 23 �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty 1sg 2sg 3sg O ‘to give’ mä̆sajəm mä̆sajən mä̆sa 1du 2du 3du mä̆sajmən mä̆sajtən mä̆sajŋən pänajmən pänajtən pänajɣən ʌäpǝtsojmǝ̑n ʌäpǝtsotǝ̑n ʌäpǝtsiɣǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl mä̆sajəw mä̆sajti mä̆sajət pänajəw pänajtǝ pänajət Present tense (Honti 1984: 111, 114, 121) Syn pŏn- ‘to place’ Ko păn- ‘to place’ Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ 1sg pŏnləm păntam ʌäpǝtʌǝm 2sg pŏnlən păntan ʌäpǝtʌǝn 3sg pŏnəl pănt ʌäpǝtǝʌ Ko ‘to place’ Trj ‘to feed’ pänajəm ʌäpǝtsojǝ̑m pänajən ʌäpǝtso pänaj ʌäpǝtsi ʌäpǝtsojǝ̑ɣ° ʌäpǝtsotǝ̑ɣ ʌäpǝtsät 1du 2du 3du There are two sets of verbal personal endings in Khanty, one of which is used in passive (provided above) and the subjective conjugation (sentences without object or with a focalized object), and the other in the objective conjugation (with a topicalized object often lacking in the overt sentence [as a zero anaphora]). The personal suffix follows the tense suffix except in the unmarked perfect, where it follows the stem. The verbal endings of the subjective conjugation show the basic and original personal elements. In Proto-Khanty, they were the following: 1sg -m 2sg -n 3sg ∅ 1du -mǝn 2du -tǝn 3du -ɣǝn 1pl -ɣ° 2pl -tǝɣ 3pl -t The third person singular has no ending, while the third persons dual and plural represent the absolute dual and plural suffix, respectively. The second person dual shows the areal innovation of ‑n instead of the PU suffix ‑t for the second person (see p. 16), but the old element ‑t- is present in the second persons of dual and plural. In addition to the passive paradigm presented above, the following paradigms of the subjective conjugation illustrate the mechanism. Examples are given from both the present and the perfect tense (Synja [Syn] here representing the northernmost dialects and imperfect instead of perfect). In can be noted that the 3sg form ends in a tense suffix, but when there is no such suffix (as in the southern perfect), a special personal ending ‑ot is added. It is of relatively late origin, and interesting in the sense that it is the only occurrence of a round vowel in non-first syllables in the southern dialects. A similar occurrence is the passive suffix ‑oj- in Surgut. 24 păntǝmǝn păntǝtǝn păntǝŋǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl Personal Endings pŏnləmǝn pŏnlətǝn pŏnləŋǝn (‑tǝn) pŏnləw pŏnlətĭ pŏnlət pănttǝw păntǝtǝ păntǝt ʌäpǝtʌǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝɣ ʌäpətʌət Perfect (Honti 1984: 112, 115, 121) Syn pŏn- ‘to place’ Ko păn- ‘to place’ Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ 1sg pŏtsəm pănǝm ʌiptǝm 2sg pŏtsən pănǝn ʌiptǝn 3sg pŏnəs pănot ʌipǝt 1du 2du 3du pŏtsəmǝn pŏtsətǝn pŏtsəŋǝn pănmǝn păntǝn pănŋǝn ʌipǝtmǝn ʌiptǝtǝn ʌipetɣǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl pŏtsəw pŏtsətĭ pŏtsət pănǝw păntǝ pănǝt ʌiptǝɣ° ʌipǝtǝɣ ʌiptǝt It can further be noted that as the subjective conjugation endings represent the original verbal inflection, there is also no syncretism between the 2du 3du and 2pl forms, as in the case of possessive suffixes. The only exception is Synja, where there is a parallel suffix 3du ‑tǝn adopted from 2du. The objective conjugation suffixes are adapted from the possessive suffix paradigm. In addition, the elements (endings) referring to two (dual) or more (plural) objects are the same as those denoting to du or pl possessed in the possessive paradigm. The only exception to this is the sg<3sg suffix in the easternmost dialects, which use ‑tǝ instead of the expected ‑l. The objective conjugation is essentially used when there is a topicalized non-overt object in the sentence (zero anaphora, or rather the object represented by the objective conjugation suffix in the verb), but it can be used with an overt object as well. The idea of topicality instead of the former analysis based on the definiteness of the object comes from Mansi and the analysis made by Virtanen (2015). 25 �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Sample paradigms from the following dialects illustrate the similarity between the objective conjugation and possessive suffixes (Honti 1984: 111–122): 1sg 2sg 3sg Ko păn- ‘to place’ (present) sg object du object păntem pănteŋǝtam pănten pănteŋǝtan păntǝt ? pl object păntemǝt păntenǝt 1sg 2sg 3sg O mä̆- ‘to give’ (present) sg object du object mä̆lem mä̆lŋilam mä̆len mä̆lŋilan mä̆lli mä̆lŋili pl object mä̆llam mä̆llan mä̆lli 1du 2du 3du păntemən păntetən păntetən pănteŋǝtəmən pănteŋǝtən pănteŋǝtən 1du 2du 3du mä̆lemən mä̆llən mä̆llən mä̆lŋilmən mä̆lŋilən mä̆lŋilən mä̆llǝmǝn mä̆llǝn mä̆llǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl păntew păntetən păntet pănteŋǝtəw pănteŋǝtən pănteŋǝtat 1pl 2pl 3pl mä̆lew mä̆llən mä̆lət mä̆lŋiləw mä̆lŋilən mä̆lŋilal mä̆llǝw mä̆llǝn mä̆llal 1sg 2sg 3sg Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ (present) sg object du object pl object ʌäpǝtʌem ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌäm ʌäpǝtʌǝʌäm ʌäpǝtʌe ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌä ʌäpǝtʌǝʌä ʌäpǝtʌǝɣ ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌ ʌäpǝtʌǝʌ păntewət 1sg 2sg 3sg O mä̆- ‘to give’ (preterite/imperfect) sg object du object pl object ̆sem ̆sŋilam mä mä mä̆slam ̆sen ̆sŋilan mä mä mä̆slan ̆sli ̆sŋili mä mä mä̆sli 1du 2du 3du ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝmǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝn 1du 2du 3du mä̆semən mä̆slən mä̆slən mä̆sŋilmən mä̆sŋilən mä̆sŋilən mä̆slǝmǝn mä̆slǝn mä̆slǝn 1pl 2pl 3pl ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝtǝn ʌäpətʌiʌ ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝɣǝʌäʌ ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝɣ° ʌäpǝtʌǝʌǝn ʌäpǝtʌǝʌäʌ 1pl 2pl 3pl mä̆sew mä̆slən mä̆sət mä̆sŋiləw mä̆sŋilən mä̆sŋilal mä̆slǝw mä̆slǝn mä̆slal 1sg 2sg 3sg Syn pŏn- ‘to place’ (present) sg object du/pl object pŏnlem pŏnləl(l)am pŏnlen pŏnləl(l)an pŏnləl(li) pŏnləl(li) 1sg 2sg 3sg Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to feed’ (perfect) sg object du object ʌiptem ʌipǝtɣǝʌäm ʌipte ʌipǝtɣǝʌä ʌipǝttǝɣ ʌipǝtɣǝʌ 1du 2du 3du ʌipǝttǝmən ʌiptǝtǝn ʌiptǝtǝn ʌipǝtɣəʌəmən ʌipǝtɣǝʌən ʌipǝtɣǝʌən ʌipǝtʌəmən ʌipǝtʌən ʌipǝtʌən 1du 2du 3du pŏnlemǝn pŏnləl(l)ǝn pŏnləl(l)ǝn pŏnləlmǝn pŏnləl(l)ən pŏnləl(l)ən 1pl 2pl 3pl ʌipǝttǝɣ° ʌiptǝtǝn ʌiptiʌ ʌipǝtɣǝʌəɣ° ʌipǝtɣǝʌən ʌipǝtɣəʌäʌ ʌipǝtʌəɣ° ʌipǝtʌən ʌipǝtʌäʌ 1pl 2pl 3pl pŏnlew pŏnləl(l)ǝn pŏnlel pŏnləl(l)əw pŏnləl(l)ən pŏnləl(l)at 26 27 pl object ʌipǝtʌäm ʌipǝtʌä ʌipǝtǝʌ �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Directives DN păn- ‘to put’ (Honti 1984: 115) 1sg pănam 3sg pănaŋ(at) Proto-Khanty had an imperative form for second persons. The imperative suffix was a full vowel (*a/*ä [subjective conjugation], *i ̮/*i [objective conjugation]) and is still represented as a full vowel in different dialects (Honti 1984: 47). 2sg has no personal ending, and in 2du and 2pl forms of the subjective conjugation respective personal endings are attached to the vowel-final imperative form. In the objective conjugation, the personal suffixes and the scope of objective conjugation forms vary between dialects, and the differences are not easily explicable. Some examples of imperatives: jăŋɣ-a DN (Vértes 1975: 10) mĕn-a jŏχ ‘come, go and take him home!’ pl Object mijila mijijalǝn mijijalǝn 2sg 2du 2pl Ko păn- ‘to put’ (Honti 1984: 115) Subj. Conj. sg Object du Object păna păne păneŋǝta pănatǝn pănetǝn păneŋǝtǝn pănatǝ pănetǝn ? pl Object păneta ? ? 2sg 2du 2pl Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to give to eat’ (Honti 1984: 112) Subj. Conj. sg Object du Object ʌiptä ʌipte ʌiptiɣəʌä ʌiptitǝn ʌiptitǝn ʌiptiɣəʌən ʌiptitəɣ ʌiptitǝn ʌiptiɣəʌən pl Object ʌiptiʌä ʌiptiʌən ʌiptiʌən In many dialects, there are also optative/jussive forms. In the northern dialects, they are lacking. The southern dialects have optative forms for first and third persons. There is no difference between subjective and objective conjugation. The forms seem to be based on the 2sg imperative: 28 pănamən pănaŋǝn 1pl 3pl pănaw pănat The Trj dialect also shows optative/jussive for first and third persons, and in most of them (excl. 1sg and 1du), there is also a full paradigm for the objective conjugation: 1sg 3sg Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to give to eat’ (Honti 1984: 112) Subj. Conj. sg Object du Object ʌiptimät ? ? ʌiptǝjät ʌiptität ʌiptiɣəʌät pl Object ? ʌiptiʌät 1du 3du ʌiptimənät ʌiptiɣǝnät ? ʌiptitǝnät ? ʌiptiʌǝnät 1pl 3pl ʌiptiɣ°ät ʌiptität tuw-e! walk-Imp.2Sg go-Imp.2Sg to=home take-Imp.Sg<2Sg O mä̆-, mij- ‘to give’ (Honti 1984: 122) Subj. Conj. sg Object 2sg mija miji 2du mijatǝn mijalǝn 2pl mijati mijalǝn 1du 3du ? ʌiptiɣəʌǝnät ? ʌiptiɣəʌəɣ°ät ʌiptiʌəɣ°ät ʌiptiʌäʌät ʌiptiɣəʌäʌät ʌiptiʌäʌät In the southern and Surgut dialects, the passive voice also has an optative paradigm. The suffix used in these forms in ‑mus-/‑mos- in Surgut and ‑mas- in the South. In the southern (Kr) dialect, the suffix has the function of optative and the structure of the form is stem + mood (‑mas-) + genus (‑ǝj) + person; in Trj, the suffix ‑mus-/‑mos- serves as the passive suffix, as the personal endings come from the optative paradigm where the mood suffix is in fact a kind of clitic. The structure of the Trj forms is stem + genus (‑mus-/‑mos-) + person + mood (‑at): Kr seŋk- ‘to beat’ Trj ʌäpǝt- ‘to give to eat’ seŋkmasǝjǝm seŋkmasǝjǝn seŋkmasǝ(j) ʌäpǝtmusǝ̑mat ʌäpǝtmusǝ̑nat ʌäpǝtmosat 1du 2du 3du seŋkmasǝjmǝn seŋkmasǝjtǝn seŋkmasǝjŋǝn ʌäpǝtmosmǝ̑nat ʌäpǝtmustǝ̑nat ʌäpǝtmusɣǝ̑nat 1pl 2pl 3pl seŋkmasǝjǝw seŋkmasǝjtǝ seŋkmasǝjǝt ʌäpǝtmosǝ̑ɣ°at ʌäpǝtmostǝ̑ɣat ʌäpǝtmosat 1sg 2sg 3sg (Honti 1984: 116) 29 (Honti ibid. 113) �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Syntax SVAdv This very short description of syntactical phenomena is based on Southern Khanty. DN (SüdostjK: 2) mĕn-t-əmən, jĕɣ-păχ, wit go-prs-1du (V) brother upstream woč-əmen-a town-px.Sg<1du-lat (Adv) Word Order ‘brother, we’ll go to our upstream town’ The basic word order in Khanty is SOV (and in intransitive constructions, S-Adv-V). The place for Topic is in the beginning of the sentence and the place for Focus in front of the verbal predicate. There are, though, exceptions, meaning that the word order can be seen as a tendency rather than a strict rule: Complex Sentences SOV [ – – ] urt [name] hero (S) DN (SüdostjK: 6) täpǝt piš täw=soχ 7 Temporal subordinate sentences are formed with action converb structures if the sentences refer to the same time: tunt-ot fold horse=pelt (O) put=on-past.3Sg (V) DN (SüdostjK: 3) tˊ w-kemnǝ [ – – ] kimǝtˊ ĕ äŋkǝr-mǝmitat-nǝ, [ – – ] then jeɣǝ χŏr mä 1Sg DN (SüdostjK: 9) jĕɣ-păɣ-em brother-px.Sg<1Sg (O) wet-en kill-past.2Sg (V) ‘you killed my brother’ χutǝm 3 imǝ woman (S) Ko (SüdostjP III: 2) χutǝm χut 3 fish (O) wet-ǝt catch-pret.3pl (V) ‘the three women caught three fishes’ SVO [ – – ] DN (SüdostjK: 1) urt, tĕw [name] sewǝŋ ewǝ, wetˊ ŋ ewǝ ǝ braided hero tăj-ot pĕt-ewǝ beautiful daughter (O) ‘the hero, he had a braided daughter, a beautiful daughter’ 30 enǝ rot tŏt ti kätt-ǝt ‘then when they looked out (of the window), a big boat [– –] appeared in the bend of the river If the sentences refer to happenings that follow each other, a particle kemnǝ follows the participle form of the subordinated verb: nŏχ up χănč-atəmet DN (SüdostjK: 10) kemnə ewəm-ta, rip-prtc.px.Sg<3Sg nŏχ up kemnə ti ptcl mostə-ta hug-inf kiss-inf jĕw-ət start-prs.3Sg ‘when she has unpicked [the seams], she starts to hug and kiss him’ When there is any hint of causality in the subordination, a conjunction is used (along with a finite verb): 3Sg (S) have-pret.3Sg (V) daughter (O) look-prtc.px.Sg<3pl-loc, river bend bottom-abl big boat there ptcl appear-past.3Sg ‘the hero put on a sevenfold horse pelt’ outwards kŏš nŏɣ cnj up ätmitt-ət DN (SüdostjK: 10) weɣ-ət ĕnt tĕrm-ət lift-prs.3Sg strength-px.Sg<3Sg not be=enough-prs.3Sg ‘when (~ even though) she tries to lift him, she has no strength’ 31 �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Sav (SüdostjK: 141) wet-aj-ǝt tĕw neŋ-ǝt Predicative Structures In present predicative sentences where both NPs represent 3sg, there is no copula: äj-pe DN (SüdostjK: 1) jĕg-păɣ-ət, unt=toŋχ-ta small-cl brother.px.Sg<3Sg forest=devil(‑car) jĕg-păɣ-ət brother.px.Sg<3Sg pelkat χoj, kŏtǝp half man, middle pes=nem-ta without-name-car mŭŋ ‘his youngest brother is the man-half-forest-devil; his middle brother is the nameless-man’ ‘our children were killed because of his wife’ When the possessor itself is possessed (is marked with px), the possessed can also be left unmarked: Sav (SüdostjK: 143) măńǝk-em kur sămǝrm-ǝt-em nephew-px.Sg<1Sg fiery cunt ‘you are a fiery cunt’ The GN structure in Khanty is expressed with a possessor in nominative + possessed with a possessive suffix: DN (SüdostjK: 12) tăɣər-sem kĕŋən-tat armour button-px.pl<3Sg ‘the buttons of the armour’ täw DN (SüdostjK: 10) sŏχ-ət jontəm=jăt-tat horse pelt-px.sg<3Sg seam-px.pl<3Sg ‘the seams of the horse’s pelt’ mŏŋǝ 1pl DN (SüdostjK: 7) jart-ew-a tut-ew fortress-px.Sg<1pl.lat bring-prs.Sg<1pl Sav (SüdostjK: 143) kur tˊ ǝ foot ptcl sămǝrm-ǝt grab-past.Sg<3Sg ‘he grabbed his nephew’s foot’ [ – – ] urt, tĕw DN (SüdostjK: 1) tăjot sewǝŋ ewǝ, wetˊ ŋ ewǝ ǝ [name] hero, 3Sg have-pret.3Sg braided daughter beautiful daughter ‘the hero, he had a braided daughter, a beautiful daughter’ Dative Shift and Passive All Khanty dialects make use of dative shift to move topical/animate recipients and benefactives from oblique to object position. The object is marked with nominative, or, if it is a personal pronoun, with accusative, and the original object in the new oblique position is marked in the southern dialects with the instrumental-comitative (‑at) case. Other dialects use either locative (‑nə, northern dialects) or instructive-final (‑at/‑ät, eastern dialects), depending on the case system (see pp. 18–19). (One can also observe in these examples that in the case of coordinated parts of speech [marked here with ‿], the inflectionally suffix usually occurs only on the latter one.) ‘we’ll take him into our fortress’ 32 grab-prs-Sg<1Sg The predicative possession is expressed with the verb tăj- ‘to have’: Possessive Structures măńǝket nephew-px.Sg<3Sg be-prs.2Sg foot ‘I’ll grab my nephew’s foot’ In other persons and tenses, the verb us- (ut-) ‘to be’ is needed: DN (SüdostjK: 11) tütəŋ nun us-tan pĕta ˊ 1pl child-px.pl<1pl kill-past.pass-3pl 3Sg wife-px.Sg<3Sg because χoj man moχ-tew 33 �Ostiacica DN (SüdostjK: 3–4) χŏj, pĕt-ettem män-t, pĕɣtə ńŏɣǝs, pĕɣtə wăχsar-at măχta 1Sg-acc tŭwetteŋ tall Short Grammatical Description of Khanty man black‿sable‿black‿fox-instr ear-px.pl<1Sg along măχta, along täk-at ˊ throw-opt.3pl DN (SüdostjK: 4) pĕɣtə ńŏɣǝs, pĕɣtə wăχsar-at weŋ-tat χănǝm-tat-nǝ black‿sable‿black‿fox-instr son-in-law-px.pl<3Sg‿relative-px.pl<3Sg-loc ti kit-aj ptcl send-past.pass.3Sg ‘may they cover me (throw around me), a big man, up to my ears (with) black sables, black foxes’ ‘he was sent black sables and black foxes by his sons-in-law, his relatives’ Similarly, topicalized objects can be moved to subject position by using the passive voice. The new subject is in the nominative and the former subject becomes the agent marked with locative (in all dialects; the locative in the northern dialects has a heavy load because it is used to mark many oblique constituents, even grammatical ones!): The agent in a passive sentence is often overt only when it is focalized. Agentless passive sentences are much more common (illustrated here with four sentences in a row from SüdostjK: 7): äj=pa neŋ-nǝ Ko (SüdostjP III: 14) kŏttǝp=pa neŋ ĕńtˊ st-aj ǝ young=prtc woman-loc middle=prtc woman ask-past.pass. 3Sg ‘the middle woman was asked by the youngest woman’ (< äj=pa neŋ kŏttǝp=pa neŋ ǝ ĕńtˊ st-ǝt young=prtc woman middle=prtc woman ask-past.Sg.3Sg) jĕŋk-a DN (SüdostjK: 9) waɣət-tə ewe-t-nə kŏjənt=otəŋ-at seŋk-t-aj water-lat go-prtc girl-pl-loc yoke=end-instr beat- prs-pass.3Sg ‘he is beaten by the water-carrying girls with the tip of the (water-carrying) yoke’ (< jĕŋk-a waɣət-tə water-lat go-prtc ewe-t kŏjənt=otəŋ-at girl-pl seŋk-t-et yoke=end-instr beat-prs-Sg.3pl ‘the water-carrying girls beat him with the tip of the yoke’) Both the dative shift and the passive can occur in the same sentence, as in the following example. It is to be expected, because an animate, human entity often acts as a recipient in the sentence, and additionally, is the main character in the story and thus has a high degree of topicality: 34 DN tˊ w-kemnǝ ĕ then tŏt that urttat-nǝ săɣat täpǝt piš tŏt=ti kätt-aj. hero-px.pl<3Sg-loc that=ptcl catch-past.pass.3Sg time nik ti to=shore täw sŏχ waɣǝtt-aj. ptcl walk+caus-past.pass.3Sg sĕmǝ-ja ti jont-aj, seven fold horse pelt inside-lat ptcl sew-past.pass.3Sg rot-a ti păn-aj. boat-lat ptcl put-past.pass.3Sg ‘Then his heroes caught him. After that, he was taken down to the shore. He was put inside the sevenfold horse pelt and laid down in a boat.’ Another type of passive is the impersonal, where both subject and agent are lacking. The impersonal passive describes an action only, without reference to who is the actor (or the target). Here, an example is presented with context: jewəttə-ta ˊˊ tŏt=tə DN (SüdostjK: 6) jĕw-ət i shoot-inf that-ptcl start-past.3pl and čupa only pira around jewəttə-ta jĕw-aj ˊˊ shoot-inf start-past.pass.3Sg ‘they (the heroes) started to shoot, there was shooting all around’ 35 �Ostiacica Short Grammatical Description of Khanty Sav (SüdostjK: 150) ät täwǝtt-atǝn! ˊ ˊˊ Negation In the standard negation, a negative particle ĕn(t) is used. It is followed by the finite verb (predicate) in the same form as in affirmative sentences: DN (SüdostjK: 11) tu-tə χăčaχ ĕnt χoj tăj-t-an man carry-inf strength neg have-prs.2Sg ‘you don’t have the strength to carry a man’ (cf. χoj tu-tə χăčaχ tăj-t-an man carry-inf strength have-prs.2Sg ‘you have [enough] strength to carry a man’ [constructed]) Sav (SüdostjK: 150) män=pä ĕn χet-t-am ˊ neg scold-Imp.2du ‘don’t scold me (, you two)!’ The same negative particle is also used in conjunctive functions (the conjunctive is expressed in the example with the Russian loan word štobi, but the function is stressed by using the imperative/optative variant of the particle): jŏχ home DN (SüdostjK: 11) ti nĕr-ot ptcl χeti-tat-nə run-past.3Sg ˊ χet-t-am män=pä 1Sg=too stay-prs.1Sg ‘I will stay, too’ [constructed]) In the negation of predicative structures (existentials), the negative word is ĕntəm. It is used with negative counterparts of affirmative sentences both without a copula and with ut- ‘to be’ (see p. 32). It cannot be called a negative particle because it is inflected in number: tĕɣ tŏtt(ǝ) ĕntam-ǝt DN (KT 58) män tŏtt(ǝ) ĕntam nin tŏtt(ǝ) ĕntam-eɣǝn they are not there’ ‘ ‘I am not there’ ‘you two are not there’ 3pl there neg-pl 1Sg there neg 2du there neg-du The negation of directives has a negative particle of its own in ät. It is followed by the imperative form, which is the same as in affirmative directives: 36 see-prs.pass.3Sg ‘(she) runs home so that she would not be seen by her grandsons’ ‘I won’t stay either’ (cf. štobi ät ăjət-taj grandson-px.pl<3Sg-loc neg 1Sg=too neg stay-prs.1Sg štobi 37 �Matthias Alexander Castrén Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar with a Short Word List Edite d an d commen tar y by Ulla-Maija Fors b erg �Ostiacica Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar 1. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar with a Short Word List 2. by Dr. M. Alexander Castrén St. Petersburg. Printed by the Imperial Academy of Sciences. 1849. ☙❧ Available through Eggers & Co., commissioner of the Academy. In Leipzig, by Leop. Voss. (Price 75 Silver Crowns – 25 [Ngr.]) ☙❧ Printed for the Imperial Academy of Sciences (and Letters). In December 1849. Permanent Secretary P.H. Fuss. 40 Preface The Ugric Ostyaks form together with their kinsmen, the Voguls, the most eastern and in the whole Asia the only branch of the widely spread and many times splintered Finnish1 family. They are still until this day the main inhabitants in the old so-called Yugric Land that [A.C.] Lehrberg describes as follows: “it stretched between the 36th2 and 67th northern latitude from the northernmost Ural mountains eastwards over the lower Obʹ all the way to the river Nadym, which flows into the Gulf of Obʹ, and to Agan, which flows into Obʹ on the upper side of Surgut3; it also covered the areas by the lower Irtyš and by [the rivers] Tavda, Tura and Čusovaja; in the south it bordered the Tartar parts [of land] and in the north the land of the former Samoyeds. It was thus a remarkable part of northwestern Asia, and covered large parts of the modern Governments of Tobol ʹsk and Permʹ.” Today, in the Government of Permʹ, there are only 41 3. “Finnish” in this context is equivalent to the later term Finno-Ugric, which refers to both languages and peoples. One of Castrén’s main targets was to show a kinship between the Finn[o-Ugr]ic and Samoyedic languages. He was also studying the idea of a huge language family later referred to as Ural-Altaic (incl. additionally the Uralic, Turkic, Mongolian and Tungus languages). This latitude must be erroneous; 56 might be right. The southernmost parts of the modern Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug lie approximately on the 58th northern latitude. Today’s Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug stretches farther to east to the border of Krasnojarsk Okrug. The KhantyMansi (in the beginning called Ostyak-Vogul) National Okrug was established in 1930 to cover approximately the same area. In 1977, it became an autonomous okrug and from 2003, “Jugra” is also an official appendix of the name. �Ostiacica 4. 5. According to the Census from 2010, the number of Ostyaks (Khanty) in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug is 19,068 and Voguls (Mansi) 10,977. Together they constitute only 2.1% of the Okrug’s population. The biggest ethnic groups today are Russians (973,978) and Tatars (108,899). The whole population of the Okrug in 2010 was 1,532,243. The number of speakers of the Khanty and Mansi languages today is significantly lower than the ethnic number. The exact area where the common ancestor of the Ugric languages was spoken is, of course, not known. Lately, it has been argued that the expansion centre would have been on the European side of the Ural mountains, from whence the speakers of the Ob-Ugrian proto-language would have moved eastwards and merged with some aboriginal peoples of Siberia. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ VI ❧ ☙ VII ❧ about 700 Voguls of male sex, in the Government of Tobol ʹsk, the number of Voguls increases to 5025 [according to Köppeni 5235] and of Ostyaks to 18,657 (according to Köppen 18,840) individuals of both sexes4. These Asiatic Finns still stay almost on the same low level of civilization as were the Europeans in Tacitus’ time. Even though many, especially Vogul, families have recently settled down, most of them are still wandering around from forest to forest, from one river to another. They live in miserable Yurts [huts] made from timber, peat, birch bark or reindeer fell. Their main source of livelihood is hunting in winter and fishing in summer. Some keep cattle, only few live of farming. Most of them are in name already Christians, but have still a lot of trust in their shamans. The idea that the Ostyaks and Voguls are closely related to the Hungarians who originate from Ugria5, has been presented already since Herbertstein’s time. “This is Juharia (Juhra, Jugra), from where the Hungarians have occupied Pannonia, led by Attila, subdued many European provinces. The Yugras have still today the same language as the Hungarians; whether this is right, I do not know” Herbertstein Rerum Moscovit. commentar. Basil. 1571. Gyarmathi is of almost the same opinion, and Klaproth argues in his Asia Polygl[otta] p.  190 that the Ostyaks and the Voguls speak a language “which of all the Finnish languages resembles most the roots of the modern, largely mixed Hungarian”. This view is also confirmed through my own investigations. Even though the Ugric languages today have a great deal of differences from Hungarian, these differences are, anyhow, a natural consequence of a separation, in which the peoples have lived already for centuries6. During this time, the Hungarian language has adopted many foreign elements, and the Ugric languages, on the other hand, have changed their original character as a consequence of diverse influences from outsidei. However, we can see in the Ugric languages and in Hungarian many root words7 and even some grammatical elements8, which do not appear at all in the other related languages, or if they do, very seldom. The academic community may probably look forward to a more detailed description of the affinity of the languages mentioned by a native Hungarian, who has recently arrived from his philological-ethnographic journey to the Ostyaks and Voguls. What concerns my studies in the Ugric languages, I have only been able to look at them as a side issue, as during my many years’ stay in Siberia I was able to stay by the Ostyaks only for a few weeks. During this short period of time, I gathered not only various ethnographic and topographic data but also a small amount of material from the very little knownii Ostyak languageiii. i. the total population in Russia in 1838. 42 i. See my travelogue in Bulletin historico-philol. de l’Acad. Impér. des sciences de St-Pétersburg, Part III. No. 19, 20 ii. I know the Vogul language only from a hand written catechism. I have, however, not used this material in the present study because it contains too many mistakes. iii. What is found in the works of Gyarmathi, Pallas, Klaproth and others, consists only of insignificant and erroneous word lists. 43 6. Rather: millennia. According to Honti (1979: 23), the split of the Ugric branch of the FinnoUgric family took place around approx. 1000 BC. The ancestors of today’s Hungarians left their area in the modern Baškortostan, so-called Magna Hungaria, and began to travel southwest around 500 AD. 7. The number of root morphemes common to Hungarian and the Ob-Ugric languages (existing in either Khanty or Mansi or both) but unattested in other related languages is, according to UEW, ca. 100. 8. E.g. a set of postposition-based local cases (*‑nä), instrumental (*‑l), locative (*‑t(tA)), and the verbal ending of 1 person plural *‑k°. (Liimola 1963, Honti 1985, 1998, Kulonen 1993.) �Ostiacica 9. Etymology is today mainly used to refer to the study of the origins of words. Here it refers to knowledge about the language (its structure and origin). 10. This is the relatively uniform group of dialects also known as the southern Khanty dialect. It has been extinct since the second half or middle of the 20th century, but is preserved for the academic community thanks to the abundant materials collected by Antal Reguly, Heikki Paasonen and especially K.F. Karjalainen. Based on the exact phonetic notes and a thorough description by the latter, the phonology and morphology of the dialect(s) is well known. 11. The Surgut group of dialects comprises the western subgroup of eastern Khanty dialects. There are still some hundreds of speakers today. The main subdialects today are those of Agan, Tromagan and Pym. Other eastern dialects are those of Vach and Vas­u­ j gan. The eastern dialects have a much larger internal variation than the southern dialects. 12. Obdorsk represents the third main group of Khanty dialects, the northern group. This is also composed of various dialects, including a dialect continuum along the river Obʹ between the southern and northern dialects (Ni­jam, Šerkaly). z The middle northern dialects are represented by the Kazym dialect, and Obdorsk together with the Šuryškary dialect constitute the northernmost group. The northern dialects Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ VIII ❧ I wanted to publish this material soon after that, but discovered then various deficiencies in my notes, and because of these I thought I would postpone the publication of this work as I was hoping to be able to visit the Ostyaks again and supplement my notes on my way back from Eastern Siberia. Unfortunately, I could not fulfil this plan, because I was already at that moment in such bad health that I had to forget all my scientific tasks. That is why I nevertheless find it necessary to publish my original notes and hope that in spite of all the shortcomings and errors in them, they will not be completely unwelcome and worthless for the experts of the Finnish and Tartar languages. My present work on the Ostyak etymology9 is mainly based on the dialect spoken in the Irtyš area10. In addition to this, there are still two main dialects spoken by the river Obʹ: the dialect of Surgut11 on the upper and the dialect of Obdorsk12 on the lower Obʹi. Of these two, the latter is little known to me, and my notes from the Surgut dialect are also highly incomplete. Nevertheless, I have provided the most important characteristics of this dialect in this work, and, additionally, the reader will be shown some minor differences, which appear either on the upper or lower side of the town of Surgut. Abbreviations referring to the dialects as well as other languages are the following: i. See my travelogue in the Bulletin hist. phil. mentioned above. 44 ☙ IX ❧ S. or Surg. US — U. Surg. means: — LS — L. Surg. — Finn. Lapp. Cher. Zr. Hu. Sam. O.Sam. Tu. M.T. Ru. means: — — — — — — — — — the dialect of Surgut the dialect on the upper side of Surgut the dialect on the lower side of Surgut Finnish Lappish13 Cheremis14 Zyrian15 Hungarian Samoyedic16 Ostyak-Samoyedic17 Turkic (Turkish) Turkish or Tartar in Minusinsk Russian. In order to avoid misapprehension, I still wish to point out that 1) I translate the future tense in this work with the German present tense18 and the preterite with the German infinitive19; 2) I have left out from the word list all pronouns, all numerals and those particles that are not root words, because they can be easily found in the grammar; 3) in the word list, synonymous words from different Ostyak dialects are compared with each other only in cases when they are related not only by their meaning but also phonetically. Helsinki, 14th of November 1849 Dr. M. Alexander Castrén 45 have the greatest number of native speakers today. 13. = Saami 14. = Mari 15. = Komi 16. mainly = Nenets 17. = Selkup 18. Castrén calls the Khanty nonpast tense the future. It also has the function of the present. 19. The preterite or past tense in Khanty is the unmarked tense in the southern dialects and thus a kind of basic form, hence the translation with the German basic form infinitive. In the English translation, I use the unmarked basic form for both. �Ostiacica 20. In the English version, the Ossetian characters are replaced by simple Latin phonetic ones with some exceptions: by <ȡ> (and its palatalized counterpart), Castrén means a sound that is a kind of a combination of d and l. It is a voiced variant of <ȶ,>, an unvoiced lateral /ʌ/ phoneme in Surgut dialects (which in Khanty loan words in Mansi is actually replaced with dl); so there is no phonetic sign for it. Similarly, <ȶ,> sounds like a combination of t and l. The characters in this publication are mainly the ones Castrén has used in his manuscript. The original characters in the last version of the manuscript are: Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, y, ö; Consonants: b, v, d, ‘d, ḋ, “d, f, g, ģ, h x, j, k, ḱ, l, ĺ, m, n, ñ, ǹ, p, r, s, ŝ, c, ĉ, ʒ, ʒ̑, t, ‘t, ẗ, “t. 21. In all of the Khanty dialects, the vowels have two vowel lengths. Contemporarily they are, though, described as reduced (marked with ̆) vs. full vowels (without marking). In the English version, they are marked according to the original (Castrén) as short vs. long (the phonemic form may be given in the comments between slashes //). In the manuscript, especially in the paradigms, the diacritics ´, ` and ^ are used to mark the accent of the word. In the printing phase, these markings have been taken away and only partly replaced with the length symbol. In the original Swedish manuscript, Castrén describes the Khanty vowel system in a way that very much resembles Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙X❧ Errata Page 7 row 1 read kathl instead of kuthl — 63 — 21 — panden — pandeu — 88 — 22 — mīt-xui — mīxtui The reader will kindly forgive any other typographic errors that might have slipped in after the author has left the printing house. I Phonetics (Sounds) A. Description of the sounds § 1 To mark the sounds of the Ostyak language in this work, mainly the following characters of the Ossetian alphabet, introduced by Sjögren, will be used20: Vowels: a, e, i, o, u, ü, ö Consonants: b, d, ȡ, d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ g, ǵ, x, j, k, ḱ, l, l ,ˊ m, n, ŋ, ń, p, r, s, š, c, č, ʒ, ǯ, t, ȶ, t,ˊ ȶ,ˊ w 21 § 2 There are also long vowels in Ostyak, which we mark with a horizontal line above them: ā, ē, ī, ō, ū, ǖ, ȫ. § 3 In addition, the language also has double vowels or diphthongs that can be marked with two vowels. It seems that the first vowel can be either short or long vowel; whereas the latter is always short and in the most cases i or u22. Sometimes the short e also appears as the latter part of a diphthong, as does a, but more rarely23. According to my undoubtedly very deficient observations, the double vowels in Ostyak are: ai, āi, ei, ēi, oi, ōi, ui, üi, au, āu, eu, ēu, iu, īu, ou, ōu, ae, oe, ue, ie, ea. § 4 Some of these vowels mentioned above appear only in specific dialects. So by Irtyš, the pure ö is seldom heard24, and ü is in all the dialects a sound which is rare and changes easily to a Russian ы. The 46 47 the modern way of thinking (see also § 6). The description in the manuscript is the following: “Ostyak has a double system of vowels, in which the first is characterized by a wide and open, the second by a dark, closed and narrower sound. Based on their pronunciation, the vowels can be divided into open ones, which are a, e, i, o, u, y, ä, ö and closed ones, to which belong â, ê, î, û. The difference between these two systems cannot be found in each separate case, because the vowels in Ostyak, especially the closed vowels, do not have enough strength and firmness; instead, they are pronounced sometimes with a darker, sometimes with a wider sound, and in many cases so that one single sound can allow several special ways of marking.” It seems that Castrén has heard the difference between full and reduced vowels, but he has been too insecure about his observations to describe them in the grammar as a system. For the vowel systems in the southern and Surgut dialects, see p. 13 of the Short Grammatical Description. 22. These are not diphthongs but combinations of a vowel (any of them) and the consonants j and w. 23. There are no diphthongs in the phoneme system of any Khanty dialect. In the manuscript, we find: “being affected by the accent, the short vowels are not only lengthened in a normal way, but relatively often also changed into diphthongs. Thus, �Ostiacica 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. in accented syllables, a changes to ae or ai, e and i to ei, o to oi, u to ui and so on, e.g. njat­xá, njat­xaet or njat­xait, jou­ra or jou­ rai ‘slanted’, ke­sä ‘glove’, pl. ke­­ säet or ke­säit, ét or eit, xo or xoi, xui, ‘man’, etc.” The fact that the diphthongs do not appear in the last version of the manuscript (or the printed grammar) is due to the decision to leave the accent unmarked. In the paradigms in the manuscript (see the commentary regarding page  33/79), we can see that the accent was, in the end, not shown in a systematic way, which definitely led to this decision. The reduced ö̆ appears in one of the southern dialects, DT (Demjanka, informant Tajlakov) (Honti 1984: 21). They are not phonemes in any of the Khanty dialects. All four of these represent the / same phoneme, /tˊ . Sometimes, particularly in the South and consequently in Paasonen’s texts and lexicon, they are marked with velar palatalized consonants. Castrén is describing here the difference between full and reduced vowels. They both can, however, appear in open as well as in closed syllables. The English translation describes the situation as it is; the German text (which is also a translation) talks about the long vowel in the following (instead of preceding) syllable; yet it uses the verb vor­aus­ gehen, which means ‘precede’. The schwa /ǝ/ is very common in non-initial syllables; in pronunciation, it often gets its Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙2❧ ☙3❧ consonants marked with ȡ, ȶ, ȡ,ˊ ȶˊ are lacking in the Irtyš dialects. In all the dialects, ʒ and c are very rare25 and in many areas ǵ and ḱ are replaced by d ˊand t.ˊ26 § 5 On the other hand, the language shows many sound nuances that we have not marked at all, because in part they are very unstable and can in part also be described with common rules. These will be discussed in the following chapter. the vowels have on one hand a pure, open and clear pronunciation, and on the other hand a dark and unclear one. It is understandable that the pronunciation of vowels is always purer in open syllables, and again in closed syllables darker and more vague27. Especially the vowel in short final syllables is very indefinable and unsure. In case of following a syllable with a long vowel28, the vowel of the final syllable is a kind of schwa, i.e. its pronunciation disappears completely or changes into a dark e; e.g. tūrum, tūrm, tōrem ‘God’29. § 7 The general pronunciation of a, ā is exactly the same as in Russian and German; e.g. ańaxa ‘stepmother’, ār ‘many’, aj ‘luck’. There are, however, two particular modifications of this sound. a) The first one approaches a deep sound resembling o, which is also found in other languages. In Ostyak, this modification may appear in long or short syllables, in the end of the word as well as in the root; e.g. opa, aba ‘elder sister’, ńot, ńat ‘arrow’, pox, pax ‘son’, por, par ‘drill’, jot, jat ‘lazy’, ōgot, augaȶ ‘sleigh’, sōdop, sātep ‘blade, edge’, pōs, pās ‘glove’30. This a sounds in many dialects largely already like o, and therefore we also mark it mainly with this character. In the Surgut dialects, this modification, even though the pronunciation is more like a, follows exactly the same etymological rules31 as o; e.g. pās ‘gloves’32, pūsem ‘my gloves’, sārt ‘pike’, sūrdem ‘my pike’, cf. mōk ‘egg’, mūkam ‘my egg’, pōm ‘grass’, pūmem ‘my grass’. The pure a usually changes to i; e.g. tās ‘ware’, tīsem ‘my things’, sāp ‘brook’, sīpem ‘my brook’.33 b) The other modification concerning a is closer to e and also appears in many other languages. In the stem, this modification is difficult to distinguish from the German a. In short final syllables, it sounds almost like a dark e, and changes into this in many dialects34; e.g. jirnas, jernes ‘shirt’, kerap, kerep ‘vehicle’, āra, ārex ‘song’, ādaŋ, ādeŋ ‘morning’, anǯa, anǯe, anǯex ‘rose hip’. § 8 The vowel e is in Ostyak the same open sound as in the other Finnish, Mongolian and Turkic languages. By the Obʹ, it sometimes sounds almost as open as the Finnish ä, and the same pronunciation can be found by the Irtyš in word-final positions; e.g. kēle ‘reindeer fell’, pegde ‘black’, peste ‘sharp’. However, according to my observations, only the short e has this open sound, whereas the long ē is, at least in most cases, pronounced with a more closed sound resembling the French é fermé35. The closed e changes easily to i, while, on the other hand, the dark, open e varies with ü and the Russian y; e.g. jēnget, jīnget ‘round basket’, jēnd em, jīnd em ‘sing’, nēbek, nīpek ‘paper’, tēȡes, ˊ ˊ tīlis ‘moon, month’, edem, üȡim ‘(to) heat’, teda, tüȡex ‘winter’, tet, ȡüȡ ‘fathom’. This change occurs especially after j and g36. § 9 The pronunciation of i is generally the same as in the Germanic languages. However, every now and then it has a more closed sound and is pronounced almost like the Russian ы; e.g. jig ‘father’, 48 49 B. Pronunciation of the sounds a) Pronunciation of the vowels § 6 In Ostyak, like in many of the related languages, nuance according to the surrounding speech sounds, which is very well shown in this example. The phonemic form of the word is /turǝm, torǝ̑m/ (with a full vowel in the initial syllable). 30. Many of the examples have a reduced vowel: ŏpĭ ‘elder sister’, păx, pŏx ‘son, boy’, pŏr ‘drill’. In those words that have a full vowel, there is often dialectal variation, just as it is said: ńɔt, ńot ‘arrow’, pɔs, pos ‘glove’; the word for ‘sleigh’ represents a variation where the northern (Kazym) dialect has a middle vowel (corresponding to o or u in other dialects): Kaz ǫxǝt, O uxǝt; this sound, interpreted as a diphthong in Surgut, might be a step towards the middle vowel. 31. i.e. the paradigmatic vowel alternation 32. The word is in the singular; Castrén’s translation in plural, probably because of the plural (dual) character of the word. 33. In the Surgut dialects (in nominal paradigms), å and o alternate with u, whereas ä and e alternate with i (Honti 1984: 32). 34. Phonematically, this is /ǝ/ in non-initial syllables. 35. The long, i.e. full vowels e and i are both counterparts to the short, i.e. reduced ĕ. 36. /ɣ/; it is hard to see how this should be understood. The examples do not provide any evidence for this argument. In the word for ‘fathom’, ü originates from the very ancient phases of the language (at least Proto-Khanty and Proto-Ugric); in the word ‘winter’, it is a late and maybe sporadic change (phonematically tĕlǝɣ < *tälwä). �Ostiacica ☙4❧ ☙5❧ jiwem ‘come’. This modification, too, seems to appear mostly in short syllables37. § 10 The vowel o in Ostyak has no modifications. It always sounds like the German o in the words Gott, offen, Donner. § 11 In the general pronunciation, the vowel u sounds as deep as the Finnish or Russian u. In Irtyš, I have observed in this vowel a modification, which is very near to the Swedish u or the Mongolian ü. According to my observations, this modification is always long, but appears most often in monosyllabic words; e.g. kul38 ‘devil’, kunč ‘nail’, unč ‘Salmo nelma (a fish)’, tuš ‘beard’, tuŋ ‘summer’, suŋ ‘corner’, keu ‘stone’, teu ‘lake’, kui ‘swamp’, kur ‘leg, foot’, kut ‘middle (point)’, put ‘kettle, pot’, sut ‘grindstone’.39 § 12 The seldom-appearing vowels ü and ö are regularly pronounced as the ü and ö in German. However, ö alternates often with the dark e, and ü with the dark i resembling the Russian ы; e.g. köǯe, keǯe ‘disease’, pöm, pem ‘bath’, könjep, kenjep ‘miserable’, l̄ök, lēk ‘track’, lüŋkim, liŋkem ‘cover’40. Both vowels ü and ö are very likely to disappear completely in the future. At the same time, the Russian ы will develop further, replacing and destroying not only these two but also many other sound nuances.41 р, с and в correspond to the German b, d, g, ch, k, l, m, n, p, r, ss (Swedish s) and w. Between vowels, of which both or at least the preceding one is short, j sounds like ij; as e.g. in ajaŋ (or aijaŋ) ‘happy’. Ostyaks who speak Russian often pronounce l like the hard Russian л whenever it is followed by a hard vowel or the darker modifications of e and i; e.g. in lep ‘twopointed arrow’, lox ‘bay’. In s, a very smooth, lisping nuance can sometimes be heard; e.g. in suŋ ‘corner’, sēwes ‘rear of the boat’42. It may further be noted here that that a word-final p is often followed by an aspiration and thus sounds like pf or f; e.g. ēndep ‘belt’, jīndep ‘needle’. § 14 The smooth consonants b, d are seldom pronounced as weakly as the German b, d, but with harder sounds pronounced between b, d and p, t, as also attested in Lappish, Samoyedic and many Tartar languages43. The case with g is partly the same; it should be noted, however, that this character covers two different modifications that diverge significantly according to their pronunciation and their variations44. a) Followed by a hard vowel (a, o, u), g is mostly, and additionally when preceded by a short hard vowel always, pronounced like an aspiration, as in ‫ غ‬in Turkish, in Mongolian and g in Lappish; e.g. tōgos (tōghos) ‘friend’. The same modification can also be heard in syllable- and word-final positions, regardless of which vowels it is connected with; e.g. in jig ‘father’, meg ‘land’, peg ‘strange’, teg ‘tail’. According to its pronunciation, this modification comes very close to x, and is also easily switched into that; e.g. ańaga, ańaxa ‘mother-in-law’, ńōgrem, ńōxrem ‘carve’, jig, jix ‘father’.45 b) Preceding a smooth and light vowel, g generally has the same sound as the German g; e.g. mēget ‘breast’, uigit ‘meadow’, pēgettem ‘I bath’. Sometimes g also seems to be pronounced before a hard vowel without aspiration; e.g. jogadem ‘(to) lose’, čugadem ‘crumble’46. In a harder pronunciation, 50 51 b) Pronunciation of the consonants § 13 The Russian characters б, д, г, х, к, л, м, н, п, ᡍ 37. At least in these examples, the vowel is reduced. In the northern dialects, these words contain an ǐ, while in the southern and Surgut dialects the word for ‘father’ is jĕɣ. The form Castrén gives for the verb ‘come’ is contradictory: in all dialects the stem alternant in e.g. the past tense, as here, with the stem-final consonant ‑w, has the vowel ŭ (stem alternation: South, Surgut [?] jĕ-  ~ jŭw-, North jĭ- ~ jŭw-). The modification here is thus not the full vowel i but a reduced ĕ. 38. mscr. kul ´ 39. There are both full (unč, tüš, püt, süt) and reduced vowels (kŭl ,ˊ kŏnč, tŏŋ, sŏŋ, kŏj, kŏr, kŏt) in these examples. In the words for ‘stone’ and ‘lake’, it is the word-final w (kew, tĕw). Most of these full vowels represent ü, as discussed in § 12. 40. The southern dialects have no ö but instead an opposition between u and ü in the full vowel paradigm (see § 11). This observation might concern the Surgut dialects even if not said to be so. The reduced vowel ö̆ is attested in Surgut dialects, in Trj and Tra it is represented by two phonemes, a closed and a half-open one. 41. Interestingly, Castrén has not noted the difference between /a/ and /ä/ in any of the dialects. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar 42. both variants (of l and s) and allophones 43. These “smooth” consonants are allophones of /p/ and /t/. The same concerns the palatalized consonant d ,ˊ which represents / the phoneme /tˊ (see also note 26). In the words in which they are shown, they always appear between vowels or in nasal + stop combinations, thus the examples at the end of § 13 are phonematically /entǝp/ and /jintǝp/ (as for the second syllable schwa, see note 34). 44. In fact, in all the positions in which they appear (non-initial), they represent the same phoneme, /ɣ/. One of its realizations is the voiceless x (χ), which, on the other hand, is a separate phoneme but only in the context given in § 15. 45. phonematically /toɣos/, /jĕɣ/, /mĕɣ/, /pĕɣ/, /tĕɣ/, /ăńaɣa/, /ńoɣrǝm/ 46. phonematically /meɣǝt/, /ujɣǝt/, /peɣǝttǝm/, /joɣatǝm/, /čŏɣatǝm/ �Ostiacica 47. The sound change k > x in front of a back vowel has taken place in several dialects of both Khanty (southern and northern) and Mansi (northern, partly eastern), and Hungarian also shows the same tendency, as the representative of *k in front of a back vowel is h, e.g. *kala > Hu. hal, Khanty South xul, Surg. kuʌ, Mansi North xūl. 48. This should be kūȶem /kuʌəm/. 49. in the manuscript: h 50. This is controversial and hard to understand; yet surely h is not a phoneme in any of the Khanty dialects. 51. There are no traces of a pronunciation like this in the later observations of Khanty. In Surgut dialects, there are phonemes /k°/ and /ɣ°/, labialized velar stop vs. fricative, but they do not occur word-initially. 52. This is a phonetical co-articulation not marked by any other collector. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙6❧ ☙7❧ this modification sounds almost like k and often changes into this; e.g. ārgem, ārkem ‘sing’, kergem, kerkem ‘fall’. § 15 There are also two modifications of k, of which one corresponds to the German k and the other to Turkish ‫ .ق‬The former appears especially in front of light vowels, the latter in front of hard vowels47. In Irtyš, the aspirated k changes often into x; e.g. xanǯem, Surgut kanǯem ‘write’, xūdem, S. kūdem48 ‘hear’. The Surgut dialects do not accept word-initial x, but always use the aspirated k instead. 49 § 16 With x we mark the sharply aspirated sound, which in German is marked with <ch> and in Russian likewise with <х>. The weak German h is in Ostyak unknown. In the Surgut dialects in wordfinal positions, the aspiration is not very strong; yet it seems not to be a specific sound50. Occasionally, one can hear a weaker aspiration in word-initial position in front of w, which has also appeared earlier in Swedish (e.g. in the words hvem, hvad)51; however, this sound nuance is so rare and unspecific that it does not need a character of its own. § 17 In addition to what was said about w in the preceding paragraph, it can still be noted that word-initial w in front of any vowel is followed by a half u; e.g. wēdem or wuēdem ‘bone marrow’, wēda or wuēda ‘reindeer’. In the middle of a word, this kind of pronunciation is rare, but in the same way as j between vowels changes into ij, w is also occasionally pronounced as uw according to the same rule; e.g. kowa or kouwa ‘cuckoo’, xowat or xouwat ‘for a long time’, nowa or nouwa ‘white’, towottem or touwottem ‘(I) row’.52 Cf. § 13. § 18 The consonants ȡ and ȶ denote two aspirated sounds, of which one is pronounced like dl or dhl and the other like tl; e.g. āȡaŋ or adlaŋ (adhlaŋ) ‘morning’, kaȶ or katl (kathl) ‘day’53. Sounds related to these also occur in the Finnish and Lappish languages54. § 19 The letters š, c, č, ʒ and ǯ all mark sibilants and they are pronounced in the following way: 52 53 š c č ʒ ǯ like sch Russian ts tsch ds dsch ш ц ч дз дж 55 § 20 With ŋ we mark a nasal, which is written in German with ng; e.g. weŋ (weng) ‘son-in-law’, suŋ (sung) ‘corner’, ōŋet ‘horn’. The same sound appears in Finnish, Lappish and many other related languages. § 21 There are many sounds in the Ostyak language that are softened with j, and these are marked as follows: d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ ǵ, ḱ, l ,ˊń, t,ˊ ȶ.ˊ They are pronounced almost like dj, ȡj, gj, kj, lj, nj, tj and ȶj56. C. Alternations of sounds a) Alternations of vowels § 22 In Finnish and other related languages, the vow- els are separated into three classes: hard or majores (a, o, u), smooth or minores (ä, ö, ü) and light or mediae (e, i). In these languages, there is vowel harmony that never allows hard and smooth vowels to appear together in the same word but a) only hard vowels alone, smooth vowels alone or light vowels alone, or also b) hard vowels with light ones and smooth vowels with light ones. To follow these rules of vowel harmony, the Finnish language operates in such a way that the final vowels57 are always adjusted to the vowel of the stem. 53. Cf. note 20. Castrén writes the voiced variant between vowels and in connection with the voiced variants of stops, the unvoiced variant mainly in syllable and word-final positions; phonematically /aʌəŋ/ and /kǎtəʌ/. In Castrén’s notes, there is thus no difference between the word-final sequences ‑ʌ and ‑təʌ. 54. ʌ is a phoneme in Moksha Mordvin. In the Saami languages, there are unvoiced variants of laterals and nasals followed by stops due to preaspiration of the stops. Additionally, ʌ is a phoneme in Forest Nenets, which is spoken in the neighbourhood of the Surgut Khanty dialects. 55. in the manuscript ng (Swedish version), ñ (German version) 56. There are three palatalized phonemes in the Surgut dia/ lects (/ń/, /tˊ and /ʌ́/), two in the / south (/ń/ and /tˊ ) and three in ˊ / the north (O) (/l /, /ń/ and /tˊ ). Out of the sounds presented here, d ,ˊ ǵ and ḱ are allophones / of /tˊ and ȡˊ is an allophone of ȶˊ = /ʌ́/. Cf. also note 26. 57. This refers to the suffixal vowels. �Ostiacica 58. There is still vowel harmony in part of the Surgut dialects (Trj) as well as in the easternmost dialects (VVj). In these dialects, the schwa (ǝ), the most common suffixal vowel, also has two variants, one more front and one more back. The vowel harmony is inherited from Proto-Khanty (Steinitz 1950, Honti 1984). 59. There are no diphthongs in Khanty, cf. note 23. 60. ‘elbow’ 61. Here we see the character <ĭ> in the original text. It is not provided in the character list on p. 1/47. 62. Phonematically, a and e in these words represent the schwa(s) /ə̑/, /ǝ/. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙8❧ ☙9❧ § 23 As the Ostyak language has nearly lost its smooth vowels due to Russian influence, the rules based on the trifold character of vowels also have little importance58. However, they are obeyed in the sense that e.g. hard and smooth vowels never appear together in the same diphthong59. The root words also thoroughly avoid this kind of mixture, cf. e.g. końar and köńer ‘arm’60, pāgart and pȫgert ‘timber’, šudai and šĭgȡei61 ‘partridge’62. Obviously, the vowel change in the final syllable is due to the rules of vowel harmony mentioned above. § 24 These rules are often left unheeded in derived words and in suffixes, especially in the Irtyš dialects. Many suffixes have here adopted their specific final vowels, which are not subject to change based on the stem vowel. Additionally, a long vowel in the final syllable is not easily affected by the preceding vowels, and the aspirated consonants x, g, k are, especially in the Surgut dialects, nearly always followed by a hard vowel, even if there are smooth vowels preceding them. If the final syllable has a stronger stress, it also requires a harder vowel, regardless of the vowel of the stem. There are, however, also suffixes in which the hard a (o) alternates with the smooth e. The former follows a hard vowel or a light vowel connected with a hard one, while the latter may also follow a smooth vowel, a light vowel, or a smooth vowel connected with a light one. These rules mainly apply to the Surgut dialects; in the Irtyš dialects, hard consonants are also often followed by e. § 25 If the stem has a long ā, ō or ū followed immediately by an aspirated g, the vowel in the suffix occurs after ā as a short a and after ō or ū as a short o; e.g. ńāgam ‘smile’, cāgat ‘plank board’, tāgat ‘linen’, wāgat ‘thin’, ńōgos ‘sable’, ōgot ‘sledge’, pōgor ‘islet’, sōgot ‘plane (for shaving)’, mōgoŋ ‘pregnant’, jōgot ‘bow’, lōgom ‘still, tranquil’, mūgot ‘liver’, pūgot ‘village’, sūgom ‘thread’. All the other long vowels, even after g, are followed by e, and occasionally i is followed by i; e.g. pȫgert ‘timber’, mēget ‘breast’, čēget, čīgit ‘tinder’. These rules, which in many Tartar languages are obeyed much more extensively, permit many exceptions in Ostyak.63 § 26 A similar vowel harmony also sometimes occurs when the long vowel is followed by d (ȡ) and r; e.g. sōdom ‘the river Salym’, sōdop ‘sheath’, sōrot ‘sea’, sōrom ‘dry’, mōrom, māram ‘fold’. r can even be followed by u, in cases where the first syllable has an ū; e.g. tūrum ‘God’, tūrup ‘sparse’64. § 27 Cases in which the vowel harmony affects in the way that the stem vowel alternates according to the following vowel are very rare. This kind of change occurs occasionally, when the stem is split and loses its stress due to division or in compound words; e.g. xui or xaját ‘man’, xōt ‘tent’, xāt-xár ‘bottom of the tent’65. § 28 In general, the stem vowels in the Finnish-Tartar languages do not show any specific alternations, and this has been considered typical of the whole class of languages. The Surgut dialects are in this sense a peculiar counterexample, because here the stem vowels alternate almost as easily as in the Germanic languages. It deserves to be noted, especially because the target of the change is not the short vowel, which is occasionally unstable in other related languages, but mostly the long vowel in the stem66. This kind of change occurs mostly a) in nouns combined with a singular possessive suffix 54 55 63. This is simply a question of phonetic assimilation of the schwa. /ɣ/ might be a consonant that is so weak in itself that the assimilation is stronger in words where it occurs between the vowels. 64. This, again, means assimilation of the schwa to the consonants in the syllable, especially to the final labial consonant. Interestingly, the word for ‘thread’ /sūɣǝm/ would be expected to have a similar pronunciation (sūɣum). 65. This, too, is essentially assimilation. In the case of /χăt-χăr/, the full vowel (in /χɔt/) also changes into a reduced one (simultaneously with the loss of stress). 66. This paradigmatic vowel change is typical of the eastern dialects, in which it has evolved from the Proto-Khanty corresponding system (Honti 1984: 31–32). It is also used in other Khanty dialects as well as in Mansi, but only with a few so-called thematic verbs. This alternation is inherited from proto-Ob-Ugrian and it is considered the starting point of the more developed Proto-Khanty system. �Ostiacica 67. The vowel alternation is the phonematical å : u, o : u. 68. In the imperative, the alternation å ~ u has a third alternant, the velar i. 69. = näŋk : niŋkam (with ŋ) 70. The words with <a> all represent the paradigmatic vowel alternation ä : i (as Castrén did not make a difference between a (å) and ä); i.e. ämp : impem, täs : tisem, wäsǝɣ : wisɣam (wisɣäm). 71. Honti (1984: 32) gives the alternation ɔ̈ : ü but only in the easternmost (VVj) dialects. 72. This happens occasionally in connection with derivative suffixes in all dialects (Honti 1984: 31). 73. The form of the word in the south is imə (loc. iməna) and the correct translation is ‘(old) woman’. In this case, both a and e are phonetic realizations of the phoneme /ə/. However, this word represents a flexion type that has some specific vowel alternations in all dialects; see note 78. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 10 ❧ ☙ 11 ❧ b) in verbs in the past tense indicative, as well as participles, and occasionally also in the imperative. § 29 In the forms mentioned, the changes are: 1. o and the deep a into u; e.g. pōm ‘grass’, pūmem ‘my grass’, ōŋk ‘resin’, ūŋkam ‘my resin’, sōm ‘scale (of fish)’, sūmem ‘my scale’; āȶ ‘year’, ūȶem ‘my year’, sārt ‘pike’, sūrtem ‘my pike’, mōnt,ˊ māntˊ ‘story’, mūntem ‘my story’, āmetȶem ‘I set’, past ūmdem; ˊ nōbaȶȶōjem ‘I float’, past nūpȶōjem; āgaȶȶam ‘I vomit’, past ūgoȡem. In general, both the imperative and the past participle behave like the past tense67; however, if the stem has a deep a, occasionally in the imperative we can hear a modification of u which is sometimes near to ü, sometimes to ы68; e.g. jāntȶem ‘I sew’, past jūndem, imperat. jūnde (jǖnde, jīnde); āretȶem ‘I divide’, past ūrdem, imperat. ūrde (ǖrde); āmesȶem ‘I sit’, past ūmsem, imperat. ūmse (ǖmse). 2. a, e into i; e.g. āt ‘night’, ītem ‘my night’; āmp ‘dog’, īmpem ‘my dog’; nānk69 ‘larch’, nīnkam ‘my larch’; tās ‘ware’, tīsem ‘my thing(s)’; wāsex ‘duck’, wīsxam ‘my duck’70; ńēwer ‘lather’, ńīurem ‘my lather’; lēk ‘track’, līkam ‘my track’; āȡemȡem ‘I lift’, past īȶmem; jēntȶˊem ‘I drink’, past jīnd em. Sometimes the a ˊ in the past tense remains unchanged and the imperative gets the ī; e.g. jāŋetȶem ‘I spin’, past jāŋdem, imperat. jīŋde. ‘my 3. ȫ into ǖ; e.g. kȫr ‘oven’, S. kǖrem 71 oven’; kȫń ‘arctic fox’, kǖńem ‘my arctic fox’ . unstable and subject to change. We do not wish to show all changes of this kind, but only to provide some of the most important ones. When doing so, we refer mostly to the Irtyš dialects. 1. When the stem-final vowel is a, it is replaced in inflexion by a short e; e.g. īma ‘mother’, loc. īmena73; āda ‘sleep!’, past ādem74. 2. When a follows the aspirated consonants x, g, k, it remains unchanged; e.g. ańaxa ‘stepmother’, dat. ańaxaja; toga ‘bow’, dat. togaja, etc. 3. Additionally, a also remains unchanged in certain cases after other consonants, like in the future tense indicative 1st and 2nd person sing., in nominative plural, in front of 1st and 2nd person suffixes, etc. 4. In the Surgut dialects, a changes easily into i; e.g. kara ‘field’, kariȶ ‘their field’; āȶŋam ‘I sleep’, 3rd person past āȶniȶ75. This vowel alternation also sometimes occurs in the Irtyš dialects; e.g. kādn (kat) ‘two’, kīmet ‘second’; mā ‘I’, dual mīn, etc.76 5. In all dialects e often changes into i; e.g. panem ‘I have put’, 3rd person pl paniȶ77; īmet ‘mothers’, īmidam ‘my mothers’78. This change occurs most often after j and the smooth g. 6. On the other hand, in the Surgut dialects, i can occasionally change into e; e.g. kilsi ‘barbel (fish)’, kilsem, kilsen ‘my, your barbel’. 7. Between two vowels, i and u change into j and w; e.g. ai ‘happiness’, ajaŋ ‘happy’, keu ‘stone’, keweŋ ‘stony’79. § 31 The short a is often subject to elision, especially in cases where two similar vowels meet in in compounds of two separate words; e.g. aŋaŋa instead of aŋa-aŋa ‘grandmother’. The same happens to both vowels mentioned in front of many formative elements; e.g. nowa ‘white’, nowoxtep ‘whitish’, werde ‘red’, werdoxtep ‘reddish’80. More­ over, word-final a and e following a long syllable N.B. As far as I know, a similar vowel alternation also occurs in the Irtyš dialects, exceptionally in derived words; e.g. namas ‘sense’, namasem or numem ‘remember’, kāt ‘two’, kīmet ‘second’. According to my observations, i, u and ü in the Surgut dialects do not alternate in this way72. § 30 While the vowels in the stem are stiff and invariable, the vowels in non-initial syllables are 56 57 74. This is not a stem-final a but the ending of the imperative form, and in the past tense, e is a part of the suffix. 75. In the Surgut dialects, the 3rd person plural forms have the ending ‑iʌ; here, too, i belongs to the suffix. In the word āȶniȶ /aʌŋiʌ/, the occurrence of <n> instead of <ŋ> seems to be a typographical error. 76. These Irtyš examples do not show the alternation in a noninitial syllable; the variation in these words is lexical. 77. See note 75. 78. This concerns a set of single words, i.e. it is a question of flexion type; the correct translation of imi (imə) is ‘(old) woman’; another word of the same flexion type is ewə ‘girl, daughter’: (Kr. KO) ewem ‘my daughter’, eweŋətam ‘my two daughters’, ewitam ‘my (many) daughters’ (Honti 1984: 133); basically, in this flexion type, the stem ends with a reduced vowel, which in certain forms alternates with a full one. 79. Rather, in syllable- and stemfinal positions, the consonants j and w are weakened to semi­ vowels. The etymological counterparts of the word kew ‘stone’ in many related languages also show the consonant, e.g. Fi. kivi ‘stone’. 80. These words for weak colours are also compounds: the latter part ‑oxtep (‑oχtəp) is an adjectival derivative of the word oχət ‘surface’; i.e. “with a red/ white surface”. �Ostiacica 81. This means the vowel /ǝ/ in the second syllable. 82. The correct translation is ‘come’. 83. All the examples are words which have /ǝ/ in the second syllable of the stem: menǝt-, aɣət-, jŏχət-, teɣət-, oŋət, poɣər, jarət-, ewət-; this alternation is not dependent on the full vs. reduced character of the first syllable vowel. 84. This is because it only concerns the vowels of an original second syllable /ǝ/. 85. In the words muraχ and χulax the second syllable vowel is full, i.e. not /ǝ/. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 12 ❧ ☙ 13 ❧ are very easily lost, and in common speech they often disappear; e.g. ēne or ēn ‘big’, sīra, sīr, Surg. sār ‘before’. § 32 There is also a particular type of elision in the middle of the word that is very influential and extensive. This elision has the following rule: in the middle of the word, any short vowel81 can disappear when there is a long vowel in the preceding syllable if the two consonants beside them can be joined together without help of a vowel; e.g. mēndem instead of mēnedem ‘bend’; āxtem instead of āgadem ‘vomit’; jōxtem instead of jōgodem ‘go in’82; tēgdem instead of tēgedem ‘fly’; ōŋdet instead of ōŋedet plural of ōŋet ‘horn’; pōxret instead of pōgoret, plural of pōgor ‘islet’, etc. Dialectally, this elision can also occur immediately after a short syllable; e.g. jaradem or jardem ‘forget’; ewedem or eudem ‘cut, carve’.83 short vowels can be added at the end or also in the middle of a word; e.g. pūma-xar (instead of pūm-xar); ‘mown meadow’ wāga-pēlek (instead of wax-pēlek) ‘one kopeck’; xūdamet ‘sixth’ (instead of xutmet); mōgoŋ, Surg. mōkŋ ‘pregnant’, etc. The language does not seem to have any specific rules for additions like this. § 34 If we compare the Irtyš dialect to both Surgut dialects, we can see many sorts of vowel differences both in the stem of the words and in the suffixes. Here is a short overview of these: 86 1. a, e; e.g. LS. kera ‘sterlet (fish)’, LS. kari; estem ‘let, release’, US. asȶem; kawa hammer’, LS. kewi; eder ‘clear’, S. ater, kerap ‘vehicle’, S. kerep; jirnas ‘shirt’, S. jernes; šermat ‘headstall’, S. širmetˊ87 2. ā, ē; e.g. ājem ‘glue’, S. ējem; ēbet ‘smell’, S. āpeȶ; čawer ‘hare’, US. tēwer; pāgart ‘timber’, LS. pēwert. 3. a, i; e.g. opa ‘elder sister’, S. opi; aŋa ‘mother’, S. aŋki; lūla ‘a seabird’, S. lūli; īma ‘woman’, S. īmi. ˊ ˊ ˊ 4. ā, ī; e.g. jānd em, jēnd em ‘drink’, S. jīnd em; tāsem ‘my things’, S. tīsem88. 5. a, o; e.g. jaradem ‘forget’, S. jorodem; adaša ‘stallion’, S. odoša; aidem ‘find’, S. ojodem; kowa ‘cuckoo’, LS. kawi. 6. ā, ō; e.g. ōŋet ‘horn’, S āŋet; ōŋdep ‘gaff, spear’, S. āŋdep; mōrom ‘fold’, S. māram; sōm ‘fish flake’, S. sām; sōjem ‘mountain brook’, S. sājem; sōrt ‘pike’, S. sārt; ōš ‘sheep’, S. āč89. 7. a, u; e.g. warŋai ‘crow’, S. urŋi. 8. ā, ū; e.g. sūpos ‘knitting needle’, US. sāwas; āxtem ‘vomit’, S. ūgodem. 9. a, ü; e.g. aŋasem ‘take off one’s shoes’, S. üŋacem. ‘spruce’, 10. a, ai; e.g. joura ‘slanted’, S. jourai; ńatxa 90 S. ńatxai; ańaxa ‘stepmother’, S. anjakai ‘willow 11. ai, oi; e.g. poi ‘aspen’, S. pai; poidek 91 grouse’, S. paitek; moitet ‘soap’, S. maitek . 12. āu, īu; e.g. nāurem, ńīurem ‘jump’92. 58 59 N.B. 1. This elision rule does not apply to compounds; e.g. tūduš (actually tūt-uš) ‘flint pouch’, pl. tūdušet84. 2. The elision is also sometimes absent in single words, especially if the consonants to be joined are too many and heterogeneous; e.g. pēteŋ ‘cloud’, dat. pēteŋa or pētŋa; ēpsendem (not ēpsndem) ‘smell’; ēsemdem (not ēsmdem) ‘suck’; mūraxat (not mūrxat) ‘cloudberries’; xūlaxat (not xūlxat) ‘ravens’85. 3. Additionally, in connection with this kind of elision, the consonants involved can be either hardened or smoothened, sometimes they can be elided, too. § 33 In order to facilitate pronunciation, sometimes 86. The first word (along with the words on the list without reference to dialect) represents the Irtyš dialect. This abbreviation is thus unnecessary (and false!). 87. The differences in the first syllable vowels show the result of historical sound changes, which have led to different phonemes. The ones in the second syllable again show phonetic realizations of the reduced vowel phoneme /ǝ/. 88. This is the paradigmatic vowel alternation ä ~ i in Surgut. 89. This is an attested and regular sound correspondence between the dialects. 90. Suffixal variation; the words without the final i (= j) show the simplification of the suffix. 91. Essentially the same alternation as in no. 6, with a syllablefinal i (= j). 92. Essentially the same alternation as in no. 4, with a syllablefinal i (= j). �Ostiacica 93. The actual representation in Surgut is ö, ɔ̈ (cf. nr. 17). 94. In the latter vowel, the labialization is a feature in the consonant, the Surgut (Trj, Tra) phoneme ŋ°: phonematically / jeŋ°ǝt/. 95. The correct translation is ‘child’. 96. The first example shows the same feature as explained in note 94 but with the rounded ɣ° phoneme: (Irtyš (Kr.) kew vs. Surgut (Tra) käɣ°; the latter the combination aw vs. ew (the word ‘child’ has a full vowel in both syllables, even if marked as “short” here) 97. Cf. notes 94 and 96: the alternation is South ‑w vs. Surgut ‑ɣ°: actually nĕw ~ nŏɣ°, tĕw ~ ʌŏɣ°. 98. The verb ‘come’ is one of the so-called thematic verbs that have two or more vowel alternations in the stem; however, they appear in different inflective forms: in juwem ‘I came’, the vowel is u; the variant i does not occur in this form (past) but instead in jitǝm ‘I come’ (present/future). 99. Simplification of the suffix; see note 90. ☙ 14 ❧ 13. e, i; e.g. keredem ‘return, come back’, S kirigȡem; kiser ‘playing cards’, OS. keser; jermak, jirmak ‘silk’; jirnas ‘shirt’, S. jernes; pete ‘bottom, ground’, S. pite. 14. ē, ī; e.g. nēbek ‘paper’, S. nīpek; tīliš ‘moon, month’, S. tēȡes. 15. e, o; e.g. ket ‘word’, S. koȶ; weŋ ‘son-in-law’, S. woŋ; kergem ‘fall (down)’, S. korgem93. 16. ē, ū; e.g. ēne, ūna ‘big’. 17. e, ö: e.g. pem ‘sauna steam’, S. pöm; keńer ‘arm’, US. köńer. 18. ē, ei; e.g. ēssig, eissig ‘old man’, ēt, eit ‘item’; ēdem ‘leave (behind)’, S. eidem. 19. ē, eu; e.g. jēŋet ‘spinning wheel’, S. jeuŋet94 20. ē, au; e.g. mēget ‘breast’, S. maugeȶ. 21. ei, oi; e.g. tej ‘top, tip’, LS. toi. 22. ei, üi; e.g. tei ‘pus’, S. tüi. 95 23. eu, au; e.g. keu ‘stone’, S. kaux; ńaurem ‘young ’, 96. S. ńeurem eu, ou; e.g. neu ‘branch, twig’, LS. noux; teu 24. ‘bone’, S. ȶoux97. 98 25. i, u; e.g. jiwem, juwem ‘come’ ; šudai ‘partridge’, LS. šigdei. i, ü; e.g. mil ‘hat’, S. mül; jinda ‘tow line’, S. jün26. dex; linda ‘bullfinch’, S. lünti. 27. ī, ǖ; e.g. kīda ‘sister-in-law, brother-in-law’, S. kǖdi. 28. i, ai; e.g. warŋai ‘crow’, S. urŋi; jeterŋai ‘capercaillie’, S. jeterŋi; kuŋnai ‘elbow’, S. kunxŋi99. 29. o, u; e.g. tuŋ ‘summer’, S. ȶoŋ; turt ‘root’, LS. tort; tunt ‘goose’, S. ȶont; unǯa ‘spruce’, S. onǯex; puŋat ‘side’, S. poŋaȶ; pusem ‘wash (clothes)’, S. possem; numem ‘remember’, S. nomem. 30. ō, ū; e.g. xūt ‘cough’, S. kōȶ; xūlax ‘raven’, US. kōlak; mūrax ‘cloudberry’, S. mōrak; ōmsem ‘sit’, S. ūmsem; pūden ‘nettle’, S. pōȡen. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 15 ❧ 31. o, ö; e.g. końar, keńer ‘arm’, US. köńer. 32. ō, ȫ; e.g. kōr ‘oven’, S. kȫr; koń, kȫn ‘arctic fox’. ˊ ˊ 33. o, ō, oi; e.g. ńōgo ‘flesh, meat’, S. ńōgoi; ōd a, oid a ‘sour’. 34. o, ou; e.g. nox (US.), noux (LS.) ‘twig’; ńox ‘moose’, LS. ńoux; tox (US.) ‘lake’, toux (LS.)100. 35. ō, au; e.g. jōgot ‘bow’, LS. jaugoȶ; pōgor ‘islet’, S. paugor; ōgot ‘sledge’, LS. augoȶ. 36. oi, ui; e.g. toi, tui ‘top, tip’, tui ‘finger’, LS. ȶoi. b) Alternations of consonants § 35 In order to provide general rules for alternations in consonants, we divide them into three classes: A) Hard: k, x, ḱ, p, t, t,ˊ ȶ, ȶ,ˊ c, š, c, č. B) Smooth: g, ǵ, ŋ, b, d, ȡ, d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ ʒ, ǯ. C) Light: j, l, l ,ˊ m, n, ń, r, w. N.B. As an exception, ŋ has simultaneously the char101 acter of both a light and a smooth consonant. § 36 There is a rule to be observed, in Ostyak as well as in other languages, that the smooth consonants may not appear either in word-initial or word-final position, whereas the hard and light consonants can occur in both these positions102. However, the vowel consonants j and w change into i and u in word-final position, and word-initially they are very common103. N.B. 1. Among the smooth consonants, ŋ and the aspi- rated g can occur in word-final position, although the latter changes easily to x; e.g. jig, jix ‘father’; meg, mex ‘clay, land’, mag, max ‘honey’104. 2. If there are two consonants in the end of a word, may neither of these be smooth. Only exceptionally sometimes the first of these can be smooth; e.g. kādn or kātn ‘two’105. § 37 Smooth consonants are equally rare in sylla- ble-final positions inside one word, as they are 60 61 100. The labialization is, again, a feature of the consonant: “US.” ‑ɣ vs. “LS.” ‑ɣ°. However, the rounded consonants k°, ɣ° and ŋ° are attested in all Surgut dialects. 101. In the German mscr., ŋ is classified as a light consonant and the “N.B.” is the following: In the Surgut dialects, h has simultaneously the character of both a hard and a smooth consonant, e.g. jandham ‘to sing’ (unclear, looks like “singen”). 102. With the exception of g = /ɣ/ and ŋ, the “smooth” consonants are voiced (or medial) allophones to the corresponding “hard”, i.e. unvoiced stops and affricates, and they occur in word internal positions between vowels or following a nasal (m, n, ń, ŋ) or liquid (l, r). 103. So they, in fact, make up a group of their own. 104. g = /ɣ/ is the phoneme here and x its word-final voiceless allophone. In the observations of many other scholars, the voiced g = /ɣ/ also appears word-finally. 105. This is an inflected form, seemingly kät ‘2’ + Px2Sg “your two”, i.e. ‘the two of yours’. �Ostiacica 106. In the first example, there is a phonetic free variation of Surgut /aʌʌəm/. In the latter example, the first variant maxta [măχtə] is from Irtyš and the latter magdi [Trj măɣʌi ̮] from Surgut. 107. Consonant! 108. There is no rule or tendency in the distribution of /k/ and /ɣ/ in this respect. 109. I.e. the smoother (voiced or medial) variants occur between vowels or in combination with a nasal or liquid (cf. note 102). 110. This is a rule which obviously has not been easy to formulate; e.g. in this example, the consonant t is not followed by a “hard” but by a “light” consonant. We only need one rule, which is formulated in note 109, and this is only for allophones. 111. This would be, though, exactly the same free variation as in āȡȡam vs. āȶȶam above, cf. note 106. 112. Phonematically: jeńtˊǝm — t jeńtˊ ǝm ‘I drank — I (will) drink’; in the past tense, between a nasal and a vowel, the allophone is medial (or voiced). 113. free variation in one context (between vowels) Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 16 ❧ ☙ 17 ❧ in word-final position. In the Irtyš dialects, only ŋ and g appear often in syllable-final position; e.g. jigdeŋ ‘stepfather’, megdeŋ ‘cyprinus dobula (dace)’, megder ‘angleworm’, ōŋdep ‘gaff, spear’, jēŋdem ‘spin’, whereas in the Surgut dialects, other consonants can also appear, e.g. üȡȡim ‘I (will) heat’; āȡȡam ‘I (will) sleep’. § 38 In syllable-initial positions, a hard consonant must always be preceded by a hard one and a smooth consonant by a smooth one.; e.g. āȡȡam or āȶȶam ‘I (will) sleep’, maxta, magdi ‘laurel willow’106. If the preceding syllable ends with a vowel or a light consonant, either a hard or a smooth consonant can initiate the following one. There are no specific rules in these cases, yet it seems that a condition can be given according to which a smooth vowel107 follows a long syllable and a hard one a short syllable; e.g. jukan ‘lot (fate)’; jōgot ‘bow’.108 § 39 According to the sound harmonic rules in Ostyak presented in §§ 36–38, the consonants are either hardened or smoothened. The smoothening occurs especially when a flexion ending is added, in compounds, in the frequent cases with additional vowels, etc.; e.g. kerap ‘vehicle’, pl. kerabet; pēlak ‘half’, pēlget; xōdoxta instead of xōtoxta ‘roof’; āxtem or ũgodem ‘vomit’109. On the other hand, the consonants are always hardened when they are word-final, as well as in the middle of the word following a hard consonant; e.g. pēdem ‘horsefly’, pl. pētmet (instead of pēdemet)110, tūbat ‘basket’, pl. tuptet (instead of tūbadet); jōxtem (instead of jōgodem) ‘go in’; ōmattem (instead of ōmaddem) ‘I (will) sit’111; tāptem (instead of tābedem) ‘feed’. § 40 In Ostyak, the smooth and hard consonants corresponding to one another are the following; d ˊ and tˊ e.g. jēnd em ‘drink’, fut. jēnttem112. ; ˊ ˊ ȡˊ— ȶ; e.g. siȡa or siȶa ‘gunpowder’113. ˊ ˊ ˊ g — k, x; e.g. jigem ‘set (a bow, a trap)’; fut. jiktem; ńagam ‘laugh’, fut. ńāxtam114. ǵ — ḱ; e.g. senḱ ‘bast’, senǵem ‘my bast’. ŋ — nk, nx; e.g. seŋem ‘hit’, fut. senktem; jāŋam ‘walk’, fut. jānxtam115. (ʒ — c) ǯ — č, š; e.g. ūš or ūč ‘cloth’, ūǯem ‘my cloth’, mungolǯem ‘I bound’, 1. prs.  Pl.116 mungolšmen. b and p; e.g. lībet ‘leaf’, pl. līptet. d — t; e.g. jādam ‘seine net’, pl. jātmet. ȡ — ȶ; e.g. ńāȡem ‘tongue’, pl. ńāȶmet. 62 N.B. The hard s has no smooth counterpart in the language and thus cannot occur together with a smooth consonant. § 41 A sequential rule after those concerning smooth- ening and hardening of the consonants in Ostyak is, as in most of the related languages, the very important rule that two consonants are not allowed either in the beginning of a word or syllable or in the end of them. Only in word- or syllable-final positions are there sometimes sequences of two consonants, when one of these, and most often the former, is a liquid or sibilant, or ŋ or ȶ. We have observed the following combinations of two consonants: lt, lt,ˊ mt, nt, nȶ, nt,ˊ nȶ,ˊ rt, ts, sȶ, ȶt, lš, nš, nč, nk, nḱ, nx, tn, dn, mp, kŋ, rm, rn, rx; e.g. peltčēm ‘I exchange’, poltˊ ‘tallow’, teremttem ‘I spread (out)’, tunt ‘goose’, mōntˊ ‘story’, kunȶˊ ‘sunrise, sunset’, sārt ‘pike’, sast ‘lizard’117, āmesȶ ‘he sits’118, ōȶt ‘they sleep’, nōgolšmen gerund of nōgolǯem ‘stake, support’119, čānšpan ‘pitch thread’, čānč ‘knee’, jānk ‘nail’, senḱ ‘bast’, ōƞx ‘resin’120, itn ‘evening’, kādn ‘two’121, āmp ‘dog’122, wokŋ ‘strong’, tūrm ‘God’, ārndeŋ ‘guilty’, ürx, erx ‘excessive’123. § 42 Some consonants occur in the combinations mentioned above only seldom, and usually change into other sounds. Thus, m in front of t 63 114. The examples represent two different alternations: in the first one the phoneme /k/ is represented by a medial between two vowels (phonetically {jiGəm}), whilst in the second one the phoneme /ɣ/ is represented by its voiceless allophone followed by a voiceless stop (backward assimilation). 115. In these cases, both the combinations ŋk and ŋχ have been sporadically simplified between vowels. This does not normally happen in Khanty dialects. The normalized verbs are seŋk- and jăŋχ-, respectively. 116. First person dual! All examples represent the phoneme /č/. 117. Up to this, they are combinations that truly exist in these positions, cf. 120 below. 118. ʌ and its counterpart l in the northern dialects form a syllable of their own when used as a personal ending, like here present tense 3Sg. 119. These two have in the phonematic system, a schwa between the consonants; i.e. they are not combinations of two consonants but sequences of C1əC2. 120. Combinations of nasal/liquid + stop/affricate are allowed. They are, though, often simplified to a stop/affricate: jak : jankem, etc. 121. itən ‘in the morning’, kätən ‘the two of yours’, cf. note 105. 122. Cf. 120 above, often ap : ampem ‘my dogs’, apɣən ‘two dogs’ but ampət ‘(many) dogs’. ̆ 123. actually: (S.) wɔ̈ɣ°əŋ, turəm, ärǝntǝŋ, ö̆rəɣ �Ostiacica 124. dual = ‘we two; both of us’ 125. In the Surgut dialects, they represent the same phoneme, whilst in the southern dialects, /č / and /š / are separate (Honti 1984: 26). 126. This is a lexical phenomenon and concerns certain words. The ones mentioned here belong to the most important ones of this kind: the regular form for ‘one’ is /ĕj/ {i }, and there are no later examples of the form it; īwe(t) /iwǝ, iwǝt/ is a postposition which in many dialects has developed into ablative case suffix; ĕn is a negative particle which is used in verb conjugation and often loses its final ‑t when the verb following it begins with a consonant (as in the final example of § 43); and the 1PSg pronoun (Surgut mä, O ma) only gets its ‑n in declension. 127. The possessive suffix of 2PSg is ‑en; it is recognizable also without the final ‑n on the basis of its full vowel. 128. Rather ‘armless man’. There is also an assimilation <ȶȶ> in the written form, actually /kätʌəɣ ku/ (kät ‘arm, hand’, ‑ʌəɣ is the caritive suffix); certainly an assimilation or elision takes place when ɣ and k meet at a word boundary; one would rather expect {kätʌək ku}. 129. The dual suffix is /‑ɣən/; in the northern and part of the southern (Kr.) dialects, /‑ŋən/. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 18 ❧ ☙ 19 ❧ usually changes into n; e.g. terenttem ‘I spread (out)’ instead of teremttem. In the middle of a word, č also very often becomes š when preceded by a consonant; e.g. kenšmen instead of kenčmen ‘we124 caught’, čānšpan instead of čānčpan ‘pitch thread’. Additionally, in the Surgut dialects, word-final č nearly always changes into š; e.g. aš instead of ač ‘chalk’; ūš instead of ūč ‘cloth’; woš instead of woč ‘town’125. § 43 In order to prevent too many consonants from occurring together, the language uses the means of deleting one of the consonants, in most cases the first one. In addition, of the consonants mentioned in § 41, one is sometimes deleted; e.g. ńamlet instead of ńamplet, pl. of ńambal ‘mud’; kušpet instead of kunšpet, pl. of kunǯep ‘comb’, jāxtam instead of jānxtam ‘I walk’. Sometimes the latter consonant is deleted; e.g. ȶor instead of ȶort ‘root’. This happens especially often in situations when two words are tied together in pronunciation and thereby several consonants meet; e.g. ammox instead of amp-mox ‘puppy’; en werem instead of ent werem ‘I did not (do)’. § 44 Additionally, there are many elisions in Ostyak that are not dependent on any special rules. Especially in word-final position, t, n and in the Surgut dialects x are deleted; e.g. i pa instead of it pa ‘once’; opīwe instead of opīwet ‘from the elder sister’; en instead of ent ‘not’, ma instead of man ‘I’126; rīte instead of rīten ‘your boat’127; koȶȶa ku instead of koȶȶax ku ‘man without a hand’128. The elision of x also sometimes occurs in the middle of a word; e.g. lenkep ‘split’, dual lenkepan instead of lenkepxan129. Moreover, a double consonant is often pronounced as a single one, and when two similar syllables meet, one of them can sometimes be deleted; e.g. īmiden instead of īmideden ‘your mothers’; cf. § 85. Some special elisions will be discussed in the morphological section. N.B. In many cases, in the general pronunciation, the consonant can partly be deleted, partly preserved. In the orthography, we follow the etymological demands of the language and thus write the sounds as completely as possible. § 45 Sometimes in Ostyak, the vowel consonants j, w as well as g, x and k can be added. This addition occurs in word-initial and word-final as well as wordinternal positions: A) When the word begins with a vowel, sometimes j and w are required as a kind of aspiration; e.g. it or jit ‘under’, īndep or jīndep ‘needle’130. B) Word-final vowels in the Surgut dialects become aspirated when they occur with x; e.g. neu, noux ‘twig’; jeu, jeux ‘perch’; jeura, jeurex ‘wolf’; keu, LS. kaux ‘stone’131. The Irtyš dialect often uses j and this is why i is written after the vowel; e.g. joura or jourai, S. jagrax ‘slanted’132. C) Word-internally we find the following additions of consonants: a) Between two vowels that come together, j, g or w is easily added; e.g. mejem instead of me’em ‘give’, ńatxaja or ńatxaga instead of ńatxa’a, dative of ńatxa ‘pine’, tēwem instead of tē’em ‘eat’133. This addition of j, g often occurs when the two vowels are exactly the same and especially when the first one is long. b) In the Surgut dialects, g can sometimes also be added between a vowel and a consonant; e.g. jaran, S. jargan ‘Samoyed’, sēwem, S sēwgem ‘braid, weave’, šudai, S. šigdei ‘partridge’, keredem, S. kirigdem ‘return’134. c) Word-internally, an addition of x, k occurs sometimes but rarely in the Surgut dialects; e.g. namasem, S. namaxsem ‘remember’, naresem, S. nareksem ‘play’135. § 46 In the Surgut dialects, a single consonant is very often duplicated between the vowels of the 64 65 130. In the first example, j is added in jit, while in the second example, j is original and deleted in īndep. 131. In three of these examples, it is a question of the correspondence of South ‑w vs. Surgut ‑ɣ° (marked with <ux>; i.e. the labialization takes place on the consonant). In the word for ‘wolf’, there is an elision of the final consonant ‑ɣ in the South. 132. the same derivation type as in ‘wolf’ above 133. The verbs ‘give’ and ‘eat’ are thematic, i.e. they have two alternating stems: mĕ- ~ mĕj- and te- ~ tew- (Surgut ʌi- ~ ʌiɣ°- or ʌiw-, respectively). (Honti 1984: 35–36.) 134. In these words, too, ‑ɣ- is original, and in the South, an elision has taken place. 135. Here, too, the guttural is original, while in the South, an elision has taken place. �Ostiacica 136. This is one reason why the vowels today are divided into full vs. reduced instead of long vs. short; because full vowels also have short allophones. It is rather interesting that Castrén has wanted to write a double j following the Finnish way with <ij>. 137. This is a partial assimilation to ʌ, which in these suffixes marks plurality of the possessed. 138. Here, an extra j is added, probably to stress the palatalization. 139. This is also assimilation; it is expected that the whole consonant cluster would get the pal/ atalization of /ńtˊ here; i.e. the palatalization does not move entirely from the consonant cluster of the stem to the suffix, but is rather extended to the suffix. 140. This is not a sound change or alternation but a difference in the suffixes referring to number and possession. In Surgut, the suffix for absolute dual is ‑ɣən and the one for dual possessed is ‑ɣəʌ- with the original dual marker ‑ɣ- and ‑ʌ probably adopted from the series of plural possessed, cf. possessive suffixes pp.  15–16 in the Short Grammatical Description. 141. The former is a speciality occurring in derivation, the latter a backward assimilation. 142. I.e. the reduced vowel makes the consonant sound stronger, cf. 136 above. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 20 ❧ ☙ 21 ❧ first and the second syllable. This reduplication takes place especially after a preceding long vowel, which in this position is normally pronounced as a short vowel (cf. § 52, section b); e.g. xōteŋ, S. kōtteŋ (kotteŋ) ‘swan’; kēne, S. kānnex (kannex) ‘easy, light’, ējem, S. ēijem instead of ējjem (ejjem) ‘glue’.136 It has to be noted that in connection with the reduplication, the weak consonants are always hardened; e.g. edep, S. ettep ‘verst’, kugur, S. kukkur ‘basket’; cf. § 39. § 47 Moreover, there are many consonant changes that cannot be described with common rules and regulations. We give the most important of these here: a) In the Surgut dialects, č changes often into t; e.g. ūč ‘cloth’, ūtȶam ‘my clothes’, āč ‘mutton’, ātȶam ‘my muttons’137. ˊ (t ; b) tt (tˊ + t) becomes ttˊ138 + tˊ) and ńt becomes ntˊ e.g. jēnd jem ‘drink’ , fut. jēnttem instead of ˊ ˊ jēnttem139. ˊ c) Similarly, čt (č + t) becomes tč (t + č); e.g. pelǯem ‘exchange’, fut. peltčem instead of pelčtem. d) x + x can never occur together, but instead change into k + k (kk); e.g. wāsex ‘duck’, dual wāsekkan instead of wāsexxan. e) n in Surgut changes sometimes into ȶ; e.g. rītxan ‘two boats’, rītxaȡam (actually rītxaȶ-am) ‘my two boats’140. f) t alternates with s; e.g. ēbet ‘smell’, ēpsendem (instead of ēptendem) ‘to smell’, tissir instead of titsir ˊ ˊ ‘that kind of’141. § 48 In cases where the syllable ends with a pure consonant k, p, t, l, m, n, r, s and the vowel is short, the consonant is duplicated142; e.g. jat, jatt ‘lazy’, ńot, ńott ‘nose’, jem, jemm ‘good’, etc. As this duplication is most often due to organic reasons and does not occur when vowel-initial suffixes are added, it does not need any specific marking. However, when this reduplication can be shown to have an etymological background, it must also be marked. In some monosyllabic words, a purely phonetical double consonant must also be indicated, because it is preserved in connection with suffixes that begin with a vowel; e.g. xatt ‘day’, xattīwen ‘during the days’, xattet ‘days’143; semm ‘eye’144, semmet ‘(several) eyes’. § 49 In a similar way as the vowels, consonants also vary conditionally in the different dialects. Here we give a short overview to some of the consonant alternations of that kind: A) The weak consonants b, w, d, ȡ, d ,ˊ ȡ,ˊ g, ǵ, ŋ, ʒ, ǯ alternate with the strong consonants p, t, ȶ, t,ˊ ȶ,ˊ k, x, ḱ, nk, nx, c, č; e.g. lībet, S. līpet ‘leaf’; jipex, jiwex, Irt. jiba ‘owl’; ēndep, ēntep ‘belt’; kaȡa, kaȶa ‘dew’; kud ar, kutar ‘ermine’; siȡa, siȶa ‘gunpowder’; argem, ˊ ˊ arkem ‘sing’; magdi, maxta ‘white’; ńōrgem, ńōxrem ‘cut, curve’; saŋa, sanki ‘clear’; muŋolǯem, munxlodem ‘bound’; kēǯe, kāčex ‘knife’145. B) The aspirated consonants alternate with tenues and mediae; e.g. ādaŋ, S. āȡaŋ ‘morning’; pēten, S. pēȶen ‘cloud’; petem, S. peȶem ‘lip’; ede, S. aȶe ‘lid’146. C) The smooth or palatalized consonants are sometimes pronounced as hard ones; e.g. āgań or ākan ‘doll’, āńgeš, ānkeč ‘pea’, šermat, sirmetˊ ‘headstall’. D) The following sibilants alternate: a) s with c; e.g. aŋasem, S. uŋacem ‘take off one’s shoes’. b) s with š; e.g. ńarša, S. ńarse ‘willow’. c) š with č; e.g. aš, ač ‘chalk’; woš, woč ‘town’, ūš, ūč ‘cloth’. ; jirca, jirta ‘brother-in-law’; cātxa, ˊ d) c with tˊ e.g.147 tōtxa ‘scythe’ . ˊ e) č with t; e.g. čēwer, tēwer ‘hare’148. E) The following gutturals alternate: and a) g with w149 u; e.g. kowa, S. kogi ‘cuckoo’; joura, S. jograx ‘slanted’. 66 67 143. In the word for ‘day’, the double consonant is truly etymological: it originates from a combination of t and a syllableforming l, of which the latter has changed into t in the South, as have all the l-sounds in these dialects (and in Surgut into ʌ; in Surgut the word is kătǝ̑ʌ). 144. South /sem/ (full vowel), Surgut /sä̆m/ (reduced) 145. This is partly between and partly within dialects: the medial pronunciation of stops and affricates between vowels and close to a nasal or liquid (cf. note 102). 146. The unvoiced (medial) laterals are suddenly called “aspirated”; these are the ones that originate from *l, which in its turn has become t in the South, cf. 143 above. 147. rather: ć with tˊ; jirća vs. jirta; ˊ ˊ tatχə 148. This is the same as in d) and ˊ 146: ćewer vs. tewer. 149. on p. 19/65, “S. jagrax” �Ostiacica 150. This is a regular sound correspondence between the Surgut and the southern dialects, where word-initial *k has become x in front of a back vowel. 151. In other positions, the change is less regular. 152. This is a question of a relatively small difference in pronunciation between specific dialects (Paasonen has marked velars instead of dentals in the Khanty dialect of Konda). 153. This is not the same *l that is represented by t in South. 154. In many Finno-Ugric languages, they are truly separate. Considering Khanty, also in what follows in Castrén’s description, in some cases they are linked together. This is because the accent in Khanty is not as stable and strong as in e.g. Finnish or Hungarian. 155. This is, in fact, a connection between quantity and stress, although the quantity of vowels is not really an issue of quantity but rather one of full vs. reduced (cf. note 21). ☙ 22 ❧ b) x with k; e.g. xump, S. kump ‘wave’; xui, S. kui ‘man’150; mūrax, S. mōrak ‘cloudberry’; ańaxa, S. ańakai ‘stepmother’151. c) g with ŋ; e.g. pegai, S. peŋai ‘the left (one)’; targat, S. tarŋet ‘lung’. d) k (x) with nk; e.g. kōlak (xūlax), kōlank ‘raven’; mēllek, mēllenk ‘warm’. ; nīnǵem, nīŋdem ‘take a rest’; e) ǵ, ḱ with d ,ˊ tˊ e.g. 152 ḱenak, tenak ‘wart’ . ˊ F) The following liquid consonants alternate sometimes: a) l with ȡ; e.g. tīlis, S. tēȡes ‘moon, month’153. b) n with ŋ; e.g. xansa, S. xaŋsa ‘pipe’. D) Accent and quantity § 50 The length (quantity) and the stress (accent) of the words in Ostyak obey almost the same regulations as in the Tartar languages. Although they are in some sense connected to one another, accent and quantity are in these languages two most independent phenomena154, and they may not be mixed, which so often happens in the Turkic and Mongolian languages. § 51 First, when it comes to stress, it is not equally strong in Ostyak as in Tartar, but falls, however, most often on the final syllable of the word. The strength of the stress depends on many factors, and here we wish to mention the most important ones: a) The final syllable is most strongly stressed in cases where it contains a long vowel while the other syllables only have short vowels; e.g. urmā ‘mitten’, umbā ‘scoop’, pusā ‘beer’, etc.155 b) When the word consists of short syllables, the final syllable has a very weak stress; but if the word ends with a consonant, the stress is much stronger; 68 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 23 ❧ e.g. jiba ‘owl’, mańa ‘younger brother’, adam ‘man, human’, kerap ‘vehicle’. N.B. This phenomenon is based on the fact that it is much harder for the organs to pronounce a consonant than a vowel in the end of a word. That is also why Finnish very seldom has word-final consonants, and why in Ostyak the final syllables ending in consonants only in order to make the pronunciation easier have a fuller stress and, as a whole, a greater volume. c) A preceding long syllable in the word always makes the stress of the final syllable weaker; and if the penultima has a long vowel, the ultima gets a very weak stress or no stress at all; e.g. jōgot ‘bow’, sōdop ‘sheath’. In this case, the vowel of the final syllable is pronounced almost like a schwa, or can be totally deleted; e.g. tūrum or tūrm ‘God’.156 § 52 The quantity of the syllables cannot be described with general rules, and that is why the long and the short vowels are separated with special marking in this work. However, it seems that concerning quantity, the following rules can be given for Ostyak: a) When, on one hand, the final syllable takes the stress, on the other hand, the first syllable tends to increase its length, at least on the basis of its position157. b) If a long vowel is followed by two consonants, it very often loses its length in pronunciation158; e.g. jāstem or jastem ‘say’, Finn. haastan159; jēnd em or ˊ jend em ‘drink’. ˊ c) If the vowel precedes an aspirated g, it is pronounced long as in the Tartar languages; e.g. jāgam ‘moor’, jāgal ‘step’160. d) The long vowel in monosyllabic words is in most cases pronounced short; e.g. ār or ar ‘big’, kēt, ket ‘hand’161. e) In a similar way, the vowel of the final syllable in multisyllabic words is most often pronounced short. 69 156. There are two additions in the German mscr.: “d) Bei dem Zusatze von Affirmativen kommt der Ton in der gewöhnlichen Aussprache zuweilen auf der letzten Sylbe des Stammes zu ruhen, z. B. panémen, wir (zwei) legten. e) In zusammengesetzten Wörter fällt der Ton, so wie in einfachen, nach der Regel auf der Endsylbe des letztes Wortes, z. B. xadaú, ĉenstup”. 157. This is a cryptic rule that is hard to understand without examples. 158. This, again, means that the vowel is not phonologically long but rather full (vs. reduced, which in similar positions is pronounced short or overshort). 159. ‘talk’; this is one of the few etymological comparisons presented in the grammar (more are found in the word list); the comparison is false, although basically the sound correspondence Kh. j- ~ Fi. h- is possible (e.g. Khanty jĕpǝ ‘owl’ ~ Fi. hyypiä id., in which Finnish has a secondary prolongation of the vowel probably due to affect; the consonants represent the PFU *š). Nevertheless; the word internal correspondence ‑st- ~ ‑st- does not follow the sound-historical rules. 160. Phonematically, reduced (here: “short”) vowels are also common in front of /ɣ/, e.g. S jĕɣ ‘father’, jŏɣǝt- ‘come, arrive’, mö̆ɣ(i) ‘what’. 161. in a closed syllable in front of a word-final consonant �Ostiacica 162. The manuscript has a section of its own for adjectives, 4 ½ pages, including a list of derivative suffixes. In the printed version, this has been combined with the section for nouns. 163. when needed 164. or ‘half leg’ 165. There are lots of these, many already mentioned in the phonological section. 166. hiatus 167. In these words, the final consonant is original and the variants ending in a vowel show the result of word-final elision. 168. The Samoyed word is a cognate of the Khanty one; however, ‑k is here an old derivative suffix. 169. The word has two variants that are used partly in different functions (neŋ being more independent (‘woman’), ne used more in compounds (‘female’). ‑ŋ represents the original stem consonant (PU *näxi ‘woman’, e.g. Janhunen 1981: 27). 170. Concerning derivation, Castrén has in his Swedish original manuscript (p. 215) a historical introduction to the morphology of nouns: “As already has been denoted earlier, we have to assume, on the basis of the basic character of the Finnish languages, that the majority of primitive nouns in Ostyak, too, has consisted of two-syllable words, which have been vowel-final and had the accent on the first syllable of the word. In addition, in all the Finnish languages there are also some original stems that only have one syllable and usually end in a vowel, which usually is long. The Ostyak words that end in a ☙ 24 ❧ Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 25 ❧ eral, the Ostyak language does not differentiate between nouns and adjectives162. Both classes of nouns take the same suffixes for cases and numbers; neither of them shows genus, which is expressed163 by different words or using the word xui ‘man; male’ and neŋ ‘woman, female’; e.g. xui-tau ‘stallion’, neŋ-tau ‘mare’, xui-tawax ‘cock’, neŋ-tawax ‘hen’. The adjectives do not have an actual comparative form, which in some Finnish languages is used to justify the difference between nouns and adjectives. Even on semantical basis the two classes of nouns are not so different, because the same noun can often be used both as a substantive or an adjective; e.g. jem ‘good; goodness’, kur-pēlek ‘lame’ (actually ‘half-foot’164). § 54 The stem of a noun does not have any special endings; nouns can end in any vowel or consonant. This concerns especially the monosyllabic root words; most of the disyllabic words end in a vowel. However, there are also some disyllabic nouns that end in a consonant, and yet they can be considered root words165; e.g. čēwer ‘hare’, mūlem ‘smoke’, ńādem ‘tongue’; it is, however, common that the final consonant in disyllabic as well as in multisyllabic words is added to the stem in order to obey the rules of euphony166 or it shows that the word is a derivative. § 55 For euphony, x, j (i) are added according to § 45 to the words ending with a vowel; e.g. tunda or tondax ‘birch bark’, joura, jourai (instead of jouraj), jograx ‘slanted’, jemse, jemsai ‘the right side’167. In some words, also k as ŋ seems to be added on the basis of euphony; e.g. pēlek ‘half’, Sam. pele, Finn. puoli168; neŋ or ne ‘woman’169, etc. § 56 Some nominal endings, which in most cases are used to form derivatives, can be mentioned here170: A. ‑ep (‑ap, ‑op) appears often in nouns (substantives) as well as in adjectives; e.g. jīndep ‘needle’, ēndep ‘belt’, soodop ‘sheath’, ōndap ‘cradle’, jēdep ‘new’, ōdap ‘strong’, tūrap ‘loose, lax’. This suffix is used very often to turn verbs into nouns referring to tools or instruments; e.g. kunǯep ‘comb’ (kunǯem ‘to comb’), nōgolǯep ‘strut, support’ (nōgolǯem ‘to lean’), tūtxaep ‘churn staff’ (tūtxaem ‘to churn’)171. B. ‑eŋ (‑aŋ, ‑oŋ) is also a common ending in nouns and adjectives; e.g. ādeŋ ‘morning’, jaseŋ ‘speech’, ajaŋ ‘happy’, namseŋ ‘clever, wise’172. The possessive adjectives, too, are always built with this suffix; e.g. keweŋ ‘stony’ (from keu ‘stone’), mērgeŋ ‘winged’ (from mērek ‘wing’), tāšaŋ ‘rich, someone who has things’ from tāš ‘thing(s)’, pūmaŋ ‘grassgrown’, pūnaŋ ‘hairy’, etc. C. ‑li is used in a few dialects to build diminutive forms from nouns and adjectives; e.g. ateli ˊ from ate ‘father’, īmili from īmi ‘mother’, ājeli from āj ˊ ‘small’, etc. D. The diminutive forms from adjectives are in most cases built with ‑oxtep173; e.g. ājoxtep ‘smallish’, 70 71 II Morphology 1) Noun § 53 Like the Finnish and Tartar languages in gen- consonant are not genuine, but have evolved a) through shortening of the originally two-syllable stem; b) through inserting of a consonant (n, ng) into the one syllable, originally vowelfinal stem. In addition, many two-syllable stems have occasionally adopted a consonant after their final vowel, and some of them have also pulled the accent back to the final syllable. All nouns that have not developed according to the rules described in the preceding § are thus derived from other words or borrowed from other languages. In the following we will give some of the most common nominal suffixes…” [This historical comment seems to have been considered superfluous in the translation phase. It is also a very Finnishbased assumption. The current view of the original Proto-Uralic/Finno-Ugric stems is, indeed, that they were vowel-final and consisted of two syllables, but what comes to Castrén’s point b), these also had the same original (C)VCV structure, and in the Finnic languages the long vowel is a consequence of the loss of a consonant like j, w, ŋ or ɣ, which is still present in the Khanty dialects.] 171. jīndep is also an instrument, cf. jīndem (jint- ‘sew’). 172. The word ‘morning’ is not a derivative; jaseŋ /jäsǝŋ/ ‘speech’ cf. jäst- ‘say, speak’, ajaŋ /ŏjǝŋ/ ‘happy, lucky’ cf. ŏj ‘luck’, nam­ seŋ /năm­sǝŋ, nŏm­sǝŋ/ ‘clever, wise’, cf. nămǝs, nŏmǝs ‘thought’. 173. Cf. note 80. �Ostiacica 174. These are actually compounds, cf. ot ‘thing; something’ and the words given here as examples could also (or rather) be translated as ‘the good one’, ‘the red one’, ‘the one that has been thrown’. It is thus rather a nominizer. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 26 ❧ ☙ 27 ❧ Russian маловатый (from āj ‘small’), werdoxtep ‘reddish’, Russian красноватый (from werde ‘red’), nowoxtep ‘whitish, a little white’, Russian бҍловатый (from nowa ‘white’). In these adjectives, the suffix ǯek, ček, which is common in many Tartar languages, appears in some dialects; e.g. aiǯek ‘smallish’, werdeǯek ‘reddish’, cenkček ‘a little bit warm’. E. ‑at is an affix that forms indefinite nouns, pronouns and adverbs; e.g. jemat ‘something good’, werda’at or werdagat ‘something red’, tagamemat ‘something that has been thrown’174. F. ‑xa, ‑ka, ‑ga appear mostly in loan words; e.g. ańaxa or ańaka ‘stepmother’, ńatxa ‘spruce’, cātxa ‘scythe’, sulaika ‘inkwell’, seberga ‘broom’. G. ‑da (de), ‑ta (te), Surg. ‑ȡax (ȡex), ‑ȶax (ȶex) builds both the caritive case and negative adjectives; e.g. tutta ‘mouthless, dumb’, S. tutȶax; sēmde ‘eyeless, blind’, S. sēmȡex. have only two numbers: singular and plural175. As in other languages, too, the singular in Ostyak is also without a general suffix. The dual suffix forms are: gan, xan, kan, (gen, xen, ken)176, which correspond to the Lappish ga and ka and the Samoyed ha177. The plural takes in most cases the suffix et (eȶ), which also appears in Finnish and in many other related languages178. § 59 When it comes to declension cases, Ostyak is not as rich as most of the languages in the same family. In addition to many local cases, the genitive and accusative are also completely missing in Ostyak. In this language, only the following five cases have special suffixes: dative, locative, ablative, caritive and instructive. With the exception of personal pronouns, all nouns and pronouns take the same suffixes in singular, dual and plural. Only caritive is not used in the dual and plural. We will provide all of the different case suffixes in the following paragraphs. § 60 The stem of the word is used to express the singular nominative, e.g. aŋa ‘mother’, ēwa ‘daughter’, keu ‘stone’, jink ‘water’. The dual suffixes are179: A. Declension § 57 In Ostyak, all nouns, adjectives, participles as well as many pronouns and numerals can be declined. The declension does not, however, take place in attributive relations but only in cases where the word has a nominal character; e.g. āj ‘small’, dative āja ‘to the small one’, toma ‘this’, ablative tomīwet ‘from this one’, ādem ‘bad’, nominative plural ātmet ‘the bad ones’, werde ‘red’, ablative werdedīwet ‘from the red ones’. Cf. āj ńaurema ‘to the little child’, toma xajadīwet ‘from these people’, ādem xōdat ‘bad huts’, werde xodadīwet ‘from the red huts’. § 58 The Surgut dialects have three numbers for all categories of nouns, pronouns and verbs: singular, dual and plural. In the Irtyš dialects, only verbs and personal pronouns have these three numbers; the nouns, adjectives, all numerals and many pronouns 72 1. gan (gen), when the stem ends with a vowel or a smooth consonant; e.g. kara ‘bottom, ground’, dual karagan, ikî180 ‘old man’, dual ikigen. 2. xan (xen), when the stem-final consonant is hard; e.g. wont ‘mountain’, dual wontxan, rīt ‘boat’, dual rītxen. 3. kan (ken) after a stem-final x (k); e.g. max ‘beaver’, dual makkan. 4. Occasionally an, en after a hard consonant and especially after k; e.g. lenkep ‘hole’, dual lenkepan, jāk ‘writer’, dual jākan181. The plural suffixes are: 1. ‑et, Surg. ‑eȶ182, in most of the words; e.g. īma 73 175. Nouns also have dual suffixes in the southern (DN, DT, Ko, Kr.) dialects (e.g. Honti 1984: 131–132). The absolute (i.e. non-possessive) dual suffix is in South ‑ɣən, in Surgut ‑ɣən, ‑ɣǝ̑n. 176. The vowel alternations (also in the examples at the end of this page) represent the two different variants of the Surgut schwa (ə, ǝ̑), according to vowel harmony. 177. This is a relevant and correct comparison. The PU reconstruction for absolute dual is *kA. 178. These represent the PU absolute plural suffix *t. 179. The consonant alternation shows the partial assimilation of ɣ into the following consonant. In front of k it is often pronounced as k. 180. The role of the circumflex is not clear. It might be typographic error or a means to stress the accent on the final syllable (actually: ĭkĭ : ĭkĭɣən). 181. This is a further development of the assimilation above (see note 179). 182. The suffix is ‑t in Surgut, too, because it represents the PU, POU *t; the voiceless lateral ʌ is the representative of PU, PFU lateral *l (and *s). What grounds this lateral interpretation in plural has, is completely unknown. �Ostiacica 183. not “next” (“in der nächsten Silbe”) as in the original 184. The Surgut dialects have three plural suffix allomorphs: ət/ǝ̑t after a consonant stem, t after a stem ending in full vowel (e.g. imi ‘woman’, pl. imit) and ‑at following a stem that ends with a reduced vowel. The Surgut suffixes are provided in their right form in the mscr. (MC V p.  74) as ‑t, ‑et, ‑at; why they are changed in the printed version to ‑ȶ, ‑aȶ, ‑oȶ is a mystery. 185. i.e. the functions of possessor and goal (object) 186. I.e. uses a relatively fixed SOV word order (and fixed constituent order of GN). In the Swedish manuscript (p. 198), the distinction between the subject and the object (nominative and accusative) is more cryptic: “In simple sentences, where a noun could denote both the subject and the object (of a sentence), the ambiguity shows in a way that the subjective sentences are expressed with a active passive construction where the subject [is] i Inessivus or Instructivus and the verb [i.e. a passive verb and a locative agent], the objective with an active, e.g. xuina tagameda tagamai, vir movit, a viro motum est, ‘the man throws; by the man is thrown’, xui tagamaiot virum (non vir) movit ‘[he] threw the man’.” While working on the German translation, Castrén reached a far simpler explanation based on basic word order. 187. Oluga (S) tau (täw) ‘horse’ (G), wāres (wärǝs) ‘mane’ (Adv), pan ‘string’ (O), wer- ‘make’ (V). The example sentence is added after the German mscr. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 28 ❧ ☙ 29 ❧ ‘mother’, pl. īmet. In front of a vowel e often changes into i; e.g. ńatxaet, ńatxait. 2. ‑at, ‑ot, Surg. ‑aȶ, ‑oȶ, after an aspirated g, when there is ā, ō or ū in the preceding183 syllable; e.g. wāx ‘money’, pl. wāgat; mōx ‘young of an animal’, pl. mōgot; jūx ‘tree’, pl. jūgot. In the Surgut dialects, aȶ also occurs very often following other consonants, when there are hard vowels in the stem; e.g. wont ‘mountain’, pl. wondaȶ.184 3. ‑ȶ in the Surgut dialects after a stem-final vowel; e.g. kara ‘bottom, ground’, pl. karaȶ, also karagaȶ; iki ‘old man’, pl. ikiȶ. In Irtyš as well as in the Surgut dialects, the elision of the binding vowel can take place after n, s or diphthongs ending in i; e.g. nui ‘towel’, pl. nuit; poi ‘ash (Fraxinus)’, pl. poit; xan ‘sledge’, pl. xant; pesan ‘table’, pl. pesant; kōs ‘star’, pl. kōsȶ. § 61 In Ostyak, the pure stem expresses not only the nominative but also the genitive and the accusative185. To avoid mixing these three cases, the language always places the genitive in front of its head and the accusative closest to the front of the verb, whilst the nominative takes the position in the beginning of the sentence as far as possible from the verb186; e.g. Oluga tau wāresīwet pan werōt ‘Olaus (ex) equi capillo chordam fecit; Oluga made a string out of the horse’s mane’187. Sometimes the genitive is expressed by a possessive adjective and in some cases et or t is added to the accusative, which undoubtedly is the personal suffix of the 3rd person singular. § 62 The Ostyak dative ends in a (e); e.g. pox ‘son’, dat. poga; poi ‘rich’, dat. poja; iki (Surg.) ‘old man’, dat. ikije. This suffix also expresses the illative; e.g. jiŋa ‘into the water’, rīda ‘into the boat’, tuda ‘into the mouth’. In addition, it can also be used to express the allative, factive and consecutive; e.g. pesana panet ‘(he) put (something) on the table’188, rīda weret ‘made a boat (out of it)’189, mant wāgat jepana ‘they called me John (Jepan)’190, jiŋa menōt ‘(he) went to bring some water’191. This suffix can be compared to the illative suffix ä in Zyrian192, he (hen) in Finnish, ga (ge) in Tartar, etc. § 63 The locative is built using the suffix na (ne); e.g. pēteŋna or pēteŋne ‘in the clouds’, xōtna ‘in the hut’. In nouns ending in a vowel, the a is often dropped off; e.g. ńatxana or ńatxan ‘in the silver fir’. This suffix is used to express the inessive, and sometimes also the adessive; e.g. jinkna or jinkne ‘in the water’; tagana or tagan ‘in193 the place’. Furthermore, the same suffix appears in the function of the essive, the instructive and especially the possessive; e.g. kurukna (essive) tēgettet ‘flies like an eagle’194, xuina (instr.) tagāmai ‘thrown by the man’195, imena (poss.) ūdet ‘lives with the woman’196; rutna wāx tājem ‘by the Russian is ˊ (the Russian has) money’197. The suffix of the Ostyak locative also appears in the Finnish, Lappish, Zyrian, Samoyedic and many other related languages198. There is also a longer form of the suffix related to the ablative, īwena or īwen, which, however, occurs very rarely; e.g. xattīwen ‘today’. § 64 The ablative ends in īwet (ēwet), Surg. eux, iux, i199; e.g. xonīwet (xonēwet) S. kaneux, kani ‘from the tsar’; īmīwet (īmēwet), S. īmijiux, īmiji ‘from the woman’. The suffix is also used in local relations and expresses not only the outer but primarily the inner location, which in other related languages is expressed with the elative; e.g. tewīwet ‘from the lake’, kewīwet ‘from the stone’. Sometimes the ablative can be used as prosecutive; e.g. wondīwet ment ‘went along the hill’. Concerning the etymology of the ablative suffix, it probably originates from a lost postposition. 74 75 abN.B. If my observations are otherwise correct, the 200 lative ends in the Obdorsk dialect in ult (eult) ; 188. pĕsan ‘table’-DAT păn- ‘put’PAST.3sg 189. rit ‘boat’-DAT wer- ‘make’PAST.3sg 190. män- ‘I’-ACC waɣ- ‘call’-PAST.3pl Jepan-DAT 191. jǐŋk ‘water’-DAT mĕn- ‘go’PAST.3sg 192. This is a correct comparison (the Komi illative suffix is ‑ö (‑e̮)) < PFU lative *k. 193. German “auf” used in the translation is adessive. 194. kurǝk ‘eagle’-LOC teɣǝt- ‘fly’prs.3sg 195. χuj ‘man’-LOC tagam- ‘throw’PAST.pass.3sg. This is a passive construction otherwise ignored by Castrén. In passive constructions, the agent is marked with the locative. 196. imi ‘woman’-LOC ut- ‘be’prs.3sg; this form is also similar to the comitative ‑nat/‑nät (see § 65), which appears, however, almost exclusively in the Surgut dialects. The verb form utǝt is, anyway, clearly southern (Surg. wăʌʌ). 197. rutˊ ‘Russian’-LOC waχ ‘money’ täj- ‘have’-PRTC.PAST. This is also a (stative) passive construction formed with the past participle ‑m. The agent is marked similarly as in dynamic passive constructions (see note 195). The actual meaning of the sentence is ‘the Russian has had money’. 198. PU locative *nA (e.g. Finnish koto-na ‘at home’) 199. South ‑ewət/‑iwət, Surgut ‑əɣ° (with a labiovelar fricative) 200. Postposition ewəlt ‘from’. There are only three cases in the Obdorsk dialect: the nominative, the locative (‑na) and the lative (or translative; Honti 1984: 139) ‑i. �Ostiacica 201. These resemble each other a lot. The ending ‑ta originates from the PU ablative *tA in both suffixes, but the origin of the ‑l- element has remained unclear, despite many alternative explanations. 202. In Surgut dialects, there are two separate suffixes: ‑at/‑ät for instructive-final and ‑nat/‑nät for instrumental-comitative (Honti 1984: 129). The element ‑n- in the latter is probably not from the locative, but rather from a former postposition stem (Liimola 1963: 64). 203. Cf. note 174; the indefinite nouns are compounds and the instructive suffix is not included in them. 204. The southern form resembles the caritive suffixes with ‑t- in many Finno-Ugrian languages. The eastern dialects show, however, that the original consonant is ‑l- and that the Proto-Khanty form has been *‑ləɣ (as it is today in VVj; in Surgut dialects ‑ʌəɣ). 205. the same suffix as in the postposition ewəlt, S. ewəʌt in § 64 (cf. note 201 above) 206. As has already been mentioned, the Obdorsk dialect has only three cases for nouns (cf. note 200). Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 30 ❧ ☙ 31 ❧ e.g. unt-eult ‘from the forest’. This suffix is probably related to the Finnish ablative lta201. § 65 The instructive has the suffix ‑at, which is normally attached to the stem but occasionally in some dialects to the locative; e.g. kerabat or kerabnat ‘with the boat’202. The comitative is also expressed with the same suffix; e.g. īmeat or īmejat ‘together with the mother’. Additionally, the Ostyaks who speak Russian use the instructive instead of the factive and the essive. That the same suffix also serves in forming indefinite nouns was already mentioned under § 56 E203. § 66 The caritive ends after vowels and smooth consonants in da (de), Surg. ȡax (ȡex), and after hard consonants in ta (te), Surg. ȶax (ȶex); e.g. teuda, Surg. ȶouȡax ‘without a lake’, pette, Surg. peȶȶex ‘without ear(s)’. It appears only in singular and can be used, according to § 56 G, as a negative adjective. The same suffix can be found in many variations in most related languages.204 § 67 Many adverbs and postpositions have special suffixes of their own for the dative, the locative and the ablative, which, as far as I know, are not used for nouns. These are: 1) ga (ge, go), xa, ka (xe, ke, xo, ko) for the dative; e.g. tege ‘[come] here’, kokko ‘[go] far away’; 2) ti for the locative; e.g. xunti ‘when’, kotti ‘where’, totti ‘there’; 3) tta, Surg. ȶta, Obd. lta for the ablative; these correspond to the Finnish ablative suffix ‑lta205; e.g. nūmatta, Surg. nōmeȶta, Obd. nōmalta ‘from above’, xowatta, Surg. kowaȶta ‘from afar’, kametta, Surg. kāmeȶta, Obd. kāmalta ‘from outside’. In Finnish, the allative suffix ‑lle seems to be related to it. § 68 Here we provide once more an overview of all the case suffixes207. N.B. Additionally, the Obdorsk dialect has a special suffix for the allative and the adessive, which also appears with nouns206. I have written this suffix, according to the pronunciation of a Samoyed, as lti (elti) and thus it corresponds to the suffix ti given in this §. 76 Nominative Genitive and Accusative Dative Locative Ablative — — a (e) na (ne, n) īwet (ēwet) Surg. eux, iux, i. at (nat) da (de), ta (te), Surg. ȡax (ȡex), ȶax (ȶex). Instructive Caritive § 69 There are no special alternations in the case suf- fixes with the exception of what has been mentioned above. Instead, the noun stem can change in various ways when a suffix is added to it. Although all the changes of this type have already been described here and there in the phonology, we still wish to provide an overview of the most important ones here. a) Nouns ending in a short vowel behave in their alternations in the following way: 1. In the Irtyš dialect, a changes into e in all cases and numbers with the exception of the ablative and occasionally the caritive (paradigm 1208)209. 2. All nouns ending in ga, xa, ka preserve the final vowel unchanged, but in front of a suffixal a, and occasionally also in front of other vowels, j or g is added between them; e.g. taga ‘place’, dative tagaja or tagaga. In the Surgut dialects, the stemfinal a also remains unchanged after all the other consonants210, but the hiatus is averted with the addition of g. Cf. § 71. 211 3. In the Irtyš dialect, a and e always disappear in front of the long binding vowel of the ablative 77 207. These are given for all three dia­ects in their present form l in the Short Grammatical Description. 208. Cf. p. 33/79. 209. The final a in paradigm 1 (p. 33/79) is actually ‑ǝ and this rule can be written for the stem type with a final reduced vowel. 210. The same can be said about the southern dialects. This rule concerns stem types ending in a full vowel. In the word for ‘place’, it occurs in most dialects as i or its velar counterpart, which, of course, easily sounds like an a. 211. i.e. stem-final reduced vowels. Stem-final full vowels behave as described in point 5 (cf. also note 210 above): ürma ‘mitten’ : ürmajiwǝt. �Ostiacica 212. These semivowels j and w have a more consonantal character between vowels: phonematically: nuj : nuja, kew : kewa. 213. i.e. full vowels 214. i.e. a full vowel, which can be pronounced either half-long or short 215. i.e. are pronounced smoothly between vowels 216. Cf. § 32 and note 3. 217. The paradigms in their present (“normalized”) form are provided in the Short Grammatical Description; see p. 18. 218. stems with a final reduced vowel, e.g. χăntǝ ‘Khanty (person)’ 219. stems with a final full vowel, e.g. ürma ‘mitten’ The Swedish manuscript includes some more paradigms and some of them have accent marking. The irregularity of the marking shows that the accent probably did not ultimately appear to Castrén as the kind of system he had expected in the beginning of his notes (see also the description of the vowels, § 2 and § 6) Nomi­nat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. Locat. Ablat. Instruct. Carit. 1. Sing. Plur. Hánda Ostyak Handét Handà Handét Handeà or ‑èja Handeda Handèna (na) Handetna Handìwet Handedíwet Handeàt or ejat Handedat Handeda or ida Handetta Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar Nominat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. ☙ 32 ❧ ☙ 33 ❧ suffix; e.g. īma ‘woman’, abl. īmīwet. In some dialectal variations, the caritive also has the binding vowel ī, and in these cases as well, the final short a or e disappears at the end of the stem; e.g. īmīda ‘without a woman’. 4. When they appear at the end of a diphthong, i and u change into j and w in front of suffixes with an initial vowel; e.g. nui ‘towel’, dative nuja; keu ‘stone’, dative kewa212. 213 5. All the other vowels , though very rarely appearing in stem-final positions, do not undergo any change, but j or g is often added in front of a suffix-initial vowel, especially in the dative and the instructive singular; e.g. ńōgo ‘meat’, dative ńōgoja, instructive ńōgojat. In the cases mentioned, a euphonic j or g can also appear in nouns ending in a or e. some dialects, if the stem ends in a long vowb) In214 el , there are no changes, whilst in the other the long vowel is pronounced short. In the first case, j or g must be added in front of a vowel suffix, while in the latter the addition is absolutely needed when the vowels that come together sound exactly the same. If the vowels are different, the addition takes place in some dialects but not in others (cf. paradigm 2). c) In the nouns ending in a consonant, the following changes in particular can be observed: Hard consonants become smooth in front of all 1. vowel-initial suffixes (paradigm 3)215. This rule is not very strongly obeyed in the Surgut dialects. 2. In monosyllabic words that include a short vowel, the final consonant is not always smoothened; on the contrary, it may become sharper. In this case, I have written it with a double consonant. It has to be noted, though, that the dialects diverge a lot from one another in this respect. 3. If there is long vowel in the penultima of a bi- or multisyllabic word, the short vowel in the final syllable disappears according to § 32. In connection to this, the consonants that come together change according to the general rules216. § 70 In accordance with the description above, the nouns in the Irtyš dialect are declined in the following way217: 78 Locat. Ablat. Instruct. Carit. 1.218 Singular Plural Stem xanda Ostyak Stem xandet Dative xandeda Dative xandea 1) Locative xandena Locative xandetna Ablative xandedīwet 1) Ablative xandīwet 2) Instructive xandeat 3) Instructive xandedat Caritive xandeda 4) 1) xandeja 2) xandēwet 3) xandejat 4) xandīda 1) xandedēwet (3. Péteng cloud 4. Keráp vehicle like in the translation) Nominat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. 2.219 Singular Stem urmā mitten Dative urmāga 1) Locative urmāna 2) Ablative urmāgīwet 3) Instructive urmāgat 4) Caritive urmāgeda 5) Plural Stem urmāget 1) Dative urmāgeda 2) Locative urmāgetna 3) Ablative urmāgedīwet 4) Instructive urmāgedat 5) 1) urmāja 2) urmān 3) urmājīwet, urmāiwet, urmāewet 4) urmājat 5) urmāgīda 1) urmājet, urmaet, urmait 2) urmājeda, urmaeda, urmaida 3) urmājetna, urmaetna, urmaitna 4) urmājedīwet, urmaedīwet, urmaidīwet 5) urmājedat, urmaedat, urmaidat 79 2. Njatxa Njatxaet or ait Njatxa Njatxaet or ait Njatxaja Njatxaeda or aida Njatxana Njatxaetna or aitna Njatxaíwet Njatxaediwèt or jiwêt or aidiwèt Njatxajat Njatxaedat or aidat Njatxaida (Njatxaetta or itta) Locat. Ablat. Instruct. Carit. 5. Håt Hât tent Hâdêt or Hâdat ‑at Hât Hâdêt or Hâdat Hâda Hâdêda or ada Hâtna Hâdêtna Hâdíwet Hâdêdíwet Hâdat Hâdêdat Hâtta (Hâdêtta) 6. Nominat. JuxPoráxh entrails Poragàt Genit.-Acc. Porax Poragat Dat. Poraga Poragada Locat. Poraxna Poragatna Ablat. Poragíwet Poraga(x)íwet Instruct. Poragat Poragadat Carit. Poraxta (Poragatta) �Ostiacica 220. consonant-final stems without the elidable schwa (cf. point 3 on p. 33/79 and note 83) 221. consonant-final stems with the elidable schwa in the final syllable (cf. point 3 on p. 33/79 and note 83) 222. The present (“normalized”) para­ digms are provided in the Short Grammatical Description; see p. 19. 223. There are, of course, alternations according to the stem type in the same way as in the southern dialects. Here, Castrén gives only the stem type with a stem-final full vowel; in his notes (and the Swedish mscr.) he also provides the consonant-final types: Surgut paradigms in the manuscript (p. 211) Nominat. Sing. Kará Genit.-Acc. Kara Dat. Karaga Locat. Karana Ablat. Karagî (Kara­ geuxh) Instr. Kara­nat Carit. Karad­ lax Dual. Plur. Kara­gàn Karagàt or Kara’at Kara­gan Kara­gat Kara­gana Kara­gada Kara­ Kara­ ganna gatna Kara­gani Kara­gadi (Karaga­ (Karaga­ neuxh) deuxh) Kara­ Kara­ gannat gatnat (Kara­ (Kara­ ganđax gatŧax) Sing. Dual. Plur. Iki old man Ikigen Ikit Iki Ikigen Ikit Ikijä Ikigenä Ikidä Ikinä Ikigennä Ikitnä Ikiji Ikigeni Ikidi (Ikijiux) (Iki­geneux) (Ikideux) Instr. Ikinät Ikigennät Ikitnät Carit. Ikiđäx (Iki­genđäx) (Ik) Nominat. Genit.-Acc. Dat. Locat. Ablat. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar (Mscr. p. 213) ☙ 34 ❧ ☙ 35 ❧ 3.220 Singular Plural Stem kerap vehicle Stem kerabet Dative keraba Dative kerabeda Locative kerapna Locative kerabetna Ablative kerapīwet Ablative kerabedīwet Instructive kerabat Instructive kerabedat Caritive kerapta Singular Stem pēteŋ cloud Dative pēteŋa 1) Locative pēteŋna Ablative pēteŋīwet Instructive pēteŋat Caritive pēteŋda 1) pētŋa 4.221 Plural Stem pētŋet Dative pētŋeda Locative pētŋetna Ablative pētŋedīwet Instructive pētŋedat § 71 In the Surgut dialects, the declension happens 222 223 according to the following paradigms : Singular Stem kara bottom Dative karaga Locative karana Ablative karaeux 1) Instructive karanat Caritive karaȡax 1) karagiux, karagi Dual Stem karagan Dative karagana Locative karaganna Ablative karaganeux Instructive karagannat Plural Stem karagaȶ 1) Dative karagada Locative karagaȶna Ablative karagaȡeux Instructive karagaȶnat Nominat. B. Comparison Genit.-Acc. Dat. § 72 The lack of comparison grades in Ostyak is, as in many other Finnish, Samoyedic and Tartar languages, substituted with case suffixes and different particles. In most cases, the ablative marks the word to which something is compared in order to express the comparative as well as the superlative; e.g. tau sagarīwet kereš ‘the horse is bigger (higher) than the cow’, nank jūgodīwet ār ‘the larch is the biggest of all trees’.225 § 73 When the entity to which something is compared (comparandum) is not uttered but only thought of, the ablative of a demonstrative pronoun is sometimes used instead of it226; e.g. sagar jem, tau tomīwet jem ‘the cow is good, the horse is better than it’. In this case, the adverbs os or ješo (‘still’) can also be used to mark the comparative; e.g. tem ai, tem os ai ‘this is small, that (one) is still smaller’. The superlative can also be expressed with the particles ašma, tax, ˊ čikka (‘very’)227 or with the adjectives patlā, perda, īnem ‘omnis’, patlāgīwet ‘of (“from”) all’; e.g. ašma or patlā jem ‘very good’, čikka ōgor ‘very high’, patlāgīwet ādem ‘worst (bad of all)’. Numerals § 74 With the exception of a few simple cardinalia, which are root words, the numerals in Ostyak and in other related languages are formed partly with derivation and compounds, partly with the help of case suffixes. The cardinal numerals in Ostyak are: 1) karagat224 80 81 Locat. Ablat. Instr. Carit. Sing. Dual. Plur. Wont Wont­xan Wondat Rît Rit­xen Ridet Wont Wont­xan Wondat Wonda Wont­xana Won­dada Ridä Rit­xenä Wontna Wont­ Won­ Ritnä/Ridi xanna datna Wondi Wont­xani Won­dadi (Won­deux/h) (neuh) (deuh) Wontnat Wont­ Won­ Ritnät xannat datnat Rit­xennat Wontŧa Ritŧä Sing. Dual. Plur. Nominat. Wásex Wásekkàn Wasxèt Genit.-Acc. Wásex Wasekkan Wasxet Dat. Wasega Wasek­kana Wasxeda Locat. Wasex­na Wasek­ Wasxetna kanna Ablat. Wasegi Wasekkani Wasxedi (neux) (deux) Instr. Wasex­nat Wasek­ Wasxetnat kannat Carit. Wasex­ŧax 224. This is the correct plural form, cf. note 182. 225. Particles used in this function are South kĕnča, Surgut kińtä; ˊ e.g. Kr. täw wä̆tǝnǝ kĕnča kĕreš ‘the horse is bigger than the reindeer’, Trj. wä̆ʌi ʌăk° kińtä ˊ ńåɣǝ̑ʌ ‘the reindeer is smaller (lower) than the horse’ (Honti 1984: 66). There is also a suffix ‑ătte- in the south: C mäăttem enǝ ‘bigger than me’ (ibid.). 226. To me, this is a normal use of the demonstrative pronoun and is not directly connected with comparison. 227. At least in the easternmost dialects, the latter (V ček ‘very’) is used to mark the superlative (Honti 1984: 67). �Ostiacica 228. The corresponding modern southern (DN) numerals are: ĕj (attr., abs. ĕjǝt), kĕt (attr., abs. kätǝn), χutəm, ńĕtǝ, wet, χot, ˊ täpǝt, ńitǝ, ăr-joŋ, joŋ, ĕj-χatˊ ˊ joŋ, kä̆t-χat-joŋ, χutəm-χat-joŋ, ˊ ˊ ńĕtǝ-χat-joŋ, wet-χat-joŋ, χotˊ ˊ χat-joŋ, täpət-χat-joŋ, ńit- χus, ăr-χus, χus, χus-ĕj(ǝt), χus-kätǝn, χutǝm-joŋ, ńetǝ-joŋ, wet-joŋ, χut-joŋ, täpǝt-joŋ, ńit-sot, ăr-sot, sot, kĕt-sot, χutəm-sot, ńĕtǝ-sot, wet-sot, χot-sot, täpǝt-sot, ńitǝˊ ˊ sot, ăr-joŋ-sot, tarǝs, joŋ-tarǝs (cited and constructed from Honti 1984: 152–53). 229. The numerals ‘one’ and ‘two’ have two alternants: the shorter for attributive use and the longer for absolute use. The absolute ‘two’ is the dual form of the numeral: in Surgut kätɣən. 230. in Surgut (Trj) koʌǝ̑m, O χuləm 231. Trj ńĕʌə, O ńil 232. Trj ńi ̮ʌǝ̑ɣ, O ńijǝl 233. Trj ir-jeŋ°; the word that is given here for ‘nine’ is in fact ‘11’, Trj jeŋ°-ö̆rəkk-ĕj 234. The Ugric ‘seven’ is of Iranian origin (UEW) and ‘eight’ is a Proto-Ugric innovation without any connection to ‘four’, which has an original palatal vowel whilst the vowel in ‘eight’ is velar. 235. The first part of the compound ăr is not the same word as ar, är ‘big, a lot’. 236. The correct translation is ‘eleven’ and the literal meaning something like ‘one on ten’ or ‘one outside ten’ (Honti 1993: 169). The same word Trj ö̆rəkk(ǝ), VVj ĕrk(i) is used in all numerals from eleven to seventeen in the eastern dialects. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 36 ❧ 1. it (i, ja), Surg. ei, ij.228 2. kāden, kādn, kātn, kāt, Surg. kāt, kātxen.229 3. xūdem, Surg. kūȡem, kōȡem, Obd. xōdem.230 4. ńeda (nieda), ńeta, ńet, Surg. ńeȡa, ńeȶa, Obd. ńel.231 5. wēt. 6. xūt, Surg. kūt. 7. tābet, Surg. ȶābet. 8. nīda, nīt, Surg. ńigeȡax, Obd. ńil.232 9. ār joŋ (ār jaŋ), LS. ürx jeuŋ, US. ei erx joŋ.233 10. joŋ (jaŋ), LS. jeuŋ. 11. ja xat joŋ (jaŋ). 12. kāt xat j. 13. xūdem xat j. 14. ńeda xat j. 15. wēt xat j. 16. xūt xat j. 17. tābet xat j. ☙ 37 ❧ 18. nīt xūs. 19. ār xūs. 20. xūs, Surg. kōs. 21. xūs it. 22. xūs kādn. 30. xūdem joŋ. 40. ńeda joŋ. 50. wēt joŋ. 60. xūt joŋ. 70. tābet joŋ. 80. nīt joŋ. 90. ār sōt. 100. sōt, Surg. sāt. 200. kāt sōt. 300. xūdem sōt. 400. ńeda sōt. 500. wēt sōt. 600. xūt sōt. 700. tābēt sōt. 800. nīt sōt. 900. ār sōt. ˊ ˊ 1000. taras, Surg. tores. ˊ 10.000. joŋ taras. 2. The cardinal numerals from eleven to seventeen are built with the word xat, which we consider to be identical to kāt (kat) ‘two’238. According to this, the literal meaning of ja xat joŋ ‘eleven’, kat xat joŋ ‘twelve’ would be approximately ‘one, two of the second ten’, Finnish yksi, kaksi toista kymmentä, etc. 3. Of the other cardinal numerals, xūs, Surg. kos ‘twenty’ seems to be related to Zyrian kyzj. sōt, Surg. sāt appears in many related and other languages. nīt sōt and ār sōt have in Ostyak two meanings: 1) eighty and ninety, 2) eight hundred and nine hundred; taras ˊ ‘thousand’ also has the meaning of a trader. 4. In Ostyak, as well as in other related languages, the cardinal numerals form constructions with the singular; e.g. kāt taŋa ‘two kopecks’, sōt taŋa ‘one hundred kopecks’ or ‘one ruble’, taras taŋa ‘one thousand ˊ kopecks’. Only in the Surgut dialects does the counted entity appear in the dual after kāt; e.g. kāt wākken ‘two kopecks’. 5. In declension, the cardinal numerals behave very regularly; e.g. it, dative ida, instructive idat; xūdem, dative xūdema, instructive xūdemat, etc. N.B. 1. The six first cardinal numerals are apparently § 75 Most ordinal numerals are formed from the basic related to the Finnish: yksi, kaksi, kolme, neljä, viisi, kuusi. The Ostyak numeral tābet ‘seven’ (also: ‘week’) hardly originates from the Turkish sebt ‘Saturday’, Hebrew ‫ .שבת‬nīda, ńigeȡax, ńil ‘eight’ has without a doubt emerged from ńeda (ńeȡa, ńel) through lengthening of the vowel234. ār jaŋ ‘nine’ in Irtyš means in fact ‘big ten’235; whilst ürx jeuŋ (instead of ürük jeuŋ) in the LS. dialect means ‘extra ten’ or also ‘indirect ten’; ei erx joŋ (instead of ei erek joŋ) in the US. dialect has the following meaning: ‘ten without (with the exception of) one.236 joŋ, jeuŋ ‘ten’, Turkish un, Samoyed jū (jung), Zyrian jam237 is also called čam joŋ ‘straight ten’. 82 numerals by rule with the addition of the syllable met, which in Zyrian expresses the superlative239. The ten first ordinal numerals in Ostyak are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. ōdeŋ, S. āȡeŋ, āȶeŋ.240 kīmet. xūtmet, S. kūȶmet. ńetmet, S. ńeȶmet. wētmet. xūdamet, S. kūtmet. 83 237. The exact etymology of the Khanty word for ‘ten’ is not known; the closely related Mansi language uses the word low (PFU *luka), which has counterparts in many related languages. 238. These are two separate words. As was seen on note 228, the word in question has a palatalized ‑t,ˊ whilst ‘two’ does not. The vowel in ‘two’ is also palatal, whilst in χăt,ˊ it is velar. The northern dialects use the same word (χŏś), whilst the eastern dialects use a different word, cf. note 236. Thus, the semantic comparison to Finnish is also erroneous. 239. The correct form is ‑mǝt and it corresponds to the PFU ordinal suffix *‑mti, which is found in most Finno-Ugrian languages including Finnish (kolmas: kolmante- ‘third’) and Hungarian (harmadik ‘third’). 240. South (DN) otǝŋ, Surgut (Trj) äʌǝŋ literally ‘head, end, beginning’ �Ostiacica 241. It is not. Other related languages reveal that the consonant behind the Finnish alternation t : s (in front of i) is a dental spirant *δ, which in Khanty, as a matter of fact, has the same representation as l (South <d> /t/, Surgut <ȡ> /ʌ/). The etymological counterpart of the Finnish word is Khanty (Trj) iʌ ‘the one in front, first; away’, which, as in Finnish, has a palatal vowel. 242. German does not make a distinction between ‘the first time’ and ‘for the first time’. The same thing can probably be applied to Khanty. All the constructions with ordinal numerals thus have two translations: (for) the second time, (for) the third time, (for) the first time. 243. pelək ‘half’, jŏkan ‘lot, share’ 244. They have, of course, independent stems of their own, although the initial consonant serves as a kind of person marking device. The ObUgric languages form, together with the Samoyedic languages and Komi, an area where the character of the second person is n- (in Komi only in verbal inflection) instead of t-, which is commonly regarded as the original (e.g. Hungarian te ‘thou’, ti ‘you’, Finnish sinä (< *tinä) ‘thou’, te ‘you’, Northern Saami don ‘thou’, dual doai ‘you’, pl. dij ‘you’). Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 38 ❧ ☙ 39 ❧ 7. tābetmet, S. ȶābetmet. 8. nīdamet, S. ńigeȡaxmet. 9. ār joŋmet (jaŋmet), LS. ürx jeuŋmet, US. ei erx joŋmet. 10. joŋmet (jaŋmet), LS. jeuŋmet. C. Pronoun N.B. ōdeŋ, āȡeŋ, āȶeŋ ‘outermost, the first’ is probably related to the Finnish esi (actually ete) ‘the one in front’ and esimäinen ‘the first’241. kīmet has without a doubt developed from kāt through the elision of t and the vowel alternation described in § 29. xūtmet ‘third’ has developed from xūdemmet through contraction, and xūdamet ‘sixth’ gets an extra a in order to keep the two apart. All the other ordinal numerals are formed quite regularly; e.g. xūsmet ‘twentieth’, sōtmet ‘hundredth’, tarasmet ‘thousandth’, etc. ˊ § 76 Distributive numerals are usually formed in Os- tyak using the instructive case of the basic numerals; e.g. kādenat ‘two each’, wēdat ‘five each’, xūdat ‘six each’, etc. § 77 The formation of iteratives and temporals happens with the cardinal and ordinal numerals using the one syllable word pis (S. pa); e.g. i pis (US. ei pa) ‘once’, ōdeŋ pis, S. āȡeŋ pa ‘the first time’; xūdem pis (Surg. kūȡem pa) ‘three times’, xūtmet pis (Surg. kūȶmet pa) ‘the third time’, etc. Temporals can be also expressed in the Surgut dialects by adding xa, xe to the ordinal numerals; e.g. kīmetxe ‘second time’, kuȶmetxa ‘third time’. As an exception, āȡeŋna (locative of āȡeŋ) is used to express ‘the first time’242. § 78 In expressing fractions and mixed numbers, the language uses the words pēlek and jukan ‘part, section, share’243; e.g. kīmet pēlek ‘one and a half’ xūtmet jukan ‘one third’, etc. § 79 The different kinds of pronouns are, concern- ing their declension, very similar to the nouns. With a few exceptions, the same case suffixes are attached to both, and the characters of number are nearly always the same. Similarly to the noun, the pronoun also lacks declension in attributive position. § 80 The personal pronouns in Ostyak are nearly the only ones that somewhat differ from the general declension model. Even in the Irtyš dialects, they, unlike nouns, have three numbers, of which the dual and the plural are formed in a quite specific way.244 Among the regular cases, the personal pronoun lacks the caritive whilst the accusative with t is very common245. The locative is gradually more and more often expressed with the help of postpositions, the ablative has in the Irtyš dialects a special suffix of its own, and the instructive is formed with two suffixes. Otherwise, it may be noted that in many case forms, the personal pronouns make use of the so-called personal suffixes246, which are not attached to the stem but, against the common rules, to the case suffixes247. § 81 The personal pronouns in Ostyak are ma (originally man) ‘I’, dual mīn, pl. meŋ; neŋ ‘thou’, dual nīn, pl. neŋ; teu, Surg. ȶeux ‘he, it’, du. tīn, Surg. ȶin, pl. teg, Surg. ȶex. In Irtyš, they are declined in the following way248: Stem Acc. Dat. Loc. Abl. Instr. 84 1. Sing. Dual Plural ma ‘I’ mīn meŋ mant mīnat meŋat menem mīnemen meŋewa (mantem) mana mīnna meŋna ma’attem mīnattemen meŋattem ma’ademat249 mīnademenat250 meŋadewat251 85 245. Castrén does not make a comparison with Finnish, which interestingly enough has the same accusative suffix in personal pronouns: minut, sinut, hänet ‘me, you, him/her’. 246. i.e. possessive suffixes 247. Possessive suffixes are used relatively widely in the FinnoUgric languages in the declension of personal pronouns: in Mansi, they are used for creating a declension stem and the stem + Px serves alone as accusative, in Hungarian partly in the same way (engem, téged ‘me, you’ (in object position) and in the Permic languages Stem + Px expresses the dative (Vértes 1967, Kulonen 1993, Bartens 2000:150). 248. mscr. (p.  230) Ma, Mín, Mêng; Nêng, Nin, Nêng; Teu, Tin, Teg 249. Modern forms in DN (following Honti 1984: 146): mä (män), mänt, mĕnem (Honti gives a separate lative mäntema), mänǝ, mänăttem, mänatemat. 250. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) min, minat, minemǝn, minnǝ, minăttemǝn, minatemǝnat. 251. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) mŏŋ, mŏŋat, mŏŋew, mŏŋnǝ, mŏŋăttew, mŏŋatewat. The final ‑m instead of ‑w in the ablative might be a typographical error. �Ostiacica 252. Modern forms in DN (Honti 1984: 146) nŏŋ, nŏŋat, nŏŋen, nŏŋnǝ, nŏŋătten, nŏŋatenat. 253. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) nin, ninat, ninesǝn, ninnǝ, ninăttesǝn, ninatesǝnat. In Ko and Kr, the expected ‑t- appears instead of the somewhat surprising ‑s-. 254. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) nĕŋ, nĕŋat, nĕŋesǝn, nĕŋnǝ, nĕŋăttesǝn, nĕŋăttesǝn (in Ko and Kr nĕŋatetǝnat; see also note 253). 255. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tĕw, tĕwat, tĕwet, tĕwnǝ, tĕwăttet, tĕwatetat. 256. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tin, tinat, tinesǝn, tinnǝ, tinattesǝn, tinătesǝnat (see also note 253). 257. Modern forms in DN (ibid.) tĕɣ, tĕɣat, tĕɣet, tĕɣnǝ, tĕɣăttet, tĕɣatetat. 258. There are, for example, more case forms. The Surgut paradigms are given in the Short Grammatical Description, pp. 20–22. 259. Here, again, the possessive suffixes are meant. 260. mscr. (p. 235) Dual 2. Atinnam, 3. Atinnam, Plur. 1. Atiunam, 2. Atinnam, 3. Atiŧnam 261. I.e. possessive suffixes; mscr. p.  235 “Till pronomina personalia höra äfven de så kallade suffixa, hvilka urdhänges nomina och tjäna till och ersätter pronomina possessiva, som i de Finska språken saknat suffixa äro i den Irt. dial. med åsidosättande af bindevocaleren följande”. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 40 ❧ Stem Acc. Dat. Loc. Abl. Instr. ☙ 41 ❧ 2. Sing. Dual Plural neŋ ‘thou’ nīn neŋ neŋat nīnat (nīnet) neŋat neŋen nīneden neŋeda neŋna nīnna neŋa neŋatten nīnatteden neŋatteden neŋadenat252 nīnadedenat253 neŋadedenat254 Sing. Stem teu ‘you’ Acc. tewat Dat. tewet Loc. teuna Abl. tewattet Instr. tewadedat255 3. Dual tīn tīnat tīneden tīnna tīnatteden tīnadedenat256 Plural teg tegat teget tegna tegattet tegadedat257 N.B. There are also many anomalies in the declen- sion of personal pronouns in the Surgut dialects, which I, however, have not observed very carefully258. If I have made some mistakes in the Irtyš dialect, they cannot be of very much importance. § 82 In the Irtyš dialects, there are, according to my observations, no reflexive pronouns; they are always replaced by personal pronouns. The Surgut dialects make use of some derived words that are formed from an extinct stem with the help of personal pronouns259 and a syllable nam attached to it; e.g. atemnam ‘I myself’, atennan ‘thou thyself’, atiȶnam ‘he himself’, atimemnan ‘we (two) ourselves’260, etc. 261 § 83 The so-called personal suffixes are very common in Ostyak and are used instead of possessive pronouns. Like the personal pronouns, these suffixes also have three numbers in all Ostyak dialects; e.g. kēǯem ‘my knife’, kēǯemen ‘our (the two of us) knife’, kēǯeu ‘our (several of us) knife’. They cannot be 86 attached to all case suffixes but only in the nominative or the basic form in singular, dual or plural; in all the other case forms, the personal suffixes are placed between the number characters and the case suffixes; e.g. opa ‘sister’, opea ‘to the sister’, opema ‘to my sister’, opena ‘to your sister’ opeda ‘to his/her sister’. § 84 Here we wish to provide an overview of the personal suffixes in the Irtyš dialect and additionally the most important characteristics of the Surgut dialects: Singular262 I: 1. em ‘my’, 2. en ‘your’, 3. et, S. eȶ ‘his, her’. II: 1. emen ‘of the two of us’ 2. eden, ten, S. in, ten ‘of the two of you’, 3. eden, ten, S. in, ten ‘of the two of them’. III: 1. eu, S. eux ‘our (several of us)’, 2. eden, ten, S. in, ten ‘your (several of you)’, 3. et, S. iȶ ‘their (several of them)’. Dual and plural263 I: am ‘my (several)’, 2. an ‘your (several)’, 3. et, S.urg. eȶ ‘his, her (several)’. II: 1. emen ‘of the two of us’ 2. en ‘of the two of you’, 3. en ‘of the two of them’. III: 1. eu, S. eux ‘our (several of us)’, 2. en ‘your (several of you)’, 3. et, S. eȶ ‘their (several of them)’. § 85 This overview shows that the singular and plural, as well as the dual in the Surgut dialects, take the same suffixes. These are, if we do not give attention to the binding vowel, in I: m, n, t, (ȶ), in II: men, den (ten), den (ten), in III: u (ux), den (ten), t (ȶ). It has to be noticed, though, that d always falls away in dual and plural and that the personal suffix eden is contracted to en, cf. § 44. The elision of d occurs in the Surgut dialects already in singular. Moreover, in these dialects, the n of the second person singular can also be lost. 87 262. This is the series of the suffixes with the possessed in singular. The modern forms attached to the word ‘house’ are the following (DN, Honti 1984: 132): χotem ‘my house’ χoten, χotət, χotemən ‘the house of the two of us’, χotesən, χotesən, χotew ‘our house’ χotesən, χotet. 263. This is the series of the possessed in dual or plural. The suffixes themselves are the same, but dual possessed has a special dual character ‑ɣətin front of the suffix and similarly, when referring to plural possessed, there is a plural character ‑t- between the stem and the suffix. So the whole possessive paradigm consists of 27 suffixes (or suffix combinations). The modern forms attached to the word ‘house’ (DN, ibid.) are in dual χotɣətam ‘my two houses’, χotɣətan, χotɣətat, χotɣətemən ‘the two houses of us two’, χotɣətən, χotɣətən, χotɣətəw ‘our two houses’, χotɣətən, χotɣətat; and in plural χottam ‘my (several) houses’, χottan, χottat, χottemən, χottən, χottən, χottəw ‘our (several) houses’, χottən, χottat. In Surgut (Trj.), the corresponding character for dual possessed is ‑ɣǝ̑ʌ-/‑ɣəʌ- and for plural possessed ‑ʌ-. The table of Surgut forms is given in the Short Grammatical Description p. 16. �Ostiacica 264. The 1pl suffix ‑w, Surgut ‑ɣ° originates from Proto-Khanty and Proto-Ugric suffix ‑ɣ°, which also has an etymological counterpart in the Hungarian 1Pl suffix of the definite conjugation ‑uk (Honti 1985). 265. The consonant behind the personal pronouns and endings is the PFU *s, which in Surgut dialects (and Kaz) is represented by ʌ, in the South by t and in northern and easternmost dialects by l. The PFU l has the same representation. 266. There are a few etymologies in the (Baltic-)Finnic languages in which t and n seemingly correspond to each other, but this is far from a regular sound change. Cf. note 244. 267. It is worth noting that the vowel is a full one and thus part of the suffix, not a binding vowel. In 3sg and 1pl, the vowel is reduced and does not belong to the suffix. 268. This is not a diphthong; the role of a after a relatively weak velar consonant is purely acoustic. 269. A reduced vowel, phonematically /ə/. 270. In Trj consonant-final stems, the vowel in singular persons and 1pl is ǝ̑ /ə, in second and third persons dual and plural i ̮/i. In vowel-final stems the vowel is full and its quality depends on the vowel of the stem, whether it is full or reduced. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 42 ❧ ☙ 43 ❧ N.B. It can easily be noticed that most of the suffixes § 87 In combination with the personal suffixes the mentioned above are closely related to the personal pronouns. In singular, m, n, t (ȶ) are only shortened forms of ma ‘I’, neŋ ‘thou’, teu (ȶeux) ‘he’. Of the dual suffixes, men in the first and ten in the third person correspond mīn ‘we (two)’ and tīn ‘they (two)’ almost to the letter. The m in the first person plural has probably changed into u, like in many Samoyedic dialects, in order to make a difference from the first person singular264. The t (ȶ) in the third person plural has a visual correspondence to the personal pronoun teg (ȶeg)265. The suffix den (ten) in the second person dual and plural is, though, very different from the personal pronoun, but it seems that neŋ ‘thou’ originates from teŋ through a consonant change which is very common in the Finnish languages, and thus in this case it is easy to explain the affinity266. § 86 Concerning the vowel of the personal suffixes noun stem is subject to regular changes, which have already been discussed in the phonology and partly also in § 69. We make a short remark on the most important ones: a) In most cases, a short final a changes into e, but remains unchanged after x, g, k; e.g. aŋa ‘mother’, suffixes I. aŋem, aŋen, aŋet ‘my, your, his mother’; II. aŋemen, aŋeden, aŋeden ‘our, etc. mother’, III. aŋeu, aŋeden, aŋet; ańaxa ‘stepmother’, suffixes I. ańaxaem, ‑xaen, ‑xaet, II. ańaxaemen, ‑xaeden, ‑xaeden, III. ‑xaeu, ‑xaeden, ‑xaet271. In the Surgut dialects, a also remains unchanged after other consonants, but in combination with the suffixes of the second and third person in dual and plural, a as well as e easily change into i272; e.g. kara ‘ground, place’, suffixes I. karam (also kara’am), karan (kara’an), karaȶ; II. karamen, karaten or karin; III. karaux, karaden or karin, kariȶ, dual karagaȡam, pl. karaȡam. b) In the Irtyš dialect, the other vowels remain mostly unchanged; e.g. kēǯe ‘knife’, suffixes I. kēǯem, kēǯen, kēǯet; II. kēǯemen, kēǯeden, kēǯeden; III. kēǯeu, kēǯeden, kēǯet273. c) When ending a diphthong, i and u change into j, w in front of the binding vowel274; e.g. woi ‘fat’, suffixes I. wojem, wojen, wojet; II. wojemen; III. wojeu, pl. woidam; keu ‘stone’, I. kewem, kewen, kewet; II. kewemen; III. keweu; pl. keudam. d) In some of the Surgut subdialects, stem-final i changes into e after a preceding consonant in the first and second person singular; e.g. kilsi ‘barbel’, suffixes I. kilsem, kilsen, kilsiȶ; II. kilsimen, etc., whilst in other dialects you can hear ie in the first and second person singular and i in the other persons; e.g. kiuri ‘wound’, suffixes I. kiuriem, kiurien, kiuriȶ; II. kiurimen; III. kiuriu, etc. 88 89 or the so-called binding vowel, it is in the Irtyš dialect nearly always the same and consists of an e267. The nouns ending in x normally have the binding vowel ae, especially in the first and second person singular268; e.g. jūrax ‘side’, jūragaem, jūragaen, jūragat. In the first and second person plural, a appears in most cases (see the paradigms). In the third person singular, e alternates sometimes with a, o and can, according to § 32, even be lost269: wāx ‘money’, wāgat ‘his money’, sōx ‘skin’, sōgot ‘his skin’, pōs ‘glove’, pōst ‘his glove’. Sometimes an elision of the binding vowel also occurs in a consonantfinal noun, when the dual and second person plural suffixes are attached to the nominative singular. In the Surgut dialects, though, the binding vowel disappears in front of the first person plural suffix (cf. the paradigm). Otherwise in the Surgut dialects the binding vowel is very vague270: Sometimes there is a, sometimes e and also other vowels that we cannot present exactly. 271. In this single example, it is not only that a follows a velar consonant (cf. § 86, note 268) but also that the word consists of three syllables. It is therefore impossible to say whether a in ae is a similar acoustic phenomenon to that in the note 268 or the final vowel of the stem, which might be preserved in polysyllabic (3+) stems. 272. This i belongs to the suffix of the persons mentioned. The final vowels represent the reduced vowel (karǝ̑ ‘place’) and the paradigm in Surgut (Trj) is the following: karam, kara, karaʌ, karamǝ̑n, kari ̮n, kari ̮n, karaɣ°, kari ̮n, kari ̮ʌ. The n of the second person singular is lost in Trj and the full vowel alone shows the function of the Px in question. 273. Actually, the stem-final schwa disappears in front of the full vowel of the suffix; there is thus an alternation between ə and e. What Castrén has heard would probably have been: (kečǝ ‘knife’) *kečem, *kečen, *kečǝt, *kečemǝn, *kečetǝn, *kečetǝn, *kečew, *kečetǝn, *kečet (cf. the DN Ko Kr paradigms in Honti 1984: 132–133). 274. This, too, shows clearly that it is not a binding vowel but part of the suffix. It is somewhat absurd to say that a binding vowel causes a change in the stem. �Ostiacica 275. i.e. stem-final full vowels 276. A correct term would probably be “possessive”; Castrén has clearly thought of combinations of suffixes. 277. The suffix denoting dual possessed probably consists of the basic dual character ‑ɣ and l/ʌ/t adopted from the suffix for plural possessed. 278. These two plural suffixes have different origins: the absolute plural suffix goes back to the PFU (PU) *‑t whilst the suffix for plural possessed originates from Proto-Khanty *‑il. In the southern dialects, the consonants cannot be distinguished from one another because of the common sound change *l > t. 279. i.e. reduced vowel (ə) 280. The elision would also lead to unpronounceable consonant clusters. 281. We can also bear in mind that the two plurals are two separate suffixes, cf. note 278 above. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 44 ❧ ☙ 45 ❧ e) After long vowels and sometimes also after short ones275, g or j is added; e.g. jesnā ‘brotherin-law’, suffixes I. jesnāgem or ‑jem, jesnāgen or ‑jen, jesnāget or ‑jet, etc. f) When the nominal stem ends with a consonant, the final consonant sometimes gets smoother, sometimes harder or undergoes another change according to general rules; e.g. rīt ‘boat’, rīdem ‘my boat’; put ‘kettle’, pudem ‘my kettle’; kerap ‘vehicle’, kerabem ‘my vehicle’; nānk ‘larch’, nāŋem ‘my larch’; oitˊ ‘fence’, oid em, plural oittam ‘my fences’; kāń ‘arctic ˊ ˊ fox’, plural kānd am ‘my arctic foxes’; ńań ‘bread’, pluˊ ral ńand am ‘my breads’, etc. ˊ The following sound changes deserve a special § 88 attention, because they do not occur in the absolute declension but only in the suffixal276 one. a) In the Surgut dialects the dual character xan, xen, etc. changes into xat, xet, etc. in connection with the personal suffixes; e.g. kara ‘ground, place’, dual karagan, suffixal karagaȡam, ‑gaȡan, etc.277 b) the plural character et changes into it in front of the personal suffix; e.g. kēǯe ‘knife’, plural kēǯet, suffixes I. kēǯidam, kēǯidan, kēǯidet; II. kēǯidemen, etc.278 c) When the nominal stem ends with a consonant and has a long vowel in the penultima, in the suffixal forms the short vowel279 of the final syllable undergoes elision in singular, while in dual and plural this does not happen280; e.g. pōgor ‘islet’, singular pōxrem ‘my islet’, plural pōgordam ‘my islets’; wāsex ‘duck’, singular wīsxam ‘my duck’, dual wāsekkaȡam, plural wāsekȶam or wāsekȡam. d) Consonant-final stems always lose the binding vowel of the plural in connection with the personal suffixes; e.g. xuran ‘stall, shed’, plural xuranet, suffixal xurandam; tābet ‘week’, plural tāptet; suffixal tābettam; kōr ‘oven’, plural kōret, suffixal kōrdam.281 § 89 In the following paradigms, the word īma ‘wom- 90 91 an’ shows the comprehensive overview of the nominal declension in connection with the personal suffixes282. All the other examples urmā ‘mitten’, kerap ‘vehicle’, pōgor ‘islet’, jūrax ‘edge’ will be given only in the basic form. I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. 1. īmem 1. īmemen 1. īmeu 1.283 Basic form Singular 2. īmen 2. īmeden 2. īmeden 3. īmet284 3. īmeden 3. īmet 1. īmidam 1. īmidemen 1. īmideu Plural 2. īmidan 2. īmiden 2. īmiden 3. īmidet 3. īmiden 3. īmidet 1. īmema 1. īmemena 1. īmewa Dative Singular 2. īmena 2. īmedena 2. īmedena 3. īmeda 3. īmedena 3. īmeda 1. īmidama 1. īmidemena 1. īmidewa Plural 2. īmidana 2. īmidena 2. īmidena 3. īmideda 3. īmidena 3. īmideda I. II. III. Locative Singular 1. īmemna 2. īmenna 1. īmememna285 2. īmedenna 1. īmeuna 2. īmedenna 3. īmetna 3. īmedenna 3. īmetna I. II. III. Plural 1. īmidamna 2. īmidanna 1. īmidememna286 2. īmidenna 1. īmideuna 2. īmidenna 3. īmidetna 3. īmidenna 3. īmidetna 282. There is also a series of dual possessed with the dual character ‑ŋǝt- : imeŋǝtam ‘my two women’, imeŋǝtan, imeŋǝtat, imeŋǝtǝmǝn ‘the two women of us two’, imeŋǝtǝn, imeŋǝtǝn, imeŋǝtǝw ‘our two women (of the several of us)’, imeŋǝtǝn, imeŋǝtat. (Kr Ko suffixes, cf. Honti 1984: 133.) 283. stem type ending in a reduced vowel 284. īmit (imit) ‘his/her woman’ would be expected. The vowel in px.sg<3sg is the same as in all persons of the plural possessed. It is also different from the form imet ‘their woman’ (px.sg<3pl). 285. īmemenna (imemənnə) would be expected. 286. īmidemenna (imitəmǝnnə) would be expected. �Ostiacica Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar 287. stem type ending in a full vowel ☙ 46 ❧ I. II. III. 1. īmemīwet 1. īmemenīwet 1. īmewīwet Ablative Singular 2. īmenīwet 2. īmedenīwet 2. īmedenīwet I. II. III. 1. īmidamīwet 1. īmidemenīwet 1. īmidewīwet Plural 2. īmidanīwet 2. īmidenīwet 2. īmidenīwet 3. īmidedat 3. īmidenat 3. īmidedat I. II. III. 1. īmidamat 1. īmidemenat 1. īmidewat Plur. 2. īmidanat 2. īmidenat 2. īmidenat 1. īmemda 1. īmemenda 1. īmeuda Caritive Sing. 2. īmenda 2. īmedenda 2. īmedenda 1. urmāgem 1) 1. urmāgemen 1. urmāgeu 2.287 Basic form Sing. 2. urmāgen 2. urmāgeden 2. urmāgeden I. II. III. 3. urmāgidet 3. urmāgiden 3. urmāgidet I. II. III. 3.288 Basic form Sing. 1. kerabem 2. keraben 1. kerabemen 2. kerabeden 1. kerabeu 2. kerabeden 3. kerabet 3. kerabeden 3. kerabet I. II. III. 1. keraptam 1. keraptemen 1. kerapteu Plur. 2. keraptan 2. kerapten 2. kerapten 3. keraptet 3. kerapten 3. keraptet I. II. III. 4.289 Basic form Sing. 1. pōxrem 2. pōxren 1. pōxremen 2. pōxreden 1. pōxreu 2. pōxreden 3. pōxret 3. pōxreden 3. pōxret 1. pōgordam 1. pōgordemen 1. pōgordeu Plur. 2. pōgordan 2. pōgorden 2. pōgorden 3. pōgordet 3. pōgorden 3. pōgordet I. II. III. 5.290 Basic form Sing. 1. jūragaem 2. jūragaen 3. jūragat 1. jūragaemen 1) 2. jūragaeden 2) 3. jūragaeden 2) 1. jūragaeu 2. jūragaeden 2) 3. jūragaet 2) 3. īmidedīwet 3. īmidenīwet 3. īmidedīwet 3. īmedat 3. īmedenat 3. īmedat 1. īmemat 1. īmemenat 1. īmewat Plur. 2. urmāgidan I. 1. urmāgidam II. 1. urmāgidemen 2. urmāgiden III. 1. urmāgideu 2. urmāgiden I. II. III. 3. īmedīwet 3. īmedenīwet 3. īmedīwet Instructive Sing. 2. īmenat 2. īmedenat 2. īmedenat I. II. III. I. II. III. ☙ 47 ❧ 3. īmetta 3. īmedenda 3. īmetta 2) or: urmājidam, urmājidan, urmājidet, also: urmaidam, urmaidan, urmaidet, cf. ańaxaidam, ańaxadann, ańaxaidet. 3. urmāget 3. urmāgeden 3. urmāget 1) or: urmajem, urmajen, urmājet, also: urmaem, urmaen, urmaet, cf. ańaxaem, ańaxaen, ańaxaet. 1) jūraxmen 92 2) juraxten 93 288. stem type ending in a full vowel + consonant 289. stem type ending in a reduced vowel (ǝ) + consonant, in which the metathesis/elision of ǝ takes place in certain inflected forms 290. <jūrax> is a derivative (with presumably a full vowel in the second syllable), cf. jĭra ‘aside’. �Ostiacica 291. stem type ending in a reduced vowel 292. It is worth remembering that <ȡ> and <ȶ> represent the same phoneme. The plural possessor series with dual possessed is actually kăraɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° ‘our two places (of several of us)’, kăraɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n ‘your two places’, kăraɣǝ̑ʌaʌ ‘their two places’. 293. Stem type ending in a consonant. There is also a paradigmatic vowel alternation (see p.  49/95) and a simplification of the stem consonant č > t in front of the character ʌ for plural possessed. 294. The whole paradigm in a normalized form is the following: (possessed in singular:) učem, učen, učǝ̑ʌ, učmǝ̑n, uči ̮n, uči ̮n, učǝ̑ɣ°, uči ̮n, uči ̮ʌ; (possessed in dual:) åčɣǝ̑ʌam, åčɣǝ̑ʌa, åčɣǝ̑ʌ, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑m ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑ɣ°, åčɣǝ̑ʌ ǝ̑n, åčɣǝ̑ʌaʌ; (possessed in plural:) åtʌam, åtʌa, åtʌ, åtʌǝ̑m ǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑n, åtʌǝ̑ɣ°, åtʌaʌ. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 48 ❧ I. 1. jūraxtam II. 1. jūraxtemen III. 1. jūraxteu Plur. 2. jūraxtan 2. jūraxten 2. jūraxten ☙ 49 ❧ 3. jūraxtet 3. jūraxten 3. jūraxtet § 90 For the Surgut dialects, we want to present the following paradigms: kara ‘ground, place’ and āč ‘sheep’. I. II. III. 1.291 Basic form Sing. 1. karam 2. karan 1. karamen 2. karin 1. karaux 2. karin 3. karaȶ 3. karin 3. kariȶ Dual I. 1. karagaȡam 2. karagaȡan 3. karagaȶ II. 1. karagaȡamen 2. karagaȡen 3. karagaȡen III. 1. karagaȡaux 2. karagaȡen 3. karagaȡaȶ292 I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. I. II. III. 1. karaȡam 1. karaȡamen 1. karaȡaux 1. ūǯem 1. ūǯmen 1. ūǯeux Plur. 2. karaȡan 2. karaȡen 2. karaȡen 2.293 Basic form Sing. 2. ūǯen 2. ūǯin 2. ūǯin 1. āǯxaȡam 1. āǯxaȡamen 1. āǯxaȡaux Dual 2. āǯxaȡan 2. āǯxaȡen 2. āǯxaȡen 1. ātȶam 1. ātȶamen 1. ātȶaux Plur. 2. ātȶan 2. ātȶen 2. ātȶen 94 3. karaȶ 3. karaȡen 3. karaȡaȶ 3. ūǯeȶ 3. ūǯin 3. ūǯiȶ 3. āǯxaȶ 3. āǯxaȡen 3. āǯxaȡaȶ § 91 We add the following list of words that undergo 295 a vowel alternation in the Surgut dialects. rāk sāp sāpeȶ čānč ȶābet ȶānt a and i296 ‘night’ Suffix I.1. ītem ‘dog’ īmpem ‘finger’ pīŋem ‘debt’ īrendam ‘nail’?? jīnkem ‘bark’ kīrem ‘duck’ wīsxam tīsem ‘ware, thing(s)’ ‘flour’ rīkem ‘brook’ sīpem ‘neck’ sīpȶem ‘knee’ čīnǯem ‘week’ ȶīptem ‘moss’ ȶīntem, etc. āč kāt ńāȶ lāt māntˊ āȶ pās sārt sājep jāgam ȶār tārax wān ȶān kār wāt a and u297 ‘sheep’ Suffix I.1. ūǯem ‘house’ kūtem ‘nose’ ńūȡem ‘hole’ lūtem ‘story’ mūnd em ˊ ‘year’ ūȡem ‘glove’ pūsem ‘pike’ sūrtem ‘net’ sūipam ‘moor’ jūgmen298 ‘meadow’ ȶūrem ‘crane’ tūrgam ‘shoulder’ wūnem ‘vein’ ȶūnem ‘ox’ kūrem ‘wind’ wūdem, etc. āt āmp pāŋ ārent jānk kār wāsex tās 3. ātȶ 3. ātȶen 3. ātȶaȶ294 95 295. The paradigmatic vowel alternation concerns the full vowels å, o, ä and e in the first syllable. 296. phonematically ä vs. i 297. phonematically å vs. u 298. This is “suffix I.2.”, i.e. px.sg <2sg; probably a typographic misprint instead of jūgmem (juɣmem). �Ostiacica 299. phonematically the same (e vs. i) 300. phonematically the same (o vs. u) 301. probably a typographical misprint, u instead of ū 302. The word for ‘oven’ is in Surgut dialects Likr kör, Trj ker. 303. South tä̆m, tăm, tä̆mǝ, Surgut tem, temi ‘this’; South Surgut tŏm, South tŏmǝ, Surgut tŏmi ̮ ‘that’ (Honti 1984: 74) 304. These shorter pronouns (South ˊ ˊ tĕw, Surgut tu) that refer to more distant objects (not visible, as opposed to tŏm, South tŏmǝ, Surgut tŏmi ̮ ‘that’) are used only in attributive positions. In Surgut we also find ˊ ˊ ti ‘this (attributive)’ and tit ‘id. (absolute)’. (Ibid.) Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 50 ❧ ńēwer lēk ōp ōx lōx mōk ōnk pōm rōk sōm ȶōnt kōs kȫr kȫń ☙ 51 ❧ e and i299 ‘lather’ suffix I.1. ‘trace’ xoi or xoje, S. koje ‘who, which’, Finnish ku, kuka305. met or metta ‘which, what’, Finnish mi, mikä. medoi, medoje (originally met-xoi), Surg. muguȡi ‘what’.306 ńīurem līkam, etc. o and u300 ‘father-in-law’ suffix I.1. ūpem ‘head’ ū’um (ūgum) ‘inlet, bay’ lū’um (lūgum) ‘young (of mūkam an animal)’ ‘resin’ ūnkam ‘grass’ pumem301 ‘front (of a rūkam cloth)’ ‘scale (of a fish)’ sūmem ‘goose’ ȶūndem ‘star’ kūsem, etc. ö and ü302 ‘oven’ suffix I.1. ‘arctic fox’ kǖrem kǖńem The following words can also be regarded as relative pronouns: mecir, Surg. mugusir ‘what kind of’, tissir ˊ ‘that kind of’, tament ‘like that one’, timent ‘like this ˊ one’, etc.307 The declension of these pronouns follows the general rules both in Irtyš and in the Surgut dialects; e.g. xojīwet, medīwet, etc. § 94 Indefinite pronouns are formed from the interrogative and relative pronouns with the help of the derivative suffix at; e.g. xajat 1) ‘someone’, 2) ‘person’, from xoi ‘who’; medat or mettat ‘something’, from met or metta ‘what’; mecirat ‘some kind of’, Russian какій то; tissirat ‘that kind of’308, Russian такій ˊ то, etc. 2) Verb § 92 The demonstrative pronouns in Ostyak are toma § 95 There are two classes of verbs in Ostyak that not 96 97 (tom) ‘that’, Finnish tuo, and tema (teme, tem) ‘this’, Finnish tämä303. According to § 81, teu ‘he, it’ can also be used as a demonstrative pronoun. In adverbs as well as in some relative and interrogative pronoun compounds there are further demonstratives tit ˊ (tut) ‘this’ and ta ‘that’304. The declension of toma and ˊ tema is regular when these pronouns are used absolutely; e.g. dative tomeja, temeja, locative tomena, temena, ablative tomīwet, temīwet; pl. tomet, temet, etc. Only the dual in the Surgut dialects is irregular: tomīn, temīn. § 93 Interrogative and relative pronouns are expressed in Ostyak, like in the other related languages, mostly using the same words. These are: only differ from each other somewhat in their meaning but also in the flexion. One includes transitive or active verbs, the other includes all the intransitive and neutral verbs. In flexion, auxiliary and passive verbs correspond almost entirely to the latter.309 § 96 Both classes of verbs can include basic words as well as derivatives. The first ones consist of one or at most two syllables, the latter have in their stem two syllables at least, often more. The derivation happens with the help of special character letters, which can be attached to a basic as well as to a derived stem of a noun or a verb. Verbs that form compounds with postpositions occur in Ostyak very rarely and they are formed completely on the basis of the sense of the Russian language. 305. The Finnish counterpart is not relative but only interrogative. The comparison, though, is correct. 306. The simple interrogative-relative pronouns are in South χŏjǝ, Surgut kŏjaɣi ̮ ‘who, which’, South mĕj (North mŭj), Surgut mĕɣ°i, mö̆ɣi ‘what, which; what kind of’ (Honti 1984: 75). 307. They are not relative pronouns but rather pronominal attributes. 308. ‘this kind of’ 309. Here the two Khanty conjugation paradigms (subjective vs. objective) are interpreted as qualities of the verbs. The transitive verbs, however, can be inflected in any of these two conjugations depending on whether there is a topicalized object in the sentence, either overt or deleted (Sosa 2017). In addition, many seemingly intransitive verbs (such as ‘come’) can be inflected in the objective conjugation, especially verbs of motion when there is a topicalized goal for the movement. These sentences can also be passivized so that the goal of the motion is in the subject ˊ ˊ position; e.g. tät-äŋket χŭjnǝ jŏχtaj ‘a man (AG) came to see his grandmother’ (S) (SüdostjK 163) (Kulonen 1989: 158–). �Ostiacica 310. Interestingly enough, Castrén does not make an exact etymological comparison to the Finnish suffix, even though in Proto-Khanty and the easternmost and northernmost dialects the suffix has (had) the form ‑l-. 311. In this word, the derivative suffix is also originally ‑t-, cf. Kaz pŏtǝrtĭʌ- ‘to speak continuously’, where ‑ʌ- is the suffix in question and ‑t- the suffix discussed in b). 312. Zero-derived verbs do not need to end in t; there are also a few of them that do not; e.g. ʌoŋ ‘warm (weather)’ torəm ʌoŋəs ‘the weather became warm’. 313. This is to say that it also appears as a regular stem consonant without a special function. 314. These represent the common and ancient PFU causative suffixes *t, *tt and *pt. 315. originally and in the easternmost dialects ‑il Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 52 ❧ ☙ 53 ❧ § 97 Ostyak seems to be very rich in derived verbs. d) It seems that many frequentative verbs can also be formed with the characters x, k, ḱ, g, ǵ; e.g. ārgem, ārkem ‘to sing’, nuigem ‘to get tired’, jantkem ‘to play’, ńāgam ‘to laugh’, tūtxaem ‘to churn’316. e) Momentaneous verbs are formed with the help of m; e.g. pulemem ‘to swallow’, pūmem ‘to blow (once)’. This character not only expresses a momentaneous action, but also appears with many other meanings; e.g. temem ‘to scatter (tr.) around’, kušmem ‘to burn (intr.)’, čošmem ‘to scatter (tr.), to pour’.317 f) s (c) is in Ostyak as well as in other related languages used to form augmentative verbs that express an action that is fulfilled quickly and energetically; e.g. punǯesem ‘to open (quickly)’, Finnish awaisen; aŋasem ‘to take one’s shoes off (quickly)’, Finnish riisasen; mōŋasem ‘to rub’, Finn. hierasen; xūdesem ‘to cough’, Finn. rykäsen; tāksem ‘to spit’, Finn. sylkäsen.318 ˊ The reflexive verbs have the character š; e.g. g) mīdašem ‘to be for rent’, etc.319 § 98 Many of the characters mentioned in the § above can also be combined with each other to form further derivatives. We present some of these: h) The character of the diminutive can be followed by almost any other character; e.g. jōxtem or jōgodem ‘to enter’, frequ. jōxtīdem; jōndem ‘to sew’, augm. jōndesem; tēgdem ‘to fly’, mom. tēgetmem; termadem ‘to hurry (intr.)’ caus. termattem, etc. i) From the momentaneous verbs especially causatives can be formed; e.g. ēnmem ‘to grow (intr.)’, ēnmettem ‘to nourish’; kušmem ‘to burn (intr.)’, kušmettem ‘to burn (tr.)’ 98 99 Because of the lack of sufficient material, we can only give here the most important derivatives and their component elements. a) d, t, (ȡ, ȶ) and d ,ˊ t,ˊ (ȡ,ˊ ȶˊ) make diminutive verbs that express an action which is continuous, and are in Finnish formed with the character l310; e.g. padartem ‘to talk’311, towottem ‘to row’, aidadem ‘to hunt’, tegdem ‘to fly’. Both intransitive and transitive verbs also are formed from nouns with the same characters; e.g. ōd a ‘sour’, ōd edem ˊ ˊ ‘become sour’; ājem ‘glue’, ājemdem ‘to glue’; seker ‘hit’, sekerdem ‘to hit’; pōs ‘mark’, pōstem ‘to mark’; tēt ‘full’, tēttem ‘to fill’. When the stem ends in the same letter, the derived verbs, at least the intransitive ones, do not need any special character; e.g. montˊ ‘story’, montem ‘to tell a ˊ story’; patˊ ‘excrement’, patem ‘defecate’; pēget ˊ ‘bath’, pēgtem ‘to take a bath’312. It can be noticed, though, that these characters also appear in many primitive verbs and in many meanings; e.g. tadem ‘to pull’, xadem ‘to die’, ūd em ‘to ˊ swim’, jāstem ‘to say’313. b) Moreover and primarily, transitive verbs out of intransitives and causatives out of immediatives are also formed with t, tˊ e.g. termadem ‘to ; hurry (intr.)’, termattem ‘to hurry (tr.)’, jend em ˊ ‘to drink’, jenttem ‘to give to drink’. In these deˊ rivatives, t (tˊ) is often doubled; e.g. tēbem ‘to go wrong’, tēbettem ‘to make a mistake’; sergem ‘to drop (off)’, sergettem ‘to shake’. In many derivative verbs, pt appears instead of tt; e.g. xajd em ˊ ‘to be left’, xajd aptem ‘to leave (tr.)’, kergem ‘to ˊ fall’, kereptem ‘to knock over’.314 c) The frequentative verbs take usually the character īd (īt); e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, jāstīdem ‘to say many times’, tōxnem ‘to meet’, tōxnīdem ‘to meet often’315. 316. In most of these, k or ɣ belongs to the stem in one way or another, at least historically, cf. Mansi (So) ērǝɣ ‘song, to sing’ (Khanty Trj ärǝɣ ‘song’, ärǝɣ‘to sing’) and (So) janəɣ ‘play; to play’ (Khanty (DN) jănt-: jăntkǝm, jăntχǝm, jănkǝm ‘to play’). 317. ‑m- is also very common as a translative suffix with which verbs are formed from nouns, and especially adjectives. 318. Honti (1984: 53–55) does not mention this suffix in Khanty, but it undoubtedly exists. The Finnish derivatives mentioned here go back to *ŋć. 319. This is rare, too. �Ostiacica 320. The basic formal difference between the subjective and objective conjugation (cf. note 309) is that the suffixes in the objective conjugation coincide with the possessive suffixes (§  83– 90) whilst the basic verbal personal suffixes are present in the subjective conjugation. We have seen (note 267) that the possessive suffixes of many persons include a full vowel. 321. E.g. Tra mĕn ‘he went’, jŏɣət ‘he came’; the present tense has a tense suffix ʌ: mĕnʌ ‘he goes’ (mĕnʌəm ‘I go’), jŏɣətʌ ‘he comes’ (jŏɣətʌəm ‘I come’, jŏɣətʌən ‘you (Sg.) come’, etc.). 322. This does not, however, take into account the paradigmatic vowel alternation; the vowel used in the imperative is the more rarely occurring one. ☙ 54 ❧ k) Many diminutive verbs that have the character nt and md have also probably been formed on the basis of other derivatives; e.g. xūdem ‘to hear’, xūdandem ‘to listen’; ēpsendem ‘to sniff’, ńa­sam­ dem ‘to slip, to slide’, joworxamdem ‘to turn (tr.)’. Conjugation 1. The conjugation of the transitive and intransitive verbs § 99 The Ostyak language shares the feature with the Samoyedic languages that the transitive and intransitive verbs differ in their flexion to a certain degree. However, the differences occur mostly only in some personal suffixes and especially in the binding vowel.320 The moods and tenses are formed quite similarly in both classes. In relation to the stem, we can notice that the final syllable in intransitives is often long, while in transitives it is often short. This definition cannot, however, be presented as any kind of common rule. § 100 It can further be added about the verbal stem that it seldom and only exceptionally appears in its simplest form: in the Surgut dialects in the third person singular indicative preterite with intransitive verbs321. But if we want to have a stem which is common to all dialects as well as intransitive and transitive verbs, we can find it easily by leaving out the final vowel in the second person imperative322. How different moods, tenses and other verbal forms are constructed based on this stem, will be presented in the following paragraphs. A. Indicative § 101 In Ostyak, the indicative has two tenses: the pret- erite and the future. The present coincides with 100 Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 55 ❧ the future323, and the preterite is able to express all modifications of the past tense. Sometimes the future is also expressed with the infinitive and the auxiliary verb jidem; e.g. xantča jidem ‘I will write’. In the past tense, in some dialects the augmentative and in others the diminutive verbal derivatives can be used to mark the perfect; e.g. tēgetmem ‘I have flown’, Russian улетҍлъ; wermem ‘I have made’, pansim ‘I have put’324. § 102 There is no special character for the preterite in Ostyak, instead, the personal suffixes are attached directly to the verbal stem; e.g. panem ‘I placed/ put’ Imp. pane, stem pan. The character of the future is fully identical to the derivational suffix of the diminutive verbs, and consists thus of d, (ȡ), d ,ˊ (ȡˊ) and t, (ȶ), tˊ(ȶˊ)325. These consonants are attached to the stem according to the common rules presented in the phonology. The most important of these are: 1. When the stem ends in a vowel or a smooth or indefinite consonant, the character of the future is d (ȡ) or d ˊ (ȡˊ), after a final hard consonant it is t (ȶ) or tˊ(ȶˊ); e.g. tuem ‘to bring’, fut. tudem; werem ‘to make’, fut. werdem (stem wer); emem ‘to suck’, fur emdem (stem em); panem ‘to put’, fut. pandem (stem pan); telem ‘to weep’, fut. teldem (stem tel); jigem ‘to harˊ ˊ ˊ ness’, fut. jiktem (stem jik); tēbem ‘to go wrong’, fut. tēptem (stem tēp), ńāgam ‘to laugh’, fut. ńāxtam (stem ńāx); edem, S. üȡim ‘to heat’, fut. ettam, S. üȶȶim, etc. ˊ 2. According to § 47, čg, tt, ńd change in the future tense into tč, tt,ˊ nd ; e.g. īǯem ‘to stir’, fut. ītčem ˊ instead of īčtem; muŋolǯem ‘to knot’, fut. muŋoltčem; kenǯem ‘to seek’, fut. kentčem; jēnd em ‘to drink’, fut. ˊ jēnttem; ūd em ‘to swim’, fut. ūttam; pańem ‘to twist’, ˊ ˊ ˊ fut. pand em, etc. ˊ A final i (j), u (w) after a preceding vowel some3. times undergoes an elision, sometimes not; e.g. 101 323. The reason the future is considered the primary function of the non-past tense probably has to do with the grammatical traditions of that time. The other explanation could be its markedness in contrast to the past (preterite). 324. Both are participle suffixes. ‑mis clearly a past participle and very common in all Khanty dialects; ‑s- is more seldom used and also has (at least in Mansi) the function of a present participle (Kulonen 2007: 187–88). Anyway, this participle is the origin of the past tense (imperfect) suffix ‑s-, which is in use in the eastern dialects (VVj Surgut) as well as in the North. It seems that the example pansim is from Castrén’s observations from the Surgut dialects, even if it is not said to be so. In O, too, pănsǝm is the normal form of the past tense paradigm (sg1.PAST). 325. Actually t (South), ʌ (Surgut); the palatalized consonants here are due to assimilation and purely phonetic/acoustic variants, thus: (South) tutəm, ˊ wertəm, emtǝm, păntǝm, tĕltǝm, jĭktǝm, teptǝm, ńăχtəm, ĕttǝm (S. ö̆ʌʌəm). �Ostiacica 326. These are five of the seven total so-called thematic verbs (all monosyllabic), which have more than one alternating stems: South mĕ- ~ mĕj-; wo- ~ woj- (u- ~ uj- is the form in the south-north transitional dialects Ni, Šer as well as in Vj in the East; Surgut wu- ~ wuj-); wĕ- ~ wĕj-; jĕ- ~ jĕw- (Surgut jĕ-  ~ jĕɣ-); te- ~ tew- (Surgut ʌi-  ~ ʌiɣ°/ʌiw-). The two remaining verbs of this group are ni- ~ niw- ‘to be visible’ and tu-  ~ täw-/tĕw- (Surgut tu-  ~ tuɣ°-/tuw-) ‘to bring’. (Honti 1984: 36.) 327. Actually ‘to have’; Khanty and Mansi are the only Finno-Ugric languages that have a commonly used verb with this meaning; the other languages use different structures to express having something. 328. i.e. a schwa (ə) 329. This is the same schwa (ə) marked here with different short (= reduced) vowels a, e, o. 330. Here, the stem is meant instead of future. This must be a lapsus. The vowel (schwa) comes between the two stem-final consonants. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 56 ❧ ☙ 57 ❧ mejem ‘to give’, fut. medem; ujem ‘to see’, fut. udem; wejem ‘to take’, fut. wedem; jiwem ‘to come’, fut. jidem; tewem ‘to eat’, fut. tedem326; cf. tejem ‘to weave’, fut. teidem; tājem ‘to be327’, fut. tājdam; xujem ‘to spawn’, fut. xuj­dem; sēwem ‘to spin’, fut. sēudem; tīwem ‘to be born’, fut. tīudem. 4. When the stem ends in two consonants, the following can be noted concerning the formation of the future: a) Sometimes, the character of the future can be attached directly to the stem, especially after nt, mt, pt, nk, nx; e.g. jōndem ‘to sew’, fut. jōnttem; ēpsendem ‘to sniff’ (stem ēpsent), fut. ēpsenttem; tēremdem ‘to make the bed’, fut. tēremttem; ōrdem ‘to divide’ (stem ōrt), fut. ōrttem. The verbs ending in nt,ˊ lč, nč form the future tense in the manner described in nr. 2 of this paragraph. b) The latter of the final two consonants, especially if it is k or g, can also undergo elision; e.g. kergem ‘to fall’, fut. kerdam; ārgem ‘to sing’, fut. ārdam; jantkem ‘to play’, fut. janttam; jāŋam ‘to walk’, fut. jāŋxtam or jāxtam. 328 c) A short e is often placed in front of the character of the future; e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, fut. jāstedem; kattem ‘to hold’, fut. kattedem; kereptem ‘to fell’, fut. kereptedem; mūrtem ‘to brake’, fut. mūrtedem; tēgetmem ‘to fly away’, fut. tēgetmedem; unttem ‘to teach’, fut. unttedem, etc. d) Whenever the preceding syllable is long, the auxiliary vowel329 can be placed between the two consonants of the future330; e.g. āxtem ‘to vomit’, fut. āgattam; jēŋdem ‘to spin’, fut. jēŋettem; jōxtem ‘to enter’, fut. jōgottam; ńōxrem ‘to slice’, fut. ńōgordam; nāurem ‘to jump’, fut. nāwerdam; ōmsem ‘to sit’, fut. ōmastem; etc. All words of this kind have, in fact, lost their stem vowel both in the indicative preterite and in the imperative according to § 32; e.g. ēne ‘big’331, Ind. preterite ēn­ mem332 instead of ēnemem, fut. ēnemdem333, imp. ēn­ me instead of ēneme. § 103 The personal suffixes for nouns and verbs in indicative preterite and future coincide with each other. Some exceptions occur in the Irtyš dialect only in intransitive verbs, whereas transitive verbs take the normal personal suffixes of the nouns334. Regarding the binding vowel it can be generally noted that there is a considerable similarity on one hand between the transitive verb and the vowel-final noun335, and on the other between the intransitive verb and the consonant-final noun336. § 104 In the Irtyš dialect, the verbal personal suffixes in the indicative future and preterite with the addition of the binding vowel are the following: 102 103 1. In the transitive verb337 Sing. 1. -em 2. -en 3. -et 2. In the intransitive verb338 Sing.1. -em (am) 2. -en (an) 3. -ōt, et, t Dual 1. 2. 3. -emen -eden -eden Dual 1. 2. 3. -emen, men -eden (den, ten) -egen (gen, ken) Pl. 1. 2. -eu -eden Pl. 1. 2. -eu -edā or ede, (da or de, ta or te) -et 3. 3. -et § 105 This overview shows that the intransitive verbs 339 have only two specific suffixes: 1. in the third person dual egen (gen, ken), which is similar to the dual character of the nouns; 2. eda or ede (da, de or ta, te) in the second person plural. In the preterite, the third person ends in ōt, in the fut. in et or t340 e.g. ēttīdem 331. This is an adjective serving as a basis for the verbal derivation (cf. note 317). 332. ‘I grew; I have grown’ 333. ‘I grow; I am growing’ 334. I.e. they are equivalent to the possessive suffixes. 335. stem type ending in a reduced vowel (paradigm example imǝ ‘woman’) 336. In most persons (with the exception of 3sg) the vowel, if it appears, is a schwa (ǝ). 337. The suffixes for the objective conjugation (referring to one object) are ‑em, ‑en, ‑ǝt; ‑emǝn, ‑etǝn, ‑etǝn; ‑ew, ‑etǝn, ‑et. 338. The suffixes for the subjective conjugation are ‑ǝm/‑am, ‑ǝn/‑an, ∅/‑ot; ‑mǝn, ‑tǝn ‑ɣən (‑tən); ‑əw, ‑tə, ‑ət. 339. It is meant that these suffixes differ considerably from the possessive suffixes. It is worth noticing that while Khanty makes use of n in many elements of the second persons (personal pronouns and all suffixes for 2sg), in the 2pl subjective conjugation we can see the original PU suffix *‑te. 340. ‑t is the tense suffix of the present (“future”), so the personal suffix is ∅. �Ostiacica 341. The corresponding actual forms: ettitǝm, ettitot, ettittam, et­ti­tǝt. 342. The corresponding actual forms: mĕnǝm, mĕnot, mĕntam, mĕnt. The 3sg.prs form has the zero personal suffix (cf. notes 338 and 340); ‑t is the tense suffix. 343. Usually for the form in question only the suffix ‑ot is given. There is no other documentation of this kind of variation in the southern Khanty texts, which makes this observation highly interesting. 344. Castrén has marked a diphthong ae instead of e (ə) after velar consonants (cf. note 23). In the subjective conjugation, both ə and a occur, depending on the stem type (Honti 1984: 41). 345. I.e. 1sg, 2sg; this is not dependent on the consonant of the stem but on the stem type (stable stems as opposite to nonstable (thematic) stems, cf. note 326). (Honti 1984: 41.) 346. Obviously a typographical error instead of enmem (1sg.PAST, used as the basic form for verbs in this grammar). Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 58 ❧ ‘I watched’, third person ēttīdōt, fut. ēttīttam, third person ēttīttēt341 menem ‘I went’, third person menōt, fut. mendem, third person ment342. Some verbs have in the preterite third person sing. two suffixes et and ōt, the first to express the imperfect, the latter the perfect343; e.g. jāstem ‘to say’, third person jāstet ‘said, dixit’ (R.  говорилъ), jāstōt ‘has said, dicebat’ (R. сказалъ); werem ‘to make’, third person weret ‘made, faciebat’ (R. дҍлалъ), werōt ‘has made’ (R. сдҍлалъ). Regarding further the binding vowel in the personal suffixes, the following can be noted: a) In the transitive verbs, the binding vowel remains unchanged in all persons of the pret. and fut. b) In the intransitive verbs, the binding vowel e can sometimes alternate with other vowels; e.g. tapkaem344 ‘to whisper’, ńāgam ‘to laugh’. ˊ In the future tense, the intransitive verbs, simic) larly to the nouns in pl., commonly have a as the binding vowel in the first and second person345, especially after a hard consonant; e.g. ēnmen346 ‘to grow’, fut. first person ēnemdam, second person ‑an; tinesem ‘to trade’, fut. first person tinestam, second person ‑an; āmdīdem ‘to be happy’, fut. first person āmdīttam, second person ‑an. d) The binding vowel disappears completely in all dual persons and the second person plural of the preterite and especially the indicative future of the intransitive verbs, as long as the two consonants allow it; e.g. towottem ‘to row’, fut. towottedem, dual 1. towottetmen, 2. towottetten, 3. towottetken, plur. 2. towottetta. § 106 In the Surgut dialects, the personal suffixes in the indicative pret. and fut. are the following: 104 ☙ 59 ❧ 1. In the transitive verb. 2. In the intransitive verb. Sing. 1. em Sing. 1. em (am) 2. en, e 2. en (an) 3. dax (dex), 3. — tax (tex) Dual 1. 2. 3. Pl. 1. 2. 3. damen (demen) tamen (temen) ten ten daux (deux) taux (teux) ten iȶ Dual 1. men 2. ten 3. xan, kan, gan (xen, gen, ken) Pl. 1. aux 2. 3. tax t N.B. This scheme might not be fully reliable, because we are lacking a sufficient number of paradigms from the Surgut dialects. It has to be noted especially, concerning the binding vowel, that it alternates a lot and often undergoes an elision347. § 107 Regarding personal suffixes, it is typical for the Surgut dialects that the intransitive verbs have no personal marking in the pret. and fut. third person singular, whilst in the transitive verbs the original t is lengthened into tax (tax) etc348; e.g. menem ‘I went’, Third person men; panem ‘I placed/put’ third person pandax (probably from pant, panda). The suffixes for first person dual and plur. in transitive verbs have without doubt been formed from the third person sing. suffix mentioned through elision of the aspiration. Considering the349 dual and plural suffixes ten, tax, it seems that t belongs to the original personal suffix (cf. § 85), even though it does not always appear with nouns350. 105 347. In 1sg and 2sg suffixes there is a difference between full vowel (e; objective conjugation) and a reduced vowel (ǝ: subjective conjugation); e.g. ʌäpətʌəm ‘I feed’, ʌäpətʌem ‘I feed him’. 348. t has the function of singular object in the Surgut dialects, even though it appears only in 3sg, 1du and 1pl. In the paradigms of dual and plural object it is replaced by the characters of the dual (‑ɣəʌ-) and plural (‑ʌ-) object (= possessed); e.g. (perfect) păn­t ǝ̑ɣ ‘he put it’, păn­t ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n ‘we(2) put it’, păn­ tǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put it’; păn­ɣ ǝ̑ʌ ‘he put them(2)’, păn­ɣ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n ‘we(2) put them(2)’, păn­ɣ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put them(2)’; pă­n ǝ̑ʌ ‘he put them (several)’, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n ‘we(2) put them’, păn­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° ‘we put them’. In the present tense, t is also lacking in 3sg after the present tense suffix ʌ; the corresponding present tense forms (3sg, 1du, 1pl) are (singular object) pănʌǝ̑ɣ, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­t ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­t ǝ̑ɣ°; (dual object) păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ɣ ǝ̑ʌ, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ ɣǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ɣ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ°; (plural object) păn­ʌ ǝ̑ʌ, păn­ʌ ǝ̑­m ǝ̑n (lacking the plural ‑ʌ-!), păn­ʌ ǝ̑­ʌ ǝ̑ɣ° (following Honti 1984: 111). 349. Second person has to be meant here. 350. Cf. note 339. �Ostiacica 351. The inflected conjunctive is not described in the modern Khanty grammars (Honti 1984: 50). 352. Honti (1984: 112, 115) gives full paradigms, including the first persons, both to the Surgut and the southern dialects (see also the Short Grammatical Description (Directives), p. 28). 353. It is unclear which rules are meant here. Both are full vowels and thus stable. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 60 ❧ ☙ 61 ❧ B. Conjunctive plural the normal suffixes of transitive and intransitive verbs are attached354. The third person has a special character g, which also appears in many related languages355. This character alternates in the third person singular with ŋ (cf. § 108) and in the plural it can even undergo elision. In the singular, the character can either be followed by a further personal suffix or appear without it, in the dual the syllable en is attached to it, and in the plural the third person ends in aget or at356. 357 § 111 Except in the second person singular and dual , both the transitive and the intransitive verbs have the same suffixes. These are: § 108 As far as I know, the Irtyš dialect has no spe- cial inflected form for the conjunctive, instead this mood is formed, as in many other languages, with the particle adaŋ. This particle can be placed either before or after the indicative preterite or future; e.g. ma adaŋ werem or ma werem adaŋ ‘I would have made’; ma adaŋ werdem or ma werdem adaŋ ‘I would make’. Originally there has also been a special conjunctive with the suffix ŋ in the Irtyš dialect, and it seems that this character is attached to the particle adaŋ (from at) mentioned above. Moreover, it is probable that the imperative of the third person singular has borrowed its ŋ from the conjunctive. § 109 Instead, in the Surgut dialects, the conjunctive is still commonly in use, and formed with ŋ; e.g. werŋam ‘I would make’, Russian дҍлалъ бы, panŋam ‘I would put’ R. клалъ бы351. Considering the personal suffixes, in the conjunctive they are exactly the same as in the nouns, both in transitive and in intransitive verbs, namely: Sing. 1. am, 2. an, 3. aȶ. Dual 1. amen, 2. in, 3. in. Plural 1. aux, 2. in, 3. iȶ; e.g. werŋam, werŋan, werŋaȶ, werŋamen, etc. C. Imperative § 110 The imperative has no common character, in- stead the different persons are formed in different ways. The first person is missing in all the three numbers, and has no other expression but the future352. In the second person, the imperative ends in the Irtyš dialects in the transitive verb in e and in the intransitive verb in a, which also alternates with other vowels according to the general rules353. All the other persons have in all numbers a binding vowel a (Surgut e, i), to which in the second person dual and 106 In the Irtyš dialect Sing. 2. — 3. ag (aŋ), agat (aŋat) Dual 2. aden 3. agen In the Surgut dialect Sing. 2. — 3. x, egat (eget) Plur. 2. Plur. 2. 3. Dual 2. 3. aden, intr. ada 3. at, agat358 iten ēgenat (eginet) iten, intrans. itax (itex) itat (itet)359 N.B. My material is not sufficient to define the quan- tity of the binding vowel; sometimes it is written long, sometimes short. D. Infinitive § 112 The infinitive ends in the Irtyš dialect in dai (dei) or tai (tei), in the Surgut dialects in daga (taga), and the same suffix is used to express the “accus. supin.” as well. These characters are attached to the stem according to the rules given for the future tense. The final i in the Irtyš dialect and the syllable ga in Surgut are often dropped off; e.g. ōmasta taŋadam ‘I want to sit’, tēde most ‘it is necessary to eat, one has to eat’. 107 354. This means that in the second persons there is a difference between transitive and intransitive, i.e. objective and subjective conjugation. The same is said in the introductory lines to § 111, although there is a slight inaccuracy in the numbers (see note 357 below). 355. i.e. the PFU imperative suffix *k 356. Honti (1984: 115) gives for Ko 3sg ‑aŋ(at), 3du ‑aŋǝn, 3pl ‑at. 357. In the table, the third person plural also has two different suffixes (tr./intr. = obj./subj.). In 2sg, the final vowel shows the conjugation, and also the number of the object is apparent (as in the indicative): păna ‘put (something)’, păne ‘put it!’, păneŋǝta ‘put the two!’, păneta ‘put them!’ (Honti 1984: 115). 358. The subjective conjugation paradigm in South according to Honti (1984: 115) is (‘to put’) pănam, păna, pănaŋ(at); pănamǝn, pănatǝn, pănaŋǝn; pănaw, pănatǝ, pănat. 359. The subjective conjugation paradigm in Surgut according to Honti (1984: 112) is (‘to feed’) ʌiptimät, ʌiptä, ʌiptǝjät; ʌiptimǝnät, ʌiptitǝn, ʌiptiɣənät; ʌiptiɣ°ät, ʌiptitəɣ, ʌiptität. �Ostiacica 360. This should be: final. 361. Typographical error: uimemna (уімемна) instead of jimemna (јімемна) (the letters (Ossetian-Cyrillic) у and (Latin) j may have been mixed here). 362. Castrén’s idea of the origin of the suffix is, indeed, interesting (cf. Mansi mā ‘ground, place’, which is used to construct gerund-like forms). It is, though, related to the past participle (below) and e.g. in Mansi there is a gerund with n, which might be related to the n-element in this suffix. However, the form jimemna (jĕmemnǝ) is not a gerund but the past participle with possessive suffix (PRTC.PAST-px.sg<1sg-LOC) and the locative suffix is used here in a temporal function. The gerund does not take any possessive suffixes, but temporals like in the example are as a rule formed using the following formula: past participle + px + locative. 363. It is also etymologically the same suffix. 364. The similarity is only superficial; the ‑m of the participle is not etymologically related to the first person suffix ‑m. 365. It corresponds to both active and passive participles in many languages, e.g. Finnish (heittänyt ‘has thrown’, heitetty ‘has been thrown’) and is thus used of all verbs. About transitivity as a verbal phenomenon in Khanty see note 309. 366. “To shed light on” is probably what is meant here: in the original, the verb should be erleuchtern instead of erleichtern (“erleichtern” is also in the German mscr. MC V, p. 143). Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 62 ❧ ☙ 63 ❧ E. Gerund 1. The transitive conjugation § 113 In Ostyak, the gerund has the character men, which is probably the locative form of an extinct stem ma. The original suffix of the locative (na) has shortened in the absolute form through the elision of the initial360 vowel, whilst in connection with the personal suffixes it appears in its full form; e.g. ma uimemna361 ‘in my going (when I go)’.362 As a rule, the character of the gerund must be attached to the stem, but in cases where many consonants come together a binding vowel may be added; e.g. werem ‘to make’, ger. wermen; menem ‘to go’, ger. menmen; xanǯem ‘to write’, ger. xanšmen; jastem ‘to say’, ger. jastemen; attem ‘to stop’, ger. attemen. There are no elisions in the gerund and it is worth noticing that even stem-final i and u remain unchanged in the gerund; e.g. ujem ‘to see’, ger. uimen. F. Participle § 114 The Ostyak language has two participles: 1. pre- sent or future, which ends in da (ȡa), de (ȡe) or ta (ȶa), te (ȶe); 2. preterite with the suffix em (am). The present participle is formed similarly to the infinitive and often falls together with it363; e.g. unttada xajat ‘teacher’ (homo docens), unttada menōt ‘went to teach’, xantča xui ‘writer’, xantča mendam ‘I go and write’. The preterite participle in its turn is similar to the first person of the indicative preterite364; e.g. tagamem ‘I threw; thrown’. In Ostyak as well, like in many related languages, the preterite participle has mainly the meaning of passive and therefore it is seldom used with intransitive verbs.365 366 § 115 In order to facilitate the overview of the conjugation of transitive and intransitive verbs, we provide two paradigms from both main dialects: 108 In the Irtyš dialect Sing. 1. 2. 3. In the Surgut dialects Indicative Preterite panem Sing. 1. ‘I placed/put’ panen 2. panet 3. panem panet367 pandax Dual 1. 2. 3. panemen paneden paneden Dual 1. 2. 3. pandamen panten panten Plur. 1. 2. 3. panen368 paneden panet Plur. 1. 2. 3. pandaux panten paniȶ Sing. 1. 2. 3. Future pandem Sing. 1. panden 2. pandet 3. panȡem panȡen panȡadax Dual 1. 2. 3. pandemen pandeden pandeden Dual 1. panȡadamen 2. panȡaten 3. panȡaten Plur. 1. 2. 3. pandeu pandeden pandet Plur. 1. panȡadaux 2. panȡaten 3. panȡiȶ Sing. 1. 2. 3. Conjunctive panem or Sing. 1. pandem adaŋ panen or 2. panden adaŋ panet adaŋ 3. Dual 1. panemen adaŋ etc. 109 Dual 1. 2. 3. panŋam panŋan panŋat panŋamen panŋin panŋin 367. Misprint: should be panen or pane. 368. Misprint: should be paneu; mscr. (p. 258) has paneul ! “Sg 1. paném 2. panén 3. panét (panót) Du 1. panémen 2. penéden 3. panéden Pl. 1, panéul 2. panéden 3. panét.” �Ostiacica 369. Trj pănitat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌiptität ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3sg) 370. Ko pănaŋǝn (Honti 1984: 115) 371. Trj pănitǝnat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌip­ti­tǝnät ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3du) 372. Trj păniʌaʌat (Honti 1984: 112 ʌip­ti­ʌä­ʌät ‘feed’ IMP.DEF.sg<3pl) 373. menŋen (Ko mĕnŋǝn, Trj mĕnɣən) would be expected; the stem is men- (mĕn-). Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 64 ❧ In the Irtyš dialect Sing. 2. 3. ☙ 65 ❧ In the Surgut dialects Plur. 1. panŋaux 2. panŋin 3. panŋiȶ Imperative pane Sing. 2. 3. panag (panaŋ) or panagat (panaŋat) Dual 2. 3. panaden panagen370 Plur. 2. 3. panaden panat, panaget pane panex, panegat369 Dual 2. paniten 3. paneganat371 Plur. 2. 3. paniten panitat372 Infinitive pandai pandaga Gerund panmen Present Preterite panmen Participle panda Present panem Preterite panda panem 2. The intransitive conjugation In the Irtyš dialect In the Surgut dialects Sing. 1. 2. 3. Indicative Preterite menem ‘I went’ Sing. 1. menen 2. menōt 3. Dual 1. 2. 3. menmen menden meŋen373 Dual 1. 2. 3. meneu menda menet Plur. 1. 2. 3. meneux mentex ment Dual 1. 2. 3. Plur. 1. 2. 3. 110 menem menen men Future mendam Sing. 1. mendan 2. ment 3. mendemen mendeden mendegen374 menȡem menȡen menȶ Dual 1. menȡemen 2. menȡeden 3. menȡegen374 Plur. 1. menȡeux 2. menȡedex 3. menȡet mendeu mendeda mendet Conjunctive Sing. 1. menem or Sing. 1. menŋam mendam adaŋ 2. menen or 2. menŋan mendan adaŋ 3. menōt or ment 3. menŋat, etc. adaŋ, etc. Sing. 2. 3. Imperative mena Sing. 2. menag 3. (menaŋ) or menagat (menaŋat) mene menex (menegat) Dual 2. 3. menaden menagen Dual 2. meniten 3. menigenat Plur. 2. 3. menada menat, menaget375 Plur. 2. 3. menmen menten meŋen373 Plur. 1. 2. 3. Sing. 1. 2. 3. menitex menidat376 Infinitive mendai mendaga Gerund menmen Present (Preterite menmen Participle menda Present menem) (Preterite 111 menda menem) 374. There are two dialectal variations in South: DN mĕntǝɣən, Ko. mĕntǝŋən; Surgut (Trj) mĕnʌǝɣən (Honti 1984: 111–115). 375. The corresponding forms in Ko (Honti 1984: 115) are păna, pănaŋ(at); pănatǝn, pănaŋǝn; pănatǝ, pănat; Honti also gives the first person forms: 1sg pănam, 1du pănamǝn, 1pl pănaw. 376. The corresponding forms in Trj (Honti 1984: 112) are păna, pă­n ǝ̑­ jat; păni ̮tǝ̑n, păni ̮ɣǝ̑nat; păni ̮tǝ̑ɣ, păni ̮tat; Honti also gives the first person forms: 1sg păni ̮mat, 1du păni ̮mǝ̑nat, 1pl păni ̮ɣ°at. �Ostiacica 377. The alternation in the vowel length has no function here. All the vowels that are subject to paradigmatic vowel alternation are full (Castrén: long) vowels. 378. phonematically /ä/ 379. actually: ‘to call’ Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 66 ❧ ☙ 67 ❧ § 116 The verbs in which the stem vowel alternates in some way in the Surgut dialects are partly transitive but much more often intransitive. As already mentioned in the phonology § 28, the stem vowel can be subject to vowel alternation only in the indicative preterite, the imperative and in the preterite participle; e.g. umsem ‘to sit’, fut. āmasȶem; conj. āmasŋam, imperat. umsa (ümsa), inf. āmastaga, ger. amasmen377, present part. āmasta, preterite umsem. We provide here some examples of verbs of this kind: Preterite i a378 ȶīgȡem ‘to wait’ Future ȶāgaȶȶem pīrdem ‘to order’ pāretȶem pīrtim pārtȶim tīȡem ‘to pull’ tāȶȶam ȶīptem ‘to feed’ ȶābetȶem īȶȶem ‘to carry’ āȶȶem īȶmem ‘to lift’ āȡemȡem īrgem ‘to sing’ āregȡem u a Preterite jūndem ‘to sew’ Future jāntȶem ūgoȡem ‘to vomit’ āgaȶȶem ˊ māntȶem ˊ mūnd em ‘to tell stories’ ūrdem ‘to divide’ āretȶem ūmsem ‘to sit’ āmasȶem ūmdem ‘to set’ āmatȶem wāgaȡem wūgem ‘to ask379’ kūȡem ‘to stay kāȶȶem the night’ e ȶāȶȶem ˊ ȶūȡ´ m ‘to stand’ kūŋdem ‘to climb’ kāŋatȶem, etc. Preterite i ˊ jīnd em ‘to drink’ nīurem ‘to jump’ linkem ‘to cover’ 112 Future e jēntȶem ˊ nēwerȡem lenkȶem, etc. u Preterite mūndem ‘to rub’ mūrtem ‘to break, crumble’ Preterite ü lünkim ‘to cover’ Future Future o mōŋatȶem mōretȶem ö lönkȶim, etc.380 N.B. If my ear has not misguided me, there are also words that are subject to a special vowel alternation in the imperative: cf. § 29, nr. 1381. 2. The conjugation of the passive verbs § 117 Due to my insufficient observations it is not pos- sible to say if the Ostyak language has a complete passive voice382; it is certain, though, that single passive forms appear commonly. Like in other related languages, in Ostyak the notion of passive seems to be connected with the reflexive; e.g. unttem ‘teach’, pass. unttājem ‘I was taught’ or ‘I learned’383. In some passive verbs the reflexive function is even primary; e.g. pōt ‘cold’, pass. pōdājem ‘get cold’, pass. pōtmājem384; pēgmem ‘to freeze (intr.)’, pass. pēgmājem; ńešmem ‘become blunt’, pass. ńešmājem385. The examples above show that passive verbs cannot be formed only from transitive and intransitive verbs but also from nouns. 386 § 118 The third person preterite and future or present is the simplest and most common of all the passive forms. The character of the preterite is in the Irtyš dialect āi or ai, which is attached directly to the stem; e.g. xanen387 (stem xan) ‘to touch’, passive pret. xanai; werem ‘to make’ (stem wer), passive pret. werāi; mejem ‘to give’ (stem mei or me), passive pret. mejāi; xanǯem ‘to write’ (stem xanč), passive pret. xanǯāi. The third person388 future ends in dāi, tāi or dai, tai and is in its formation similar to the indicative future as well as especially the infinitive of the transitive and intransitive 113 380. The alternation of ü and ö is purely phonetical. The phoneme is /ö̆/. 381. the alternation of å ~ u ~ (velar) i 382. On the next page, though, he gives a full paradigm from the southern dialect. He probably means that he does not have a sufficient amount of sentences to describe the use of the passive. The passive in Khanty is extensive, regular and rich in its use. (Kulonen 1989.) 383. The reflexive in Khanty has a separate suffix. In this example, the closeness of passive and reflexive is more due to the semantics of the verb itself. 384. I have called the passive verbs that have no active counterpart “medial”; they refer to states of affairs that are not actions, i.e. have no agent. 385. There are, indeed, verbs that have the same meaning with and without the passive suffix. These verbs are formed with the translative suffix ‑m-. 386. singular 387. PAST.2sg form used as basic form instead PAST.1sg; probably a misprint 388. singular �Ostiacica 389. Of course, the similarity is superficial, as the elements are of different origins: present tense t (< Proto-Khanty *l) vs. infinitive t (< PFU *tA) and passive j (< PU reflexive-passive *j) vs. lative j (cf. Surgut ‑taga; < PU *k). The suffixal vowel in both is a full vowel a, and the final i in the infinitive in the southern dialects seems to have disappeared after Castrén’s visit. 390. should be: third 391. There is also a passive paradigm from Surgut in the mscr. (p. 272): Preteritum Sg. 1. onŧ­to­jem 2. onŧ­ to 3. onŧ­ti Du. 1. onŧ­toi­men 2. onŧ­ to­ten 3. onŧ­ti­gen Pl. 1. onŧ­to­joh 2. onŧ­to­tah 3. onŧ­to­tat; Futurum Sg. 1 onŧ­ta­ŧo­jem 2. onŧ­ta­ŧo 3. onŧ­ ta­ŧi Du. 1. onŧ­ta­ŧoi­men 2. onŧ­ta­ŧo­ ten 3. onŧ­ta­ŧi­gen Pl. 1. onŧ­ta­ŧo­joh 2. onŧ­ta­ŧo­tah 3. onŧ­ta­ŧat. 392. This not quite true: the personal suffixes are the same as those in the subjective (“intransitive”) paradigm. 393. Only part of the verbs discussed in this chapter are auxiliaries in the modern sense of the word. By “assisting verbs”, Castrén refers to verbs of being, becoming and existing; he does not mention verbs like taŋk- ‘want’, etc., which occur together with infinitives and are the modern auxiliaries. 394. This is the verb ‘to have’ in Khanty. It also has the meaning of ‘to keep, to hold’. 395. Both etymologies are incorrect. taj- is not connected to the demonstrative ta (which seems like an idea that just crossed Castrén’s mind; it is interesting that he has decided to publish it here) and ut- is the original Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 68 ❧ ☙ 69 ❧ verbs389; e.g. unttem ‘to teach’, fut. unttedem, inf. unttedai, future passive unttedāi; edīdem ‘to heat’, fut. edīttem, inf. edīttai, passive future edīttāi, etc. In the Surgut dialects, the passive preterite is formed in the first390 person with ōi and the future with ȶōj, ȡōj; the other persons are unknown to me. § 119 Except for the third person sing., the preterite and the future in the Irtyš dialect391 take exactly the same suffixes as the transitive and intransitive verbs392; e.g. though, a periphrastic passive in all moods and tenses. This is formed with the preterite participle and the auxiliary verb ūdem; e.g. kitem ūdem ‘I was sent’, kitem ūttam ‘I am being sent’, etc. Sing. 1. 2. 3. Dual 1. 2. 3. Plur. 1. 2. 3. Preterite unttājem unttājen unttāi 1) unttāimen 2) unttāiden unttāigen unttājeu unttāida 3) unttājet 1) unttai, 2) unttaimen, unttaiden, unttaigen, 3) unttaida. Sing. 1. 2. 3. Dual 1. 2. 3. Plur. 1. 2. 3. Future unttedājem unttedājen unttedāi 1) unttedāimen 2) unttedāiden unttedāigen unttedājeu unttedāida 3) unttedājet 1) unttedai, 2) unttedaimen, ‑daiden, ‑daigen, unttedaida. § 120 According to my observations, this passive form can be used only in the indicative. There is, 3. The conjugation of the auxiliary 393 verbs § 121 The Ostyak language has two different verbs for ‘to be’: 1) tājem (Surg. tōjem), which has developed from ta ‘that’ and expresses existence394, and 2) ūdem (Surg. waȡam), originally ‘to live’, from which ‘to be’ is a derived meaning395. When used as auxiliary verbs, both have the same meaning and the only difference between them is that ūdem has a complete and tājem a very incomplete conjugation396. 397 § 122 Along with the preterite tājem, in the indicative future or present tāidam or taidam is more often used. Of all the other moods I have noticed only the gerund tāimen (taimen). In the indicative preterite and future, the conjugation of this verb is quite regular; e.g. sing. tājem, tājen, tājōt, dual tāīmen (taimen), tāiden (taiden), tāigen (taigen), plural tājeu, tāida (taida), tājet; fut. sing. tāidam (taidam), tāidan (taidan), tāit (tait); dual tāidemen (taidemen), etc.398 It seems, according to my notes, that both tājem and tāidam can sometimes be used exactly like an impersonal; e.g. ma wāx tājem ‘I had money’, actually ‘my money was’; ma īsen tāidam ‘I have a mill’399. § 123 Because ūdem, as stated in § 121, is originally an intransitive verb400, it is conjugated according to the paradigm of the other intransitive verbs; e.g. pret. sing. ūdem, ūden, ūdōt; dual ūtmen, ūtten, ūtken; plur. ūden, ūtta, ūdet; fut. sing. ūttam, ūttan, ūtt; dual ūttemen, etc., imperat. sing. 2. ūda, inf. ūttai, ger. ūtmen, etc. It was already mentioned above that the passive conjugation is formed with the help of this auxiliary verb. PFU word for ‘to be’, related to Finnish olla (ole-), Mansi ōland Hungarian van (val-). 396. Both have a complete paradigm. 397. The preposition “in” serves no purpose in the German original and can also be left unread in the translation. It is probably an error in the typesetting process. 398. In the manuscript (pp. 274–275) Castrén gives a set of paradigms of “auxiliary verbs”, i.e. not only taj- and ut- but also ji- ‘to come’. Preteritum Sing. 1. tajem 2. tajen 3. tajót Dual 1. tájmen 2. taiden 3. taigen Plur. 1. tajeu 2. taida 3. tájit Sing. 1. udêm 2. udên 3. udót Dual 1. utmen 2. utten 3. utken Plur. 1. udêu 2. utta 3. údet Sing. 1. jîwêm 2. jîwên 3. jîwót (juwot) Dual 1. jîwmen 2. jîwden 3. jîwgen Plur. 1. jîwu 2. jîwda 3. jîwêt Futurum Sing. 1. tájdam 2. táidan 3. táit Dual 1. taidêmen 2. taidêden 3. taidêgen Plur. 1. taidêu 2. taidêda 3. taidêt Sing. 1. úttam 2. úttan 3. ut Dual 1. uttmên 2. úttêden 3. úttêgen Plur. 1. uttêu 2. uttêda 3. úttêt Sing. 1. jídêm 2. jiden 3. jit Dual 1. jítmen 2. jítten 3. jítken Plur. 1. jídêu 2. jitta 3. jidet 399. As already stated, ‘to have’ is the basic meaning of the verb. The sentences are not 114 115 �Ostiacica impersonal nor existential (“my money was” is a misinterpretation) but simply: ‘I’-NOM ‘money’-NOM ‘have’-PAST.1sg (and same in all persons: nan wax tajen ‘you had money’, tew wax tajot ‘he had money’, min wax tajew ‘we had money’, etc.). 400. No matter the origin, ‘to be’ and ‘to live’ are, of course, both intransitive and thus follow the subjective conjugation paradigm. 401. Here, German (and during fieldwork, Russian) as the metalanguage has probably caused some confusion. The Russian [statʹ] of course has both the functions of future and becoming, as well as the German werden, but, as we can see from the examples, the function of ji- as an auxiliary is ‘begin, start’ (with infinitive: to do something) and occasionally it can also serve as a future auxiliary. In absolute position, i.e. without an infinitive, the meaning of the verb is, besides the basic ‘to come’, also (with dative) ‘to become (something)’. 402. This is the literal translation of the German translation; actually the word forms negative existential sentences and the example sentence is thus ‘there is no money’. 403. With a noun marked with a possessive suffix, a negative possession can be expressed, as in e.g. Hungarian, which has a similar negative particle, lovam nincs ‘I have no horse’, “my horse there-is-not”. 404. Rather: ‘there is nothing’; i metta alone means ‘nothing’. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 70 ❧ ☙ 71 ❧ § 124 To express becoming or turning into some401 3) Particles thing , the language uses the intransitive verb jiwem (juwem, Surg. jigem, jugam), fut. jidem ‘to come’. This auxiliary verb is in its use quite similar to the Russian стану; e.g. xantča jiwem ‘I started to write’ (писатъ сталъ), xantča jidem ‘I will write’ (писатъ стану), ēne jiwem ‘I have become big’ (большой сталъ), ēne jidem ‘I will become big’ (большой стану). It has to be noticed that jiwem is constructed mainly with the dative; e.g. saxseŋa jiwem ‘I became fat’, āra jit ‘it will be a lot’. Considering the conjugation, this verb behaves like the intransitives. § 125 Lacking negative particles, Finnish and other related languages use one or more negative auxiliary verbs, which, together with the main verb, form a special, negative conjugation. In Ostyak, however, the affirmative and the negative conjugation are almost the same. The language has, indeed, a negative auxiliary: endam or endem ‘is not’, Russian нҍтъ, but this cannot be inflected; e.g. wax entam ‘it is not money’402, tawem entam ‘I have no horse’403, i metta endam or per endam ‘nothing’404, etc. At the most, dual or plural characters may be added to endam or endem; e.g. miin endemgen ‘we two are not’405 (насъ нҍтъ), pl. meng endemet. § 126 Together with verbs, endam changes into ent or en, whilst the main verb undergoes no change406; e.g. ent ujem ‘I did not see’, en menem ‘I did not go’, dual 1. ent ujemen, ent menmen, fut. ent udem, end mendem, inf. ent udai, ent mendai, ger. ent utmen, ent menmen, etc. Only in the imperative does ent, en change in all persons and numbers into at, Surg. atl407 e.g. at uje ‘don’t see’, at mena ‘don’t go’, dual at ujaden, at menaden, etc. 116 A) Postpositions § 127 Like the other related languages, Ostyak also has no prepositions but only postpositions, which are called so because they are placed after the word to which they are related. The postpositions do not, in fact, form a special class of words, because they are, with a few exceptions, real nouns, they form constructions with the genitive, they take personal suffixes, and thus share all the properties of the other nouns. Even though the nominal stem of many postpositions is not apparent any more, the case suffixes are often in these words easily recognizable. Only a few postpositions are expressed with the nominal stem or the nominative; most of them have the suffixes of the dative, the locative or the ablative, sometimes also the caritive. In § 67 it was already mentioned that in postpositions as well as in adverbs, there are case suffixes that have already disappeared in the nominal inflection. § 128 In the following, we provide a list of words that can be used as postpositions in Ostyak: erek, NS.408 ürük ‘extra, too much’ (Lat. nimius, 1. nimis), ‘in addition to, except’ (Lat. praeter). In the Irtyš dialect, the caritive suffix is often attached to this postposition; e.g. ma tau erekte i met en taidam ‘I have nothing except a horse’409. 2. it, Surg. iȶ ‘down, under’; idn (locat.), Surg. iȡn ‘down’, itta (abl.), Surg. iȶta ‘from below’. The words it and jit (cf. the word list) probably represent the same stem. 3. itpeja (itpea), Surg. iȶpija (dat.) ‘in front of’; itpena, Surg. iȶpina (loc.) ‘before, in front of’; itpīwet, Surg. iȶpijeux or iȶpiji (abl.) ‘from the front’. These postpositions are probably compounds 117 405. ‘we two are not there, there is no two of us’ 406. I.e. in non-existential constructions. The particle behaves like nicht in German or inte in Swedish. 407. It is etymologically related to Mansi ul and Finnish älä (sg), älkää (pl) in the corresponding function. The main verb is in the imperative. 408. This abbreviation is not included in the list of dialects (p. ix). It is probably the Lower Surgut (LS) dialect, which in Swedish (the original language of the manuscript) would have this abbreviation (Nedre Surgut). 409. Note the very common use of the verb taj- ‘to have’ and its understandable translation, even though Castrén had troubles in describing the verb (§§ 121–122). �Ostiacica 410. rather a derivative from the word (South) it, (Surg.) itl ‘front’ 411. Latin pone ‘behind’ 412. pir means ‘the space behind something’ whereas puj is primarily the body part. 413. locative 414. ablative 415. The comparison with Finnish is semantic, not etymological (and not meant to be, either). Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 72 ❧ ☙ 73 ❧ of two words: it ‘front’ and pi ‘side’410. 4. xowatta ‘along’ from the stem xou ‘long’. 5. id at, Surg. jid a ‘towards, at, against’. ˊ ˊ 6. maxta ‘around’. 7. moxta Surg. mugda ‘through’. 8. nox, Surg. nok ‘up, upwards’ (R. въверхъ). 9. nūmen, Surg. nōmen (locat.) ‘up, above’; nūmatta, Surg. nōmeȶta (abl.) ‘from above’. The stem of this postposition is nūm (num), Surg. nōm (nom) ‘heights’ (cf. the word list). oxteja, Surg. ogoteja (dat.) ‘on’, actually ‘into the 10. above’, oxtena, Surg. ogotena (loc.) ‘on, in the above’, oxtīwet, Surg. ogotejeux or ogoteji (abl.) ‘from above’. The stem is in the Irtyš dialect oxta, cf. the word list. 11. pira (dat.) ‘behind, back’; pirna (loc.) ‘behind (pone411), after, afterwards’, piretta or pirīwet, Surg. pireux, piri (abl.) ‘behind, from behind’. The stem is pir ‘back side’, cf. the word list. In the Irtyš dialect, there is puja, puina, pujīwet from pui ‘behind’412, which is almost identical but less often used as a postposition. Furthermore, the Russian preposition за can also be formed into a postposition denoting the same space relations by adding the Ostyak case suffixes: saja (dat.), saina (loc.) and sajīwet (abl.). peda, pede, pete ‘in order to, because of, instead 12. of’. In the same meaning, pedan, pedait, sagait, etc. are also used. puŋada, S. poŋaȡa (dat.) ‘next to, beside’, puŋatna, 13. S. poŋaȶna413 ‘next to, beside’; puŋatīwet, Surg. poŋaȡeux, poŋaȡi414 ‘beside’. The stem: puŋat, poŋaȶ ‘side’. kuda (dat.), kutna (locat.), kudīwet (abl.) ‘between; 14. among’. The stem: kut ‘the place between’, Finn. väli415. 15. kutteba, Surg. ječega (dat.) ‘in the middle’; kuttepna, Surg. ječen (loc.) ‘in the middle’; kuttepīwet, 118 Surg. ječegeux, ječegi (abl.) ‘from the middle’. The stem is in the Irtyš dialect kuttep, in the Surgut dialects ječe ‘middle’. 16. tibeja (tibea), Surg. tigbija (dat.) ‘into’; tibena, Surg. tigbina (loc.) ‘in, inside’; tibīwet, Surg. tigbijeux, tigbiji ‘from inside’. The postpositions are formed from the stem tibe, Surg. tigbi ‘inside’, and in the Surgut dialects, they can also be expressed with onda, ondan, ondeux or ondi from ont ‘inside’. 17. tom pēlga or tom peja, Surg. tom pīlega, tom pija or kaibija (dat.) ‘on the other side’, tom pēlgena or tom pena, Surg. tom pēlgena, tom pina, kaibina (loc.) ‘on the other side’, tom pēlegīwet or tom pīwet, Surg. tom pēlegeux (pelegi), tom pijeux (piji), kaibijeux (kaibiji) ‘from the other side’. In a similar way tem pēlga or tem peja, Surg. tem pēlega or tem pija (dat.) ‘on this side’, etc. 18. unda, Surg. andaga ‘up to, until’. 19. waȶȶax, waȡȡax (Surg.) ‘without’. 20. ūtta, Surg. ūȶti ‘over, on the opposite side’. B) Adverbs § 129 Like the postpositions, the adverbs in Ostyak are also formed from the noun with different case suffixes, and it has already been shown in the previous paragraphs that many words can be used both as postpositions and as adverbs. There are also many adverbs in Ostyak that are formed from demonstrative, relative and interrogative pronouns. There are few primitive words among the adverbs, yet a noun and especially an adjective in the nominative case can also be used as an adverb. Furthermore, many adverbs are borrowed from Russian. § 130 The adverbs of location are, organized according to their stem, the following: 119 �Ostiacica 416. The Surgut particles tegenam and togonam are formed with the suffix of the approximative case. Attempt at an Ostyak Grammar ☙ 74 ❧ ☙ 75 ❧ 1. xoda, Surg. koȶnam ‘where to’; xodan, Surg. kotti, kot ‘where’, xotye, Surg. kotl ‘from where’. The stem is probably xo (cf. the pronoun xoi, xoje in §  93). Instead of these adverbs, in the Irtyš dialects met tagaja ‘where to’, met tagana ‘where’, met tagajīwet ‘from where’, etc. are used. 416 2. tege, Surg. tegenam ‘here (to)’, tette, Surg. tetti, tet ‘here’; tet sagat, Surg. teȶ ‘from here’. Cf. the demonstrative pronoun tem ‘this’. 416 ‘there (to)’, totta, Surg. 3. togot,ˊ Surg. Togonam totti ‘there’, Surg. toȶ ‘from there’. Cf. the demonstrative pronoun toma. 4. nox ‘up, upwards’; see § 128 nr. 8. 5. nūmen ‘up, in the heights’, nūmatta ‘from above’; see § 128 nr. 9. 6. itn ‘down’, loc. idn, etc. see § 128 nr 2. 7. awasta ‘from below’, abl. of awas ‘the underneath’. 8. pira ‘back’, pirna ‘behind’, pirīwet ‘from behind’, see §128 nr 11. 9. itpeja ‘forth’, etc. see § 128 nr 3. 10. xowa, Surg. kokko ‘far away’, xowan, Surg. kowon (loc.) ‘far away’, xowatta, Surg. kowaȶta (abl.) ‘from afar’. The stem is xou ‘long’. 11. wana (dat.) ‘close (to)’, wanen, wanna (loc.) ‘close’; wanetta, Surg. waneȶta ‘from nearby’. The stem is wan ‘short’. 12. kīm, kēm ‘out’, kāmen, kēmen ‘outside’, kāmetta, Surg. kāmeȶta ‘from outside’. 13. jox, Surg. jok ‘home’ (domum), jadan, Surg. jokon ‘at home’ (domi), jokoȶta (Surg.), xodīwet (Irt.) ‘from home’. 14. moxta, Surg. norok ‘straight’. 15. megde ‘past, by’ 16. beste ‘all over’, Russ. вездѣ. A § 131 mong the temporal adverbs especially the following may be noted: 1. xun, Surg. xunti ‘when’. 2. tutna ‘then’. ˊ 3. in, Surg. it ‘now’. Cf. the word list. 4. sīra, Surg. sār, sārna ‘before’; cf. the word list. 5. pirna ‘after’; see § 128 nr 11. 6. xou, xowat, Surg. kowat ‘for a long time’; cf. word list. 7. xowan, Surg. kowan ‘long ago’. 8. sora, Surg. sarga ‘soon’, Russ. скоро. 9. togan ‘always’. 10. us, uš ‘already’, Russ. уже. 11. os, ješo (Russ. ещо) ‘still’. 12. mettatna ‘sometime’. 13. xattīwen ‘during the daytime’. 14. ātna, Surg. jōgon ‘in the night’. 15. idaina ‘in the evening’. 16. ādeŋ, Surg. āȡeŋ ‘in the morning’. 17. tem xat ‘today’, etc. § 132 Among the other adverbs, we can only give the following: 1. ar ‘many, a lot’. 2. čīmet, Surg. čīmeȶ ‘(a) little’. 3. ašma, tax, Surg. čikka ‘very’. ˊ 4. cebara ‘well’. 5. medagem ‘how much’. 6. tegem, tigem ‘this much’. ˊ ˊ 7. xot sagat ‘how’. 8. tem sagat, tegena, temida ‘like this’. 9. medīwet, medoi peda ‘why’. 10. tut peda ‘because of that’. ˊ 120 C. Conjunctions § 133 The Ostyak language has only a few conjunc- tions, and many of these are, furthermore, borrowed from Russian. Some conjunctions are independent words, while others can only be used enclitically. Here we list the most important of both classes: a) Independent conjunctions ada — ada ‘either — or’. lipa — lipa ‘either — or’, Russ. либо — либо. 121 �Ostiacica 417. As already stated in note 174, this is not a particle but a noun ot ‘thing’. 418. The semantics of the interjections are, of course, approximate. ☙ 76 ❧ nīci ‘perhaps’. otnāko ‘yet’, Russ. однако. met, metta ‘that, so that’. sto ba, sto bi ‘so that’, Russ. что бы. ada metta, at metta ‘as if’. ješeli ‘if’, Russ. ежели. i ‘also’, Russ. и. ādeŋ the character of the conjunctive. ta ‘and’, Russ. да. b) Enclitic conjunctions īti, īda ‘as, like’. pa, ba ‘though’, Finn. pa, pä. se or še ‘yes, too’, Russ. же. wet,ˊ Surg. wiȡi ‘even’, Russ. вҍдь. li ‘whether’, Russ. ли. kuš, Surg. kuč ‘even though’, Russ. хотя, хоть. at, a particle that forms indefinite nouns, pronouns and adverbs.417 D. Interjections 418 § 134 Only the following interjections have been noticed by me: a’a ‘yes’. au ‘what did you say?’ ta ‘well’. ti, tit, titti ‘well, see’. ˊ ˊ a ‘ouch’. ax ‘oh’. ja ‘well’. 122 Ostyak Word List419 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List Udmurt, Mn = Mansi, MnN = Northern Mansi). By “Sam.”, Castrén mainly refers to Nenets, but the abbreviation is kept unchanged, thus Sam = Samoyedic; however, “O. Sam.” > Slk = Selkup. Also in the references to UEW, Sam refers to a correspondence in any Samoyedic language, which is not necessarily the same comparison Castrén has made. For Surgut, Castrén’s abbreviations (or their translations) are used in their original form, i.e. S. or Surg. = Surgut dialects, (“OS.” >) US. = Upper Surgut (upstream from the town of Surgut), (US. >) LS. = Lower Surgut (downstream from the town of Surgut). There is also an abbreviation “NS.”, which has not been explained. It seems to stand for the Swedish term Nedre Surgut ‘lower S.’ and has accidentally been left in the German version in some words on the list. Here it is replaced with LS. For the Turkish languages, the names are kept in their original form, thus Turk = Turkish (in general), Tat = Tartar, MT = Minushinsk (Siberian) Tartar. The references to the most important dictionaries are provided at the end of each lemma. These are: Wolfgang Steinitz Dialektologisches und etymologisches Wörterbuch der ostjakischen Sprache (DEWOS), K.F. Karjalainen  & Y.H. Toivonen Ostjakisches Wörterbuch (KT) and Károly Rédei & al. Uralisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (UEW). If the Khanty word has a cognate in Mansi, it is given in brackets ( ) after DEWOS; if the word has cognates in other Uralic languages, this information is given in brackets ( ) after UEW. Page numbers are given for the Khanty dictionaries, because they encompass all Khanty dialects and thus follow an etymological order instead of a traditional alphabetical one. Page numbers are given only for the beginning of the lemma; one lemma might go through several pages (in DEWOS, each column has its own number). The modern (or standardized phonematic) form for the words in other Uralic languages can be found in UEW; they are not copied here. If necessary, other references to literature are also given. 419. The word list has been rewritten, translated and commented on along the following principles: The lemma is transcribed from Castréns “Ossetian” Cyrillic script according to the same rules that are used in the grammar part. It is followed in brackets [ ] by the form that follows the standard southern Khanty phonematic transcription (in DEWOS, standardized by Wolfgang Steinitz, with minor exceptions, e.g. ĕ in the first syllable instead of ǝ). The same goes for additional forms (derivations and compounds) from the southern dialect, which are introduced later in the same lemma. If the lemma is given only in its Surgut form (“S.”), and mainly does not exist in southern Khanty, the standardized phonematic form in brackets [ ] is given from Trj (Tremyugan) or another modern (according to KT or DEWOS) Surgut dialect. In cases where Castrén has added a variant from Surgut to the southern dialect lemma, a Trj or other modern Surgut dialect form is given in brackets [ ]. The translation is given according to Cast­ rén’s original translation, taking into account the semantics of the modern Khanty word; if there is a more significant difference, the modern, actual meaning is given in brackets [ ]. References to other languages are given according to Castrén either with a comma or semicolon only, or with “cf.” (“vergl.”). The possible borrowing languages (“Turkish” for mainly Siberian Tartar; Russian or Komi) are not commented on separately, but the modern view of the possible borrowing is given according to Steinitz in brackets ( ) after the DEWOS reference. The correspondences in the Uralic languages are marked with [≠] (no etymological correspondence) or [=] (reliable comparison) separately for each language. For the Finno-Ugrian languages, abbreviations of the modern names are used in the translation (“Lapp.” > Saa = Saami, “Tscher.” > Mr = Mari, “Syrj.” > Ko = Komi; Fi = Finnish, Est = Estonian, Hu = Hungarian) as well as in the references (Md = Mordvinian, Ud = 124 A ājemdem [äjǝmt-] ‘to glue’; LS. ējem­ dem, eijemdem; US. ējem­tim, ei­ jemtim [Trj ĕjǝmtǝ-] DEWOS 24, KT 12. ājoxtep, aijoxtep [äj-oχtep] ‘smallish, quite small’; DEWOS 12, 33, KT 3, 32. āmdem [ämət-] ‘to rejoice’; frequ. āmdīdem [ämtit-]; DEWOS 106, KT 47–48. amlep [omlep (DN), Ko Kr ămlip] ‘hole in the ice’ DEWOS 100, KT 48. āmp [ämp] ‘dog’; [=] Hu eb; DEWOS 101, KT 48, UEW 836 (Kh = MnN āmp, Hu). āna [ănǝ] ‘thick’; Surg. ānex [Trj äṇǝ]; āna-paŋ [ănǝ-päŋ] ‘thumb’; āna-sābet [ănǝ-säpǝt] a black and blue coloured duck with a thick (āna) neck (sābet) [Anas fuligula]’ DEWOS 109, KT 52. anǯa, anǯe [änčǝ] ‘rose hip’; Surg. anǯex [Trj äṇčǝɣ]; anǯa-jux [änčǝ-juχ] ‘rose shrub’; Surg. an­ǯex-jux [Trj äṇčǝɣ-juɣ]; DEWOS 112, KT 54. aŋasem [aŋχəs-, Kr eŋχəs-] ‘to take off one’s shoes; undo (a knot), unbutton (one’s coat)’; S. ünacem [Trj ăn­tǝksǝ-] DEWOS 142, KT 39, UEW 11. aŋen [oŋǝt; ‑n probably a misprint] ‘chin’; DEWOS 140, KT 34. aŋa, aŋe [äŋkə] ‘mother’; Surg. anki [Trj äŋki], [≠] Hu anya, Turk ana; ēn-aŋa [enǝ-äŋkǝ] ‘grand­ mother’, āi-aŋa [äj-äŋkǝ] ‘moth­ er’s younger sister; (female) cousin’; DEWOS 136 (Kh = MnN āŋk°), KT 36. adak [ä̆tak] ‘storm’; [≠ Sam] hād DEWOS 214 (Kh ? < Turk), KT 102. adam [ätamǝ] ‘man, person’, Mr edem, Turk. adem; cf. xui; DEWOS 217 (Kh < Tat), KT 103. ādaŋ; ādeŋ [ätǝŋ] ‘morning’; Surg. āȡaŋ, āȡeŋ [Trj äʌəŋ]; DEWOS 83, KT 117. ādem [ätəm] ‘bad, evil’; Surg. ātem [Trj ätəm]; DEWOS 215, KT 103. ādem [ăt-] ‘to sleep’; Surg. āȡam, ōȡam, ōȶem[Trj ŏʌ-]. Frequ. ādī­ dem [ătit-]; DEWOS 66, KT 126. adaša, odoša [ătaša] ‘stallion’; DEWOS 72 (Kh < Tat). āgan, āgań [ä̆kań] ‘doll’; Ko akań; DEWOS 45 (Kh < Ko), KT 24. āgerna [äɣərnə] ‘ide, L. Cyprinus rutilus (Leuciscus idus)’; āger­ na-tūjax [Trj äɣərnə-ʌojək] ‘red kite, L. Falco milvus’; DEWOS 47, KT 25. āxtem [aχət-] ‘to vomit’; Surg. ūgo­ ȡem [Trj uɣət-]; cf. [≠ Fi] oksennan, [≠] Hu okád; DEWOS 48, KT 26, UEW 716 (Fi = Md Mr Ko Ud). āi [äj] ‘small’; DEWOS 12, KT 3. ai [ăj] ‘luck’; DEWOS 20, KT 6. aidadem [ä̆jtat-] ‘to drive, to chase’; [≠] Fi ajan; DEWOS 26, KT 14, UEW 4. aidem [ăjǝt-] ‘to find’; Surg. ojoȡem [Trj ojǝɣtə-]; DEWOS 22, KT 13. ajaŋ, aijaŋ [ăjǝŋ] ‘lucky [fortunate (e.g. at catching fish)]’ DEWOS 21, KT 6. ājem [äjǝm] ‘glue’; Surg. ējem, eijem [Trj ĕjǝm]; DEWOS 24, KT 12. 125 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 80 ❧ as [äs] ‘the river Obʹ’; ās-jax [äsjaχ] ‘the Ostyaks’; awas āsjax [ŏwəs ä.-j.] ‘the Ostyaks in Berezov’, num ās-jax [num ä.-j.] ‘the Ostyaks in Surgut’ [the Ostyaks on the lower vs. upper reaches of Obʹ seen from Samarovo (today: Chanty-Mansijsk)]; ās-pai [Trj äs-påj] ‘poplar’; DEWOS 184–86 (= MnN ās), KT 84–85. āsad [asat] ‘free, idle, lazy’; DEWOS 197, KT 89. āsem [ăsǝm] ‘pillow’; DEWOS 195 (= MnN osma), KT 88, UEW 18. aš [aš, äš] ‘white clay’; Surg. ač [not attested] DEWOS 5, KT 96, UEW 3 (Kh ? = Md ašo Ma oš ‘white’). āt (at) [ät] ‘night’; [=] Mr jut; DEWOS 199, KT 100, UEW 99 ˊ (Kh = MnN ēti, Mr Sam). ātmem [ätǝm-] ‘to lift’; Surg. īȶmem [Trj äʌəm-]; DEWOS 76 (Kh = MnN ālm-), KT 125. āttem [ättǝ-] ‘to carry’; Surg. īȶȶem (Trj äʌt- : prs. iʌtəm) [cf. previous]. ˊ ˊ ata [Trj äti, O äśi] ‘father’, [≠] Fi isä, [≠] Hu atya, [≠] Saa ačče [áhčči], tattje, [≠] Turk ata, [≠] Mr ätjä; DEWOS 226, KT 93, UEW 22 (Kh = MnN āś, Sam). au [aw] ‘door’; [=] Fi ovi; DEWOS 26, KT 14, UEW 344 (=MnN āwi, Fi Sam) aŋaŋa [äŋk-äŋkǝ] ‘grandmother’; Surg. aŋk-aŋki [Trj äŋk-äŋk]; DEWOS 136, KT 36. āŋet, ānket [äŋkət] ‘stump, pillar, mast’; Surg. āŋkeȶ [Trj äŋkəʌ]; DEWOS 138 (= MnN āŋk°al), KT 38. ańaxa, ańaga [ăńǝχə] ‘stepmother; uncle’s wife’; LS. ajanki, US. ańakai [Trj ăńə̑ki ̮]; DEWOS 130, KT 64, UEW 10 (= Sa ?Md ?Ud Ko Mn Hu Ne Slk). āńgeš [äńkǝš] ‘pea’; Surg. āńkic [Trj äńkǝč]; Ko ańkycj [ań-ki ̮č]; DEWOS 130 (Kh < Ko), KT 38. ār [är, DN ar] ‘a lot, many’; cf. [≠] Fi suuri, [=] Sam ār ‘big’, [≠] Turk. ār ‘heavy’, [≠] Hu ár ‘price’; DEWOS 155, KT 70, UEW 75 (Kh = Sam) āra [ärǝ] ‘song’; Surg. ārex [Trj ärǝɣ], [≠] Turk. ir, er; tūrumāra [turəm-ärə, Trj tŏrǝmärǝɣ] ‘prayer’; DEWOS 165 (Kh = MnN ēriɣ), KT 73. ārent [ärǝnt] ‘debt’; [≠] MT ālem, [≠] Fi. velka; DEWOS 172 (Kh < Ru), KT 77. ārendeŋ (ārndeŋ) [ärǝntǝŋ] ‘in debt’; DEWOS 172, KT 78. āres [probably i ̮rǝš, irǝš; Ko i ̮ršaś‘threaten’] ‘troublemaker’; Tat. arisch, DEWOS 164 (Kh < Tat i ̮ri ̮z ’quarrel’), KT 78. ārgem, ārkem [ärǝ-] ‘to sing’; Surg. īrgem [Trj ärǝɣ-]; DEWOS 166, KT 73. 126 auguȡem, S. [Trj ä̆ɣ°əʌ-] ‘to become replete’; see pidem; DEWOS 40, KT 20. awas, owas [ăwǝs, ŏwǝs] ‘lower, the one below [downstream]’; awas-wōt [ŏwǝs-wot] ‘north [wind]’, cf. jit-wōt]; DEWOS 29, KT 17. E ēbet [epǝt] ‘smell’; Surg. āpeȶ [Trj ä̆pəʌ], [=] Sam. āpt, DEWOS 148, KT 68, UEW 83–84 (Kh = MnN at, Saa Md Mr Ko Sam). ede [ĕtǝ] ‘lid’; Surg. aȶe [Trj ä̆ʌə] [E  wälə ‘roof, lid’]; DEWOS 70, KT 116, UEW 574 (Kh = MnN ala, Fi ylä- etc.) edem [ĕt-] ‘to heat’; US. üȡim [Trj ö̆ʌ-], frequ. edīdem [ĕtit-]; DEWOS 64, KT 129. ēdem, eidem [et-] ‘to leave (tr.), to let go’; [≠] Fi jätän, [≠] Mr kodem, [≠] Ko kolja; DEWOS 204 (unclear), KT 129. edep [etǝp] ‘verst’; Surg. ettep [Trj ä̆təp]; DEWOS 203, KT 104. eder, ēder [etər] ‘bright, clear’; Surg. ater, atter [Trj ä̆tər]; DEWOS 218 (= MnN atər), KT 104. ederoxtep [etər-oχtep] ‘somewhat clear’. ele, elle [ĕlǝ] ‘sapwood’; Surg. ül [Trj ö̆ḷ], [≠] Fi jälsi; DEWOS 90, KT 41. emem [em-]’to suck’; [=] Fi imen, [=] Hu emik, [≠] Turk emmek; DEWOS 97, KT 50, UEW 82 (Kh = Fi Hu Sam). emerdem [ĕmǝrt-] ‘to scoop, to bail’; Surg. emregdem [Trj ä̆mǝr-, ä̆mräɣtə-]; cf. jāxtem; DEWOS 102, KT 44, UEW 25 (Kh = MnN āmart-, Ud). ēne [enə] ‘big; thick’, also ūna; Surg. ēnȶ [Trj ä̆ṇə]; cf. Ko una, Fi enempi ‘more’, enin ‘most’, [≠] Hu ennyi ‘this much’; DEWOS 109, KT 52, UEW 74 (Kh = MnN janəɣ, Fi Saa ?Ud ?Ko Sam) ēnmem [enǝm-] ‘to grow’; Surg. ānmem [Trj ä̆nǝm-]; DEWOS 110, KT 52. ēnmettem [enmǝttǝ-] ‘to grow (tr.), to raise’ DEWOS 110, KT 53. ēndep, ēntep [ĕntǝp] ‘belt’; DEWOS 117 (= MnN ēntǝp), KT 58. eŋedīdem [ĕŋǝtit-] ‘to neigh’; DEWOS 141, KT 34. 127 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 81 ❧ päästän; DEWOS 193, KT 91, UEW 71 (Kh = MnN is-, Ud Ko Hu Sam). et [ĕt, ĕtǝ] ‘simple, common’; et-wax [Trj ä̆t-wăχ] ‘iron’; DEWOS 68, 69, KT 109. ēt, eit [et] ‘body, item’; DEWOS 56, KT 110. ētteptem [ettitǝpt-, *ettəpt-] ‘to show, to point at smth’; DEWOS 220, KT 108. ēttīdem, eittīdem [ettit-] ‘to look, to watch’; also: eikīdem; DEWOS 220, KT 108. ēwa [ewǝ] ‘girl, daughter’, Surg. ēwi [Trj ä̆ɣ°i]; DEWOS 37, KT 16, UEW 835 (Kh = MnN āɣi Hu). ewedem, eudem [ewət-] ‘to cut, to shave’; Surg. agdem [Trj ä̆ɣ°ət-]; DEWOS 50 (Kh = MnN jakt-), KT 18. ēpsendem [epsint-] ‘to sniff, to smell’; Surg. āpsindem [Trj ä̆psintǝ-]; DEWOS 148, KT 68, UEW 83. erek (erx) [ĕrǝ] ‘extra, too much, too many’; LS. ürük (ürx) [Trj ö̆rəɣ]; DEWOS 167 (Kh = MnN ariɣ), KT 74. ēsem [esǝm] ‘breast, nipple’; ēsemjink [esǝm-jĕŋk] ‘sweet milk’, actually ‘breast-water’; DEWOS 194, KT 89. ēsemdem [esǝmt-] ‘to suck’; see emem. ēssig, ēssix, eissig (actually ēsjig) [ĕs-jĕɣ, ĕssəɣ] ‘old man’; [≠] Hu ősz; DEWOS 187, KT 87. estem [estə-] ‘to release, to let go, to let come (in)’; US. asȶem, LS. esȶim [Trj ä̆sʌ-], [≠] Fi I īma [imǝ] ‘old woman, wife’; Surg. īmi [Trj imi]; cf. [≠] Fi emä ‘mother’, [≠] Hu eme ‘female’; DEWOS 97, KT 43, UEW 74 (Kh ≠ Fi Hu Sam). īmel [iməl] ‘a vehicle’ [a fish species]; DEWOS 100, KT 44. īn [in] ‘now, just (now), at the moment’; Surg. īt [Trj in]; KT 51. inar [inar] ‘saddle’; Tat ijar; DEWOS 116, KT 53. idai [itǝn] ‘evening, night’, Surg. itn [Trj itǝn], [≠ ] Fi ilta; DEWOS 217, KT 104. idem [item] ‘shameful [shame]’; Surg. īȡem [Trj iʌem]; DEWOS 79, KT 119. īȡek S. [Trj iʌek] ‘strainer, sieve’; see puš; DEWOS 74, KT 123 ika, iga [ikə] ‘old man, husband’; Surg. iki [Trj iki], [≠] Fi ukko, [≠] Hu agg; DEWOS 34, KT 23, UEW 72 (Kh = MnN aki, Saa Sam). 128 īndep, jīndep [jĕntǝp, Trj ji ̮ntəp] ‘needle’; Turk ine, īnge, [≠] Mr īm, [≠] Ko jem, [≠] Fi äimä; DEWOS 381 (Kh = MnN jūntǝp), KT 175. īnem S. [Trj ĕj-näm] ‘all’; see per; DEWOS 19. ǝ ǝ īŋisem [ĕńtˊ s-, Trj ińtˊ ksǝ-] ‘ask’; DEWOS 131, KT 65. isar [isar] ‘stupid, simple-minded’; DEWOS 197, KT 89. īsem [is-] ‘to grind’; īsendem [isǝnt-] id.; DEWOS 188, KT 90. īsen [isǝn] ‘grinder’; DEWOS 189, KT 89. īšen [išǝn] ‘window’; DEWOS 11, KT 99. iǯem [ič-] ‘to move (tr.), to push’; DEWOS 5, KT 98. ičex, US [ičək] ‘younger sister [endearment]’; see ńeŋa; DEWOS 10, KT 99, 193. X xaint [χent] ‘birch bark basket’; [=] Fi kontti; DEWOS 516, KT 315, UEW 177 (Kh = MnN χūnt, Fi Ud Ko), SSA 1 398 (Fi = Kh Mn) xaida [χăjćǝ] ‘scissors, shears’; Turk kaitse, kaitje; DEWOS 449 (Kh < Tat), KT 283. xaleu [χălew] ‘tern, seagull’; Surg. kallek [Trj kăḷe̮k]; DEWOS 487, KT 300. xama [χŏmǝl(‑)] ‘bladder, blister’; S. komlaŋ [Trj komḷǝŋ]; DEWOS 497, KT 305. xanda [χăntǝ] ‘a khanty person’; S. kanda-ku [Trj kăntǝk-ko]; DEWOS 517, 518, KT 317, UEW 206 (Kh ? = Fi Saa Md Hu Sam). xanem [χăn-] ‘to touch [to get caught, to adhere, intr.]’; DEWOS 504, KT 316. xadań [χătań] ‘Tatar’; S. katań-ku; DEWOS 575, KT 362. xadem [χăt-] ‘to die’; Surg. kaȡem [Trj kăʌ- : kŏʌǝm], [=] Fi. kuolen, [=] Hu hal, [=] Mr kolem, [=] Ko kula; DEWOS 469, KT 373, UEW 173 (Kh = MnN χɔ̄la-, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). xaxrem [χăχǝr-] ‘to tickle [to scratch, to scrape, to rub, to shave]’; DEWOS 460, KT 293. ˊ ˊ xaid em, xaiǵem [χet-] ‘to stay, to remain; to be left’; DEWOS 576, KT 346. ˊ ǝ xaid eptem [χetˊ ptǝ-] ‘to leave (tr.)’; DEWOS 577, KT 347. xaimak [χajmaχ] ‘sour whole milk, thick cream’; Tat kaimak; DEWOS 447 (Kh < Tat), KT 283. xainem [χen-] ‘to dig’; Surg. kinem [Trj ki ̮ṇ-], [≠] Fi kaivan; DEWOS 508 (Kh = MnN χūn-, Ko Hu), KT 318. 129 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 82 ❧ xanǯem [χănč-] ‘to make colourful [to stich, to embroider; to write]’; DEWOS 513 (Kh = MnN χans-); KT 313. xanǯeŋ [χănčǝŋ] ‘colourful’; DEWOS 512, KT 313. xaŋdep [χaŋtep] ‘ladder, stairs’, S. kaŋdep [Trj kåŋti ̮p]; DEWOS 528, KT 297, UEW 127 (cf. χoŋχ-). xaŋsa [χamsa, χaŋsa, χaŋχsa] ‘pipe’, S. kaŋsa [Trj kansa], Turk kañsa; DEWOS 693, KT 306. xar [χăr] ‘field, an even place in general’; e.g. tant-xar [täntχăr] ‘(corn) field’, num-xar [num-χăr] ‘meadow’, xot-xar [χot-χăr] ‘floor’; S. kara [Trj kårə]; DEWOS 544, KT 327. xār [χor] ‘oxen [male animal]’; S. kār [Trj kår]; cf. [≠] Fi härkä, [=] Sam hora; ai-xār [äj-χor] ‘stallion’; DEWOS 535, KT 328, UEW 168 (Kh = MnN χār, Fi Ko Hu Sam). xardagan [χărtǝχan] ‘falcon’; DEWOS 558 (Kh < Tat), KT 341. xatt, xat [χăt (χătt-)] ‘sun, day’ [χăt ‘provision, supplies (“Vor­ rath”)’ is a separate word]; S. kaȶ [Trj kătʌ̥], [≠] Mr kedƈe; DEWOS 469, KT 365 (χăt ‘store, supplies’), DEWOS 571, KT 354. xōdaŋ, xōteŋ [χŏtǝŋ] ‘swan’; S. kōtteŋ [Trj kŏtǝŋ]; DEWOS 575, KT 362, UEW 857 (Kh = MnN χotaŋ, Hu hattyú id.). xōdar [misprint, ɔ: хо̄дап i.e. χotəp] ‘net‘; DEWOS 479, KT 371, UEW 120 (Kh = MnN χūlǝp, Fi Ko Hu Sam). xōdem [χot-] ‘to stay overnight’; S. kūȡem [Trj kåʌ- : kuʌə̑m]; DEWOS 462, KT 375, UEW 120 (= MnN χūl-, Ud ?Ko Hu). xōxtem [χoχət-] ‘to jump [to run]’; DEWOS 457, KT 294, UEW 198 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Ko Hu Sam). xōjem [χojəm] ‘ashes’; DEWOS 446, KT 281, DEWOS 194 (Kh = ˊ MnN kul ǝm, Hu ?Md). xomas [*χoməs] ‘violin [formerly used by Tatars and southern Khantys]’; DEWOS 500 (attested only by Castrén and Patkanov; Kh < Tat). ˊ ǝ ˊ xomd e [χamtˊ ] ‘whip’; S. kamd i ˊ [Trj kåmti ̮]; DEWOS 503 (Kh < Tat), KT 306. xon [χon] ‘emperor, khan, czar’; S. kan [Trj kån]; Tat khan; DEWOS 503 (Kh < Tat), KT 307. xon, xonai [χŏn] ‘stomach’ [χŏnaj ‘front part’]; DEWOS 509, KT 308. xonaŋ [χŏnǝŋ] ‘pregnant’ [from χŏn ‘stomache’]; DEWOS 510, KT 309. xonaʒa [χŏnaćǝ] ‘young cow, heifer [also of a reindeer or an elk]’; DEWOS 519, KT 312. xondak [? *χŏntǝk] ‘yeast’ [not in modern dictionaries]. xonttem [χŏnt-] ‘to escape, to flee’; S. kondem [Trj kŏnt-]; DEWOS 517, KT 319. ˊ ˊ xontˊ[χŏńtˊ] ‘fever’ [χŏńt-, χońt- ‘to have fever, to be ill’]; DEWOS 524, KT 322. xōŋam [χoŋχ-] ‘to climb, to go up­ stream’; S. kūŋdem [Trj ku­ ŋət-]; DEWOS 528, KT 296, UEW 127 (Kh = MnN χāŋχ-, Hu ?Ko). 130 xordem [χŏrǝt-] ‘to bark’; frequ. xordīdem [χŏrtit-]; DEWOS 553, KT 338. xorem [χŏr-] ‘to skin, to peel’; S. koroȡem [Trj kŏr-]; cf. [≠] Fi kuorin; DEWOS 542, KT 340, SSA 1 442 (Kh ? = MnE χor, Fi). xōs [χos] ‘a species of duck’; DEWOS 559; KT 342. xosem [χŏs-] ‘to urinate’, [=] Fi kusen; DEWOS 561, KT 343, UEW 211 (Kh = MnN χuńś-, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). xoǯem [χočǝm] ‘hot, warm’; DEWOS 427, KT 348, UEW 114 (? = Udm Ko). xōt, xāt [χot] ‘tent, house’; S. kāt [Trj kåt], [=] Fi kota; [=] Saa goatte, [=] Mr kuda; DEWOS 565, KT 357, UEW 190 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). xou [χŏw] ‘long, distant’; S. koux [Trj koɣ°]; cf. [=] Fi kauwan; DEWOS 450, KT 285, UEW 132 (Kh = Fi Saa Md), SSA 1 330 (Kh = Fi ?Md). xowoxtep [χŏw-oχtəp] ‘longish’. xowat [χŏwat] ‘along’, adv. [instrumental-comitative case of χŏw ‘long’]; DEWOS 452, KT 286. xūdandem [χutǝnt-] ‘to listen’; S. kōȡendem [Trj koʌəntə-]; DEWOS 465, KT 377, UEW 207 (Kh = MnN χūntǝl- Hu ?Fi), SSA 1 457 (Kh = Mn Hu Fi). xūdem [χut-] ‘to hear’; S. kūȡem [Trj koʌ- : kuʌəm], [=] Fi kuulen, [=] Hu hall, [=] Mr kolam, [=] Ko kyla; DEWOS 465, KT 377, UEW 197 (Kh = MnN χūl-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). xūdesem [xutes-] ‘to DEWOS 463, KT 366. cough’; xui, xajat [χoj, χuj; χăjet, χăjat] ‘human [χăjet, χăjat], man, male [χoj, χuj]’; S kui, ku [Trj ko : (px.1sg) kuje̮m]; DEWOS 423, 449, KT 279, 282; UEW 166 (Kh = MnN χuj, Saa Sam). xujem [χuj-] ‘to spawn’; DEWOS 440, KT 285, UEW 194 (Kh = Mn Fi Saa). xūla [χulə] ‘soot, dirt’; DEWOS 474; KT 299. xūlax [χuləχ] ‘raven’; US. kōlak, LS. kōlank [Vart koḷǝk, Trj ko­ḷǝŋk]; DEWOS 487, KT 300, UEW 200 (Kh = MnN χulaχ Hu Sam). ˊ ˊǝ xūlatem [χulettˊ -] ‘to soot, to make dirty’; DEWOS 475, KT 299. xump [χump] ‘wave’; S. kump [Trj kump], [=] Sam kumba; DEWOS 498, KT 306, UEW 203 (Kh = MnN χump Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Hu Sam). xuntˊ [χuńtˊ] ‘sunrise, sunset’; S. kunȶˊ [Trj kuńʌ̥́], [=] Fi koi, koitto, [? =] Slk kuend, [=] Ko kya; idai-xuntˊ [itaj-χuńt,ˊ Trj itn̥ -kuńʌ́] ‘sunset’; xodaixuntˊ [χŏt-χuńtˊ] ‘sunrise’; DEWOS 217 (itn̥ -kuńʌ́), 464 (χŏt-χuńtˊ), 522, KT 323, UEW 167 (Kh = Mn Fi Ko ?Sam). xuran [χuran, χŏran] ‘stable’; DEWOS 555, KT 336. xūs [χus] ‘star’; DEWOS 561, KT 343, UEW 210 (Kh = MnS kōńś Ud Ko Hu Sam). xūt [χut] ‘cough’; S. kōȶ [Trj koʌ]; DEWOS 463, KT 365, UEW 223 (Kh = Saa Md Ko Sam). 131 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 83 ❧ xūt [χut] ‘spruce’; S. kōȶ [kŏʌ], [=] Fi kuusi, [=] Ko kōz, [=] Sam xadi; DEWOS 464, KT 366, UEW 222 (Kh = MnN χowt Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Sam). xutˊ [χutˊ] ‘fish’; S. kuȶ [Trj kuʌ], [=] Fi kala, [=] Hu hal; DEWOS 466, KT 380, UEW 119 (Kh = MnN χūl, Fi Saa Md Mr Hu Sam). J jādam [jătǝm] ‘seine net’; S. sājep [Trj såjǝp]; DEWOS 419, KT 197, 820. jadem [jătǝm] ‘patch’ [”patched” from jăt- (Trj jŏʌ-) ‘to patch’]; KT 199. jāgai [jăχaj, DN jăɣaj] ‘occiput; (nape of the) neck’; DEWOS 334, KT 147. jāgal [jaχəl] ‘fork; step’; S. jāgart [Trj jåɣə̑rt ‘fork, branch’]; DEWOS 341, 342, KT 147, 150. jāgam [jaχəm] ‘heath’; DEWOS 343, KT 148. jāgem [jok-] ‘to dance’; S. jīkum [Trj jek°- (: jik°əm)]; DEWOS 330, KT 141, UEW 96 (Kh = MnN jēk°-, Ud Ko). jāxleŋ [jaχləŋ] ‘with a branch’; DEWOS 341, KT 147. ˊ ˊǝ jāxletem [jaχlettˊ -] ‘to step’; DEWOS 342, KT 148. jāxtem [jaχət-] 1. ‘to scoop (water with a smaller scoop)’ 2. ‘to unload’; DEWOS 352 (= MnN jɔ̄χt-), KT 151. jāja [jäjə] ‘elder brother [male relative older than me, younger than my father]’; DEWOS 317, KT 133. jāk [jäk] ‘clerk’; DEWOS 324 (< Ru), KT 141. jantkem, jantxem [jănt-: jăntkǝm, jăntχǝm, jănkǝm] ‘to play’; DEWOS 381 (= MnN jonɣ-), KT 174. jāŋam [jăχ-, jăŋχ-] ‘to walk’; frequ. jāŋaidem [jăŋɣit-]; DEWOS 386, KT 155. jāŋk [jäŋk] ‘nail [wooden, iron]’; DEWOS 387, KT 158. jara [jăra] ‘other; strange [, not related]’; DEWOS 403, KT 182. jaran [jărǝn] ‘samoyed’; S. jargan [Trj jărɣan]; DEWOS 405, KT 184 (Kh = MnN jɔ̄rn). jardem, jaradem [jărǝt-] ‘to forget’; S. joroȡem [Trj jŏrǝ̑ɣʌǝ̑-], [≠] Sam jurau; DEWOS 405, KT 185. jāsax [ječək] ‘poor’; DEWOS 10 (same word as Trj ičək ‘dear’ see ičex), KT 193. jāseŋ [jäsəŋ] ‘speech [; language]’; DEWOS 414, KT 190. jāstem [jästə-] ‘to say; to speak’; [≠] Fi haastan; Frequ. jāstīdem [jästit-]; DEWOS 415, KT 191. jatt, jat, jattax [jăt] ‘lazy’; DEWOS 416, KT 195. 132 jāwetmem [jäwǝtmǝ-] ‘to hit, to knock’ [moment. from jäwǝt‘to flail’]; DEWOS 338, KT 136. jeaga [jeχə] ‘small river, tributary’; [? =] Fi joki, [? =] Saa joga; DEWOS 319, UEW 99. jederŋai [jĕtǝrŋaj] ‘black grouse, Tetrao urogallus’; LS. jeterŋi, US. jeterki [Trj jä̆tərŋi, Vart jĕtǝrki]; DEWOS 420, KT 198. jegan [jekan] ‘reed mat’; LS. jeki [Trj jä̆ki]; DEWOS 344 (< Tat), KT 146, 149. jem, jemm [jĕm] 1. ‘good, fresh’; 2. ‘seed’ [this is a separate word: jem (< Tat) DEWOS 367]; cf. [≠] Fi hyvä ‘good’, [≠] jyvä ‘seed’; [=] Hu jó ‘good’; DEWOS 367, KT 167, UEW 850 (Kh = MnN jomas, Hu). jemsai [jĕmsaj] ‘right; on the right hand side’; S. jemse [Trj jĕmsi]; DEWOS 369, KT 169. jemettem [jemǝt-] (from jem [Trj jim ‘taboo’]) ‘to be ashamed’; is said about the bride, when she bashfully covers her face in front of men; DEWOS 371, 373, KT 171. ˊ ˊ ˊ jēnd em, jānd em [jäńt-] ‘to drink’; S. ˊ ˊ ǝ jīnd em [Trj jeńt- (jińtˊ m)], [=] Fi juon; DEWOS 383, KT 176, UEW 103 (Kh = Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Mn Hu). ˊ ˊǝ jenttem [jäńttˊ -] ‘to give to drink’; DEWOS 384, KT 177. jēŋdem [jeŋǝt-] ‘to spin’; LS. jāŋdem [Trj jä̆ƞ°ət-]; DEWOS 385, KT 157. jēŋet [jeŋət] ‘spindle’; S. jeuŋet [Trj jä̆ŋ°ət]; DEWOS 385, KT 157. jenk [jeŋk] ‘ice’; [=] Fi jää, [=] Mr ī, [=] Ko ji, [=] Hu jég; DEWOS 391, KT 159, UEW 93 (Kh = MnN jāŋk, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). jeŋeŋ [jeŋkəŋ] ‘icy’; S. jenkeŋ [jeŋkəŋ]; DEWOS 391, KT 160. jermak, jirmak [jĕrmak] ‘silk’; DEWOS 409 (Kh < Ko), KT 186. jert [jert] ‘rain’; [≠] Mr jur, [≠] Ko zer; DEWOS 411, KT 187. jerdeŋ [jertəŋ] ‘rainy’; DEWOS 411, KT 187. jesnā [jesna] ‘[elder] sister’s husband [; aunt’s husband, wife’s elder brother]’; DEWOS 414 (< Tat), KT 191. ječe S. [Trj jä̆čǝ] ‘middle; place in the middle’, see kuttep; DEWOS 314, KT 193. ječem S. [Trj jä̆č-, imperat. jĕčä] ‘to twist, to braid’; DEWOS 311, KT 193. jēčem [ječčǝ-] ‘to be in time, to ripen’; DEWOS 315 (< Ko), KT 194. jeu [jew] ‘perch’, S. jeux [Trj jä̆ɣ°]; DEWOS 330, KT 134 jeura [jewrə] ‘wolf’; S. jeurex [Likr jä̆ɣ°rəɣ]; cf. [≠] Fi peura, [≠] Turk būr; DEWOS 352, KT 141. jēwdem [jewət-] ‘to shoot’; DEWOS 356, KT 135. 133 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 84 ❧ jiba [jĕpǝ] ‘eagle owl, L. Strix bubo’; LS. jipex, US. jiwex [Trj jĕpǝɣ]; DEWOS 395, KT 177, UEW 98. jībel [jĕpǝl] ‘shadow’; S. jīpel [Trj jĕpǝḷ]; DEWOS 396, KT 178. jideŋ [itǝŋ] ‘the lower, the one below’; DEWOS 61, KT 112 (it ‘the one below’). jīdep, jēdep [jĕtǝp] ‘young, new’; S. jīȡep [Trj jĕʌǝp], [≠] Sam jedaei, jedeä, [≠] Fi uusi; DEWOS 358, KT 201, UEW 73 ˊ (= MnN jil pi ‘new’, Fi elää ‘to live’ etc.) jig, jix [jĕɣ, jĕχ] ‘father; bear’; [the word for ‘bear’ is separate: ˊ ˊ iɣ] LS. ate [Trj ati]; DEWOS ˊ 324 (jĕɣ, jĕχ), 226 (ati), 27 (iɣ); KT 145 (jĕɣ, jĕχ), 93 (ati), 22 ˊ (iɣ). jigdeŋ [jĕɣtəŋ] ‘stepfather’; DEWOS 326, KT 146. jigem [jik-] ‘to harness’; cf. [≠] Ru иго ‘yoke’; DEWOS 327 (< Tat), KT 156. jinda [jĕntǝ, jintǝ] ‘towline’; e.g. jā­ dam-jinda [jătǝm-jĕntǝ] ‘lace, towline’; ńot-jinda [ńŏt-jĕntǝ] ‘string of a bow’; S. jün­dex [jö̆ntəɣ], [=] Fi jännet; DEWOS 382, KT 174, UEW 92 (Kh = MnN jāntǝw, Fi ?Saa Mr Hu Sam). jīŋet, jēŋet [jĕŋǝt] ‘basket, box [made of birch bark or wood]’; S. jīŋet [Trj jĕŋǝʌ]; DEWOS 393, KT 158 jink [jĕŋk] ‘water’; [≠] Sam ji’, [≠] Fi wesi, [≠] Mr wit; DEWOS 387, KT 160, UEW 93 (cf. jenk). jiŋeŋ [jĕŋǝŋ, jĕŋkǝŋ] ‘watery, wet’; DEWOS 390, KT 162. jinktep [jĕŋktǝp] ‘a place where there is supposed to be a treasure; [a flame can be seen above it,] similar to the Finnish aarnin hauta’; DEWOS 392, KT 164. jirem [jĕr-] ‘to bind, to tie, to knit (e.g. socks)’; [≠] Fi kuron; DEWOS 402, KT 188. jirnas [jĕrnas] ‘shirt’; S. jernes [Trj jä̆rnäs]; DEWOS 409 (< Ko), KT 187 ˊ ˊǝ jirta, jirca [jĕrttˊ ]: the wife’s younger brother is called like this by the husband; DEWOS 412, KT 187. jiǯem [jĕč-] ‘to cut, to draw’; S. jersem [Trj jä̆rəs-]; DEWOS 311 (jĕč-), 404 (jä̆rəs-), KT 194, 186. jiǯep [jĕčǝp] ‘cut, strake’; S. jer sem [jä̆rsəm]; DEWOS 312 (jĕčǝp), 404 (jä̆rsəm) KT 194, 186. jīsem S. [Trj jis-, Kr jes-] ‘to weep’; ˊ see telem; DEWOS 412, KT 189. 134 jōndem [jont-] ‘to sew’; US. jūndem, LS. jūntim [Trj jånt- (juntǝm)], frequ. jōndīdem [jontit-]; augm. jōndesem [jontǝs-]; DEWOS 380, KT 175. jourai, joura [jăwra] ‘twisted, slanted’; S. jagrax, jograx [Trj jăɣ°re̮ɣ], [≠] Turk egri, [≠] Fi wäärä; DEWOS 351, KT 141. jourem [jŏwǝr-] ‘to roll, to wind, to drill’; DEWOS 347, KT 137. jouraxamdem, joworxamdem [jŏw­ rǝχəmt-] ‘to rotate quickly; turn suddenly’; DEWOS 348, KT 137. judem [jüt-] ‘to rub, to tan (a skin)’, S. juȡem [Trj juʌ-]; DEWOS 363, KT 137. jūx [juχ] ‘tree, wood, forest’; DEWOS 331, KT 143. jukan [jŏkan] ‘lot, share’; cf. Fi jako ‘share, division’, Ko juka ‘divide’ [Kh < Ko = Fi]; DEWOS 345, KT 149, UEW 87. jūm [jum] ‘black bird cherry’; S. jōm [jom]; [=] Fi tuomi; jūmjux [jum-juχ] ‘black bird cherry tree’; DEWOS 374, KT 166, UEW 65 (Kh = Mn Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). jūrax [jurǝχ] ‘side’; DEWOS 405 (< Tat), KT 183. jit [it] ‘the one below’; S. iȶ [Trj iʌ], [=] Mr ul, [=] Fi ala; jit-xōt [itχot] ‘space under the living room (in a cottage)’, jit-kan ‘sail’; jit-wōt [jit-wot] ‘north’ [”north wind”, the word jit for ‘north’ is a separate lexeme]; DEWOS 61 (il ‘below’), 360 (jit ‘north’), KT 112 (it ‘below’), 200 (jit ‘north’), UEW 6 (il ‘below’ = MnN jol-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). jiwem, juwem [jĕ-, jĕw-] ‘to come, become, to start (doing something)’; LS. jigem, OS. jugam [Trj jö̆-, jö̆ɣ-, jĕɣ°-]; DEWOS 309, KT 196. jogadem [joχat-, joχa-, DN joɣa-] ‘to loose’; DEWOS 354, KT 150. jōgon S. (Trj jŏɣən] ‘night’; see āt; DEWOS 345, KT 135. jōgot [joχət] ‘bow’; US. jōgoȶ, LS. jaugoȶ [Trj jăɣ°əʌ], [=] Fi jousi, [≠] Turk jai, [=] Hu ív; paijōgot [päj-joχət] ‘rainbow’; DEWOS 339, KT 153 UEW 101. jōxtem [jŏχət-] ‘to come, to enter’; LS. jōgodem, US. jūgocen [Trj jŏɣət-, jŏɣ°ət-]; frequ. jōxtidem [jŏχtit-]; DEWOS 355, KT 152. jom LS. [Trj jŏm] ‘rain’; see jert; DEWOS 375, KT 166. 135 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 85 ❧ K [Trj kö̆ɣən-]; DEWOS 587 (käš-), 606 (kö̆ɣən-), KT 449 (käš-), 391 (kö̆ɣən-). kattem [kättə-] ‘to grab, to take, to hold’; S. kiȶem [Trj kätʌ- : kitʌä]; [≠] Ko kuta, [≠] Fi pidän, [≠] Mr kodƈem; DEWOS 699, KT 459. kattesem [kättəj-] ‘to praise, to commend’; DEWOS 619, KT 459. kawa [käwə] ‘chamber [”Kammer”, ɔ: Hammer]’; LS kewi, US. kawi [Trj keɣ°i, Likr käɣi]; DEWOS 602, KT 387. kawala ‘curl’; see šegara [not in modern dictionaries]. kāwert [käwər-] ‘it is boiling’; LS. kēwerȶ, US. kōwerȶ [Trj keɣ°ər-, Vart köɣərtə-]; DEWOS 609, KT 388. kawrak [kä̆wrak] ‘weak, loose, sloppy’; DEWOS 712 (Kh < Tat), KT 390. keban [kepan] ‘hay stack’; DEWOS 656 (< Tat), KT 414. kēle [kelǝ] ‘a reindeer skin, which is worn instead of a shirt with hair against the body [; reindeer fur coat with hair outwards]’; DEWOS 626, KT 398. kelša [kelšǝ] ‘barbel (L. Cyprinus Barbus) [; roach (Rutilus Rutilus)]; S. kilsi [Trj kiḷsi]; DEWOS 629 (Kh < Ko), KT 400. kabak US. [Trj kåpǝk] ‘light(weight)’; cf. [≠] Fi kepiä; see kēne; KT 289. kāgert [käɣərt] ‘white stork [white bird, like swan but smaller; northern pintail, Anas Acuta]’; see petŋai; DEWOS 611, KT 393. kaiŋi [kĕjŋaj, käjŋaj] ‘mosquito’; DEWOS 599, KT 385. kāk [käk] ‘tickle, itch [scab]’; DEWOS 599, KT 390. kāń [käń] ‘arctic fox, Canis Lagopus’; LS. kȫń, US. kōń [Trj keń, Likr köń], Ko kynj; DEWOS 651 (Kh > Ko), KT 413. kār [kär] ‘bark; crust’; [≠] Fi kuori, [≠] Mr kargas, [≠] Ko kyrs; kār-mox [kärǝ-moχ] ‘egg’, i.e. a young animal with a crust; DEWOS 659, KT 415, UEW 148 (Kh = MnE kēr, Fi keri, Saa Md Mr kǝr, Ud Ko kor, Hu). kāreŋ [kärǝŋ] ‘with a crust’; DEWOS 660, KT 416. kariš [DN Kr kä̆rə] ‘a small white Sterlet’; DEWOS 673, KT 421 [cf. kera]. kar-ȶau S. [Trj kår-ʌăɣ°] ‘stallion’; see adaša [see xār]. kaš [käč] ‘boring, a long time [pleasure, fun; käčəm χŏtat ‘I get/got bored’]’ S. kač [Trj käč]; DEWOS 585, KT 443. kaǯem [käš-] ‘to have hickups [,  to burp]’; S. kaugnīdem [ɔ: ‑ȡem] 136 kēne [kenə] ‘light, not heavy, easy’; LS. kannex [J kö̆nəɣ], US. kabak; [≠] Fi kewiä, kepiä, [=] Hu könnyü; DEWOS 648, KT 407, UEW 862 (Kh = MnE kiɣnə, Hu). kenǯem [kĕnč-] ‘to seek; to hunt, to fish’; S. kinǯem [Trj kĕṇč-]; DEWOS 644, KT 411, UEW 145 (Kh = MnE kinš-, Mr Ud Ko). kenč [kenč] ‘socks made of soft reindeer fell’; DEWOS 645 (Kh = MnE kēns], KT 410. kendeŋ [kĕntǝŋ] ‘angry’; DEWOS 649, KT 412. kenmājem [KoP kĕnmaj-, pass.; J Irt kĕntǝm-, kĕntmoj-, pass.] ‘to get angry’; DEWOS 649, KT 412. ker [kĕr] ‘wooden mortar for tobacco’; LS. kewel, US. kowel [Trj keɣ°i, J kewi ‘hammer’]; Ko gyr; DEWOS 602, KT 387 (käwə ‘hammer’); DEWOS 661, KT 417 (kĕr ‘mortar’). kera [Ts kĕrǝ] ‘red Sterlet’; LS. kari, US. kori [Trj käri, Vart kö̆ri]; DEWOS 673, KT 421. keredem [kerǝt-] ‘to return [; to turn around]’; S. kirigȡem [Trj kirǝɣtə-]; cf. [≠] Fi kierrän; DEWOS 668, 669, KT 424. keremsa, keremse [kĕrǝmsǝ] ‘twig, rod [willow]’; DEWOS 680, KT 427. kerap, kerep [kerap] ‘vehicle [boat, barge]’; S. kerep [Trj kirip]; DEWOS 682, KT 428. kereptem [Ts kerəptə-, DN kerɣəp­ tə-] ‘to drop’; DEWOS 677, KT 431. kereš [kĕrǝš] ‘high [, tall]’; [≠] Fi korkia; DEWOS 674 (< Ko), KT 430. kergem, kerkem [kerǝ-] ‘to fall’; S. korgem [Trj kɔ̈̆rəɣ-]; frequ. kerkīdem [kerɣit-]; DEWOS 676, KT 431. kesā, kesē [DN Kr kĕsa, Ts kĕsaj] ‘pocket’; DEWOS 691 (Kh < Tat), KT 436. kēsem [kĕs-] ‘to run, to race’; DEWOS 690, KT 438. kesem [no data from KhS] ‘to rip, to tear’; S. kossem [Trj kɔ̈̆s-]; DEWOS 690, KT 439. keš ‘how husband and wife call each other’ [? kŏššǝkǝ ‘thank god; ?darling’; DEWOS 593, KT 447; cf. MnE äśśǝkē ‘thank god; darling’]. kēǯe [kečǝ] ‘knife’; LS. kāčex, US. kōčex [Trj kɔ̆čəɣ], [=] Hu kés, [=] Mr kize, [≠] Fi veitsi; DEWOS 503, KT 445, UEW 142 (Kh = MnN kasaj, Mr Hu). keǯe, köǯe [kĕčǝ] ‘illness’; S. kiče [Trj kĕčǝ], [≠] Fi kipu; DEWOS 591, KT 446. keǯeŋ, köǯeŋ [kĕčǝŋ, kĕčeŋ] ‘ill’; DEWOS 592, KT 446. 137 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 86 ❧ keǯedem, köǯedem [kĕčǝt-] ‘to be ill’; DEWOS 592, KT 447. ket [kĕt] ‘dew’; S. kaȶa, kaȡa [Trj kä̆ʌə]; DEWOS 620, KT 461. ket [ket] ‘word’; S. koȶ [Trj kɔ̈̆ʌ]; DEWOS 615, KT 462, UEW 144 (Kh = Fi kieli ‘language’, Saa Ud Ko ?Mn Sam) ̆ kēt [ket] ‘hand’; S. kōt [Trj kɔ̈t], [=] Fi käsi, [=] Hu kéz, [=] Mr kit, [=] Saa gietta, [=] Ko ki; DEWOS 698, KT 452, 453, UEW 140 (Kh = MnN kāt, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). kēt-jit [ket-jĕt] ‘wrist’; kēt-pete [ketpĕt] ‘palm’; DEWOS 698, KT 453. keu [kew] ‘stone’; LS. kaux, US. koux [Trj kä̆ɣ°, Vart kɔ̈̆ɣ], [=] Fi kiwi, [=] Hu kö, [=] Mr kū; DEWOS 600, KT 385, UEW 163 (Kh = MnN kaw, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). keweŋ [kewəŋ] ‘stony’; keweŋjert [kewəŋ-jert] ‘hailstone’; DEWOS 601, KT 386. kīda [kitə] ‘brother-in-law, sisterin-law’; S. kūdi [Trj kiʌi, J küʌi]; DEWOS 620, KT 463, UEW 135 (Kh ? = Mn Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Sam) kīdem [kit-] ‘to rise, to stand up’; DEWOS 617, KT 465, UEW 133 (Kh = MnN k°āl-, Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu) kijem S. [Trj ki ̮j-, DN χăj-] ‘to leave (tr.)’; see ēdem; DEWOS 438, KT 283. kila [kila] ‘penis [; hernia]’; [≠] Fi kulli; DEWOS 625 (Kh < Ru), KT 398. kimdek S. [DN kĕmtǝ, Trj kĕmʌəɣ] ‘wolverine’; DEWOS 639, KT 406. kīmet [kimǝt] ‘tail (of a cloth), seam’; S. kīmeȶ [Trj kimǝʌ]; DEWOS 638, KT 404. kirem [kir-] ‘to sow’; DEWOS 663, KT 434. kirendem [kirǝnt-] ‘to sow’; DEWOS 663, KT 434. kiser [kisǝr] ‘playing card’; LS. keser, US. koser [Trj kesär, V kösär]; DEWOS 694 (Kh < Ko), KT 437. kiš, kišmar [kiš, kiš-măr] ‘curlygrained wood, gnarl, [kišänǝ] small cup’; S. kič, kičmar [Trj kĕč, kĕč-măr]; [≠] Fi wisa; DEWOS 587, KT 444. kitem [kit-] ‘to chase, to drive, to send’; DEWOS 697 (Kh = MnN kēt-), KT 458. kitmesem [kitǝm-] ‘to pray devotedly’; DEWOS 704 (Kh < Ko), KT 456. kiuri S. [DN kiwrə, Trj kiɣ°ri, kiwri] ‘hole in the ice’; see adem; DEWOS 610, KT 390. komat S. [Trj kŏmǝt] ‘wide’; see uideŋ; DEWOS 501, KT 304. konkai LS. [J konki ̮] ‘ladle, scoop’, see umbā; DEWOS 526, KT 296. końar [końar] ‘poor’; LS. keńer, US. köńer [Trj keńär, Likr kɔ̈̆ńär], [<] Ko konjer; DEWOS 651 (Kh < Ko), KT 413. kōr [kor] ‘oven’; S. kȫr [Likr kör, Trj ker]; DEWOS 667 (Kh < Ko), KT 416. 138 kunxŋii [Trj kö̆ŋ ͑ni]; DEWOS 647, KT 408 (s.v. kŏnč), UEW 158 (Kh = MnN konəl-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). kupa, kuba [kŏpǝ] ‘churn’; DEWOS 655, KT 413. kur [kŏr] ‘foot, leg’; kur-pura [kŏrpurǝ] ‘calf’; kur-jattaŋ [kŏrjăttaŋ] ‘heel’; kur-jit ‘shin bone’ [kŏr-jĕt ‘ankle’, kŏrwăχ ‘shin bone’]; kur-pede [kŏr-pĕtǝ] ‘sole’; kur-pelek [kŏr-pelǝk] ‘lame, limping’; DEWOS 664, KT 418, 419. kurem [kŏrǝm] ‘step’; DEWOS 666, KT 426. kurmadem [kŏrmat-] ‘to (take a) step’; DEWOS 666, KT 427. kurmaŋ [kŏrmǝŋ] ‘nimble-footed’; DEWOS 666, KT 426. kurek [kŏrt] ‘steam, vapour [coal gas]’; DEWOS 678, 686, KT 433. kuruk [kŏrǝk] ‘eagle’; DEWOS 677, KT 424. kus [only Castrén] ‘a fur coat of reindeer, which is worn over the kēle’; LS. kuŋuš, US. kuŋaš [Trj kö̆ŋəś]; DEWOS 654, KT 396. kušmem [kŏčǝm-] ‘to burn (tr, intr)’; DEWOS 590, KT 450. kušmetem [kŏšmǝttǝ-] ‘to burn (tr); to kindle’; DEWOS 590, KT 450. kut [kŏt] ‘place in between’; DEWOS 701, KT 450. kuttep [kŏttǝp] ‘middle’; [=] Hu közép; DEWOS 702, KT 452, UEW 163 (Kh = MnN kotˊ l , ǝˊ Mr Hu). korsan [kersan] ‘trough, washbasin’; DEWOS 685 (Kh < Tat), KT 433. ˊ ˊ košul a [košül a] ‘fur coat’; DEWOS 594 (< Ru), KT 448. kowa [kä̆wə] ‘cuckoo’; LS. kawi, kagi, US. kogi [Trj kä̆ɣ°i, J kä̆wi, Vart kɔ̈̆ɣi]; DEWOS 603, KT 387, SSA 1 471 (cf. Fi käki). kowel US. [Trj keɣ°əḷ, Vart köɣəḷ] ‘ladle, scoop’, see konkai; DEWOS 604, KT 391. kūgur [kŏkǝr] ‘birch bark basket, box’; S. kukkur [Trj kö̆kər]; DEWOS 608, KT 392. kui [kŏj] ‘morass’; [≠] Mr kup; DEWOS 597, KT 383. kujanda [kujantə] ‘scales [yoke (for carrying water)]’; Tat kujanta; KT 385. kul ˊ [kŭl ˊ] ‘evil spirit’; Ko kulj; DEWOS 624 (Kh < Ko), KT 397. kunč [kŏnč] ‘(finger)nail’; [=] Fi kynsi, [=] Ko kyź, [=] Mr kidƈ; DEWOS 645, KT 408, UEW 157 (Kh = MnN kos, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). kunǯeŋ [kŏnčǝŋ] ‘with nails’; kunǯeŋika [kŏnčǝŋ-ikǝ] ‘bear’; DEWOS 646, KT 408. kunǯem [kŏnč-] ‘to comb, to rake’; DEWOS 646, KT 408. kunǯep [kŏnčǝp] ‘comb’; DEWOS 646, KT 409. kunǯeŋ [kŏnčǝŋ] ‘smth that rakes’; kunǯeŋ-jux [kŏnčǝŋ-juχ] ‘harrow, rake’; DEWOS 646, KT 408. kunǯalax [Kr kŏnčǝlaχə] ‘handful’; KT 409. kuŋnai [(DN Fil Koš) kŏšŋaj, (KoP Kr Ts) kŏŋnaj] ‘elbow’; S. 139 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 87 ❧ ˊ ˊ kuttem [kŏt-] ‘to follow the track of an animal’; DEWOS 707, KT 441. ˊ ḱelem [tĕl-] ‘to weep’; [≠] Fi kiljun; DEWOS 1509, KT 909. ˊ ˊ ˊ kutar, kud ar [kŏtar] ‘ermine’; S. k ˊ kutˊ er [Trj kö̆tɣər]; DEWOS, KT 441. ‘female capercaillie’; DEWOS 819, KT 474. lula [lulə] ‘water bird’ (гнярька) [‘loon, Gavia arctica’]; S. lūli [ḷuḷi ̮]; DEWOS 830, KT 482. ˊ l opi US. [Vart ʌ́opi ̮] ‘overcoat’; DEWOS 873, KT 1118. luk [lŏk] ‘capercaillie’, xui-luk, pegda-luk [χuj-lŏk “male c.”, pĕɣət-lŏk “black c.”] ‘male capercaillie’, neŋ-luk, xanǯeŋluk [neŋ-lŏk “female  c.”, χănčǝŋ-lŏk “colourful c.”] L lenka [leŋkǝ] ‘poor person’; DEWOS 844, KT 482. lep [lĕp] ‘two-tipped arrow’; DEWOS 846, KT 488. lībet, līpet [lipǝt] ‘leaf’; [≠] Fi lehti, [=] Hu lewél; DEWOS 851 (Kh  = MnN lupta, Hu), KT 489, UEW 259. linda [lintə] ‘bullfinch [snow bunting]’; S. lünti [Trj ḷinti, Likr ḷünti]; DEWOS 837, KT 485. lintˊ S. [Trj li̬ńtˊ] ‘spit’; see palax; DEWOS 839, KT 487. lislup [lis-lup] ‘snow storm [snowfall, wet snow]’; DEWOS 847, KT 491. lōgom [Trj lŏɣ°əm] ‘peaceful, quiet [; good-natured]’; DEWOS 826, KT 476. lōx [lŏχ] ‘inlet, bay’; [≠] Fi lahti; DEWOS 817 (Kh = MnN lōχ, ?Fi), KT 473, UEW 234. lopatˊ US. [Likr ḷŏpǝtˊ] ‘rain’; DEWOS 852, KT 470. lottem [lottǝ-] ‘to bury’; DEWOS 857, KT 493. lād ek [lätˊ k] ‘wide; loose’; cf. [≠] Fi ˊ ǝ lawia; DEWOS 861, KT 492. laŋem [läŋk-] ‘to cover’; S. linkem, lünkim [Trj ḷeŋ°k°-]; DEWOS 842, KT 480. laŋadem [laŋχət-] ‘to split’; DEWOS 841, KT 479. laŋaep [laŋχep] ‘split, crack, cleft’; S. lenkep [Trj ḷi ̮ŋki ̮p]; DEWOS 841, KT 479. lāt S. [Trj ḷåt, Irt lot] ‘hole, pit’; see wanx; DEWOS 855, KT 492. lattem [lăttǝ-] ‘to leave, to get out’; [≠] Mr läktäm, [≠] Fi lähden; DEWOS 860, KT 495. lāwettem [läwǝttǝ-] ‘to pick up, to peel’; DEWOS 863, KT 470. lawlak US. [Vart ḷɔ̆wḷǝk] ‘chin [gills]’; see ńaxsem; DEWOS 850, KT 471. lāwum [läwǝm] ‘charcoal’; DEWOS 825, KT 470. lēk LS. [Trj lek°] ‘track [, way]’; US. lȫk [Vart ḷök]; DEWOS 820, KT 472. lemak [lĕmək] ‘thick, dense [sour milk; thick (porridge)]’ DEWOS 833, KT 483. 140 M madamdem [mătǝmt-] ‘to show’; DEWOS 924, KT 557. madem [măt-] ‘to cook’; DEWOS 923, KT 559. mag [mäɣ] ‘honey’; [≠] Ko ma, [? =] Mr mu, [≠] Hu méz, [≠] Fi mesi; DEWOS 898 (Kh = MnN māɣ), KT 502, UEW 266 (Kh = Mn ?Mr) max [maχ] ‘beaver’; [≠] Fi maja or majava, [≠] Ko moi; DEWOS 897, KT 502. maxta [măχtə] ‘Salix pentandra, bay willow’: S. magdi [Trj măɣʌi ̮]; DEWOS 911, KT 516. mānedem, mēnedem [menǝt-] ‘to bend’; DEWOS 933, KT 526. mardadem [mărtat-] ‘to measure’; Ko murtala; DEWOS 966 (Kh < Ko), KT 542. māren [märən] ‘spawn’; DEWOS 963 (Kh = MnN mārn), KT 540. mattax ‘gun, rifle’; Turk maltak [not in modern dictionaries]. meg, mex [mĕɣ] ‘clay, land; [=] Ko mu, [=] Fi maa; morda-meg [mŏrtǝ-mĕɣ] is the name of the land where the ducks migrate in the autumn; S. mortimex [Trj mårt̬i-mĕɣ]; DEWOS 898, 966, KT 504, 543, UEW 263 (Kh = MnN mā, Fi Mr Ud Ko Sam). megdēŋ [meɣtəŋ] ‘Cyprinus dobula, [Leuciscus, dace]’; DEWOS 917, KT 515. megder ‘angleworm’ [not in modern dictionaries]. mēget [meɣət] ‘breast’; S. maugeȶ [Trj mä̆ɣ°əʌ]; DEWOS 909, KT 514, UEW 267 (Kh = MnN māɣl, Saa Md Mr Ud Hu). mejem [mĕ-] ‘to give’; [=] Sam miʼiu; UEW 275 (Kh = MnN mi-, Fi Saa Sam; ?Ud ?Ko). mēlek [melǝk] ‘warm, warmth, thaw’; US. mēllek, LS. mēllenk [Vart mä̆ḷǝk, Trj mä̆ḷǝŋk], [=] Hu meleg; DEWOS 928, KT 521, UEW 868 (Kh = MnN māltip, Hu). 141 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 88 ❧ menem [mĕn-] ‘to go’; [=] Sam mi­ ñam, [=] Hu menni, [=] Fi me­nen, [=] Ko muna; frequ. me­nī­dem [mĕnit-], mom. me­ ne­mem [mĕnǝm-]; DEWOS 931, KT 527, UEW 272 (Kh = MnN min-, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). menǯem [mĕnč-] ‘to rip, to pluck’; DEWOS 936, KT 526, UEW 870 (Kh = MnN manǝmt, Hu). meń, meńeŋ [meń ‘daughter-in-law’, meńńǝŋ ‘bride’] ‘daughterin-law’; [=] Fi miniä, [=] Ko monj, [=] Hu meny, [=] Sam mejeä; DEWOS 939, KT 529, UEW 276 (Kh = MnN māń, Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu Sam). meredem [mĕrǝt-] ‘to dive’; Hu [≠] márt, [=] merít; frequ. merdīdem [mĕrtit-]; DEWOS 965, KT 541, UEW 869 (Kh = MnN māraχt-, Hu). mērek [mĕrǝk] ‘wing’; mērgeŋ [mĕrkǝŋ] ‘with wings’; DEWOS 963, KT 539. merīdem [mĕrǝj-] ‘to thunder’; pai me­rīdet [päj mĕrǝjǝt] ‘it is thundering’; [≠] Est mür­ris­ tab; DEWOS 959, KT 537. meǯek [mĕčǝk] ‘fist’; LS. meček [Trj mĕčǝk]; DEWOS 892, KT 551. met [mĕt] ‘deep’; S. metˊ [Trj mĕʌ], [=] Hu mély; DEWOS 919, KT 556, UEW 870 (Kh = MnN mil, Hu). ̆ metem S. [Trj mät-: imperat. mĕtä] ‘to get tired’; DEWOS 971 (Kh = MnN mat-), KT 554. mīdadem [mitat-] ‘to rent, to hire’; S. mīteȡem [Trj mitäʌ-], Ko medala; DEWOS 973 (Kh < Ko), KT 552. mīdašem [mitaš-] ‘to take a job’; DEWOS 973, KT 552. mil [mil] ‘cap’; S. mül [Likr müḷ, Trj miḷ]; DEWOS 926, KT 520. mis [Sotnik mis, DN mäs] ‘cow’; Ko muös, Turk mys; mīs-saxsa [mis-săχsə] ‘butter’; DEWOS 969 (Kh < Ko), KT 544 mīt [mit] ‘salary [; rent]’; Ko med; mīxtui [ɔ: <mītxui> mit-χŏj] ‘employee (man)’, mīt-neŋ [mit-neŋ] ‘employee (woman)’; DEWOS 973, KT 552, 553. mōgo [moɣə] ‘crucian carp’; S. mūgi [Trj muɣi ̮]; DEWOS 905, KT 507. mōgoŋ [moχəŋ] ‘pregnant’; S. mōkŋ [Trj mokə̑ŋ]; DEWOS 903, KT 503. mōx, mox [moχ] ‘pup cub [; child]’; S. mōk [Trj mok]; cf. [≠] Fi muna ‘egg’; xar-mōx [kärǝmoχ] ‘egg’, am-mōx [äm-moχ] ‘puppy (of a dog)’; sagar-mōx [săɣər-moχ] ‘calf (of a cow)’; DEWOS 902, KT 503. moxsaŋ, moxseŋ [mŏχsəŋ] ‘a species of salmon, muksun’; DEWOS 916, KT 515. 142 moi [moj] ‘wedding’; DEWOS 894 (Kh = MnN mūj), KT 499 moiteg [mŏjtek] ‘soap’; S. maitek [Trj måjti ̮k], Ko maitäg [mojtek]; DEWOS 896 (Kh < Ko), KT 501. mōnt,ˊ māntˊ [mońtˊ] ‘tale, story’; [≠] Hu monda; DEWOS 942, KT 531. ˊ ˊ mond em [mońt-] ‘to tell stories’; S. ˊ ˊ mūnd em [trj måńt-]; [≠] Hu mond; DEWOS 942, KT 531. mōŋasem [DT moŋǝs-, DN moŋɣəs-] ‘to rub, to plane [; to wipe]’; S. mūŋdem [Trj moŋǝ̑-]; DEWOS 951, KT 519. moŋnīdem, moŋnidājem [Kr moŋǝn­ mitaj- pass.] ‘to doze off’; DEWOS 913, KT 509. monà, manà [ɔ: <mońa, mańa>, măńǝ] ‘younger brother’; S. mońi [Trj măńi ̮]; DEWOS 941, KT 530. mōrom [morǝm] ‘fold’; S. māram [Trj mårə̑m]; DEWOS 962, KT 539. mosem [mos-] ‘to love, to kiss’; DEWOS 968, KT 546. mōsenḱ [mosǝńtˊ] ‘sulphur’; Tibet musi; DEWOS 971, KT 545. most [mos-] ‘it is possible, it is necessary’; S. moǯi, moči [Trj mås-]; DEWOS 967 (Kh MnN mūst- etc.), KT 545. mūgot [muɣət] ‘liver’; S. mūgoȶ [Trj muɣə̑ʌ], [=] Fi maksa, [=] Mr moxs, [=] Ko mus, [=] Hu máj, [=] Sam muid; DEWOS 910, KT 512, UEW 264 (Kh = MnN mājt, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). mūjep [müjǝp] ‘riddle’; DEWOS 896. mūjeptem [müjǝptǝ-, mojǝptǝ-] ‘to solve [make] riddles’; DEWOS 896, KT 500, UEW 284 (Kh = Fi Md Mr Ud Ko, ?Hu). mūker [mŏkǝr] ‘hunch, hump’; DEWOS 914, KT 509. mūkreŋ [mŏkrǝŋ] ‘with a hunch’; DEWOS 914, KT 509. mūlem [mulem, mulim] ‘smoke [; vapour; mist]’; DEWOS 929 (Kh = MnN mūlat-), KT 521. muŋol [muŋχəl] ‘knot’; DEWOS 949, KT 517. muŋolǯem [muŋχəl- ? muŋχəlč-] ‘to tie, to knot’; LS. munxlodem; US. munxlaxtim [Trj muŋ­ ḷaɣtə̑-]; DEWOS 949, KT 517. mūrax [murǝχ] ‘cloudberry’; LS. mōrak [Vart morə̑k]; US. mōrenk [Trj mŏrə̑ŋk]; KT 538, UEW 287 (Kh = MnN mōrax, Fi Ko Sam). mūrtem [mŏrttǝ-] ‘to break (tr.)’; [? =] Fi murennan, [? =] Hu morczol; mom. muremem; DEWOS 958, KT 537, UEW 288 (Kh = MnN murl-, Fi Hu Sam, ?Saa). mušnà [ɔ: <mušńa>, mušńa] ‘bag, pouch’; S. mošńi; DEWOS 971, KT 552. mösek [mĕšǝk] ‘cat’, [≠] Hu macska; DEWOS 893 (Kh < Tat), KT 551. 143 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 89 ❧ N nart [nărt] ‘bridge [, step (in duckboards etc.)]’; DEWOS 1017 (Kh = MnN nortǝχ), KT 595. narwa US. [Vart nărwǝ] ‘grass mat (used as a bed)’; DEWOS 1017, KT 593. nāurem [näwǝr-] ‘to jump’; LS. nīurem [Trj neɣ°ər-]; DEWOS 995, KT 565. nēbek, nēbak [nepak] ‘paper’; S. nīpek [Trj nipik]; DEWOS 1007, KT 584. nem [nem] ‘name’; [=] Fi nimi, [=] Sam nim, nep; [=] Hu név; DEWOS 998, KT 579, UEW 305 (Kh = MnN nam, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). neŋ [neŋ] ‘(a married) wife [, woman]’; LS. ne, US. ni, [=] Hu nö, [=] Sam nè, cf. [≠] Ko nyy, [≠] Fi neiti ‘girl’; KT 576, UEW 305 (Kh = MnN nē, Saa Md ?Ko Hu Sam). nerem [nĕr-] ‘to run’; frequ. nerīdem [nĕrit-]; DEWOS 1012, KT 595. nerkem [ner- : nerǝm, nerɣəm] ‘to copulate [; to hit oneself]’; DEWOS 1011. neu [nĕw] ‘twig’; LS. noux [Trj nŏɣ°], US. nox [Vart nŏχ]; KT 564. nikibem S. ‘to push’ [not in modern dictionaries] ˊ nīndèm [ńińt-] ‘to rest’; [≠] Sam ǹiǹañ; DEWOS 1062, KT 625. nink [ńĭŋk] ‘maggot in a spoilt food’; DEWOS 1006, KT 618. nāgar [naχər] ‘cedar nut [; cedar cone]’; DEWOS 994, KT 572, ̮ UEW 298 (Kh = MnS nɛ̄r, Fi nauris). nai [näj] ‘fire’; Obd. ‘sun’, [≠] Hu nap ‘sun’; KT 561. nāmat, nāmet [nämǝt] ‘felt’; buddhist Sanskrit (namata), Afg namd; DEWOS 1003 (Kh < Iran), KT 580. namas [nămǝs] ‘sense, intelligence’; DEWOS 1001, KT 582 namseŋ [nămsǝŋ] ‘wise, intelligent’; DEWOS 1002, KT 582. namasem [nămǝs-] ‘to think, to remember’; S. namaxsem [Trj nŏmǝ̑ksǝ̑-]; DEWOS 1000, KT 582. namattem [nămǝttǝ-] ‘to remember’; DEWOS 1001, KT 583. nānk [näŋk] ‘larch’; DEWOS 1005, KT 578. naram [nărǝm] ‘sauna bench [; shelf, rack]’; DEWOS 1020, KT 592. nārep [närǝp] ‘hemp knife’; DEWOS 1020 (Kh = MnN nārap), KT 592. nāres [närǝs-] ‘playing (of an instrument)’ [abstracted noun; only in compounds, as]; nāres-jux [närǝs-juχ] ‘violin [string instrument]’; DEWOS 1012, KT 594. nāresem [närǝs-] ‘to play (an instrument)’; LS. nareksem [Trj närǝksǝ-], US. nerim [Likr nir-]; DEWOS 1012, KT 593, 594. 144 nodem [ńot-] ‘to help’; DEWOS 1023 (Kh = MnN ńɔ̄t-), KT 642. nogem [noχ-] ‘to pick with a beak [, to stick, to sting]’; [≠] Fi nokin; DEWOS 987, KT 575. nōgolǯem [Ts noɣəlča inf.] ‘to support, to prop’; DEWOS 993, KT 571. nōgolǯep [*noɣəlčǝp] ‘support, prop’ [cf. nōgolǯem]. nojesem [nojes-] ‘to swing’; DEWOS 983, KT 564. nōptem [nopət-] ‘to flow, to go upstream’; LS. nōpȶojem [Trj nopʌojə̑m, pass.] US. nūp­ ȶūjem; DEWOS 1008 (Kh = MnN nāt-), KT 586. nowa [nŏwǝ] ‘white’; LS. newi [Trj neɣ°i], US. nogi [Likr näɣi]; KT 562, 563. nowoxtep [nŏw-oχtəp] ‘whitish’. nui [nŭj] ‘scarf’; Ko Sam noi; DEWOS 982 (Kh < Ko; Kh > Slk), KT 562. nuigem ‘to get tired (said mostly about animals)’ [cf. V ńi ̮ɣi ̮ ‘tiredness’, ńi ̮ɣə̑jaŋ weli ‘tired, weak reindeer’]; DEWOS 1030. nūm (num) [num] ‘the above’; S. nōm (nom) [Trj num]; cf. Sam num; nūm-wōt [num-wot] ‘south [wind]’; DEWOS 988; KT 566. numem [num-] ‘to remember’; S. nomem [Trj nŏm-]; DEWOS 1000, KT 581. nüȶ [nĕt] ‘handle of a knife’; DEWOS 998, KT 598, UEW 304 (Kh = MnN nal, Fi Saa Hu Sam). Ń ńāgam [ńăχ-] ‘to laugh’; DEWOS 1028, KT 602. ńāget, ńāgit [Ts ńäɣət, DN ńiɣət] ‘path’; DEWOS 1036, KT 611. ńāx (ńax) [ńăχ] ‘laughter’; DEWOS 1027, KT 601. ńaxsem, ńanxsem [DN ńaŋχšǝm, Kr ńaχšǝm] ‘chin, jaw’; DEWOS 1064, KT 615, UEW 311 (Kh = MnN ńaχśam, Saa Mr Sam). ńāxsem, ńāgasem [ńăχəs-] ‘to peel’; DEWOS 1038, KT 608. ńaxtesem [ńăχtes-] ‘to sneeze’; DEWOS 1040, KT 613. ńadajem [ńătǝj-] ‘to lick’; S. naȡem [Trj ńăʌ-], [=] Fi nuolen, [=] Mr nulem, [=] Ko njula, [=] Hu nyal; DEWOS 1047, KT 650, UEW 321 (Kh = MnN ńolant-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam) ńādam, ńādem [ńätǝm] ‘tongue’; S. ńāȡem [Trj ńäʌəm], [=] Hu nyelv, [≠] Sam nja ‘mouth’, [=] Saa njalme ‘mouth’; DEWOS 1049, KT 649, UEW 313 (Kh = MnN ńēlǝm, Saa Mr Hu). 145 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 90 ❧ ńerdem [ńĕrt-] ‘to feed (a rope)’; ([≠] Fi lapan) augm. ńerdesem [ńĕrtǝs- ‘to follow a rope’]; KT 639, 638. ńerem [ńĕrǝm] ‘twig, whip’; KT 635. ńeremem [ńĕrǝmǝ-] ‘to grab, to take away’; DEWOS 1068, KT 638. ńeš [ńĕš] ‘blunt’; Ko nysh, [≠] Mr nischke; DEWOS 1025 (Kh ? < Ko), KT 641. ńešmem [ńĕčǝm-, ńĕšmǝ-] ‘to become blunt’; Ko nyschma, [≠] Mr nischkemäm; pass. ńeš­ mā­jem [ńĕšmajəm]; DEWOS 1025, KT 641. ńešmettem [ńĕšmǝttǝ-] ‘to make blunt’; DEWOS 1025, KT 641. ńettem [ńettǝ-] ‘to swallow’; [=] Mr neläm, [=] Fi nielen, [=] Hu nyel, [=] Sam njalam; DEWOS 1042, KT 648, UEW 315 (Kh = MnN ńalt-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). ńīr [ńir] ‘boot’; DEWOS 1070, KT 629. ńogattem [ńŏχattə-] ‘to swing’; DEWOS 1032, KT 610. ńogo, ńoga [ńŏχə] ‘flesh, meat’; S. ńōgoi [Trj ńăɣ°i ̮]; DEWOS 1030 (Kh = MnN ńɔ̄wl ˊ), KT 603. ńogoida [ńŏχəjta] ‘fleshless, skinny’; DEWOS 1031, KT 604. ńogodem [ńŏχtə-] ‘to move (tr.)’, LS. ńoxtim [Trj ńŏɣ°tə̑-]; DEWOS 1032, KT 610. ˊ ńāl a [ńälə] ‘spoon’; DEWOS 1052, KT 615. ńalkam S. [Trj ńăḷǝk-] ‘to rejoice’; see āmdem: DEWOS 1053, KT 616. ńālak [ńĕwlak] ‘weak, soft, sloppy’; cf. kaurak; DEWOS 1053, KT 616. ńambal [ńămpəl] ‘mud, sludge’; DEWOS 1057, KT 621. ńań [ńäń] ‘bread’; Ko njanj; DEWOS 1061 (Kh < Ko), KT 623. ńapem [ńăp-] ‘to bite (fish)’; DEWOS 1065 (= MnN ńap-), KT 626. ńāra [ńärǝ] ‘bare [; raw]’; DEWOS 1076 (Kh = MnN ńār), KT 630. ńarša [ńärsǝ, ńäršǝ] ‘a willow species’ (Ru талъ), S. ńarse [Trj ńärsi]; DEWOS 1079, KT 636. ńasamdem [ńăsǝmt-] ‘to slide, to slip’; DEWOS 1080, KT 640. ńatxa [ńătχə] ‘silver fir, abies picea’; S. ńatkai [Likr ńăʌki, Trj ńăʌə̑ŋki ̮]; DEWOS 1049, KT 651, UEW 327 (Kh = MnN ńuli, Mr Ud Ko Sam). ńaurem [ńäwrem] ‘young [; child]; S. ńeurem, [≠] Fi nuori; ai-ńau­ rem [äj-ńäwrem] ‘child’; xuińau­rem [χoj-ńäwrem] ‘boy’; neŋ-ńaurem [neŋ-ńäw­rem] ‘girl’; DEWOS 1038, KT 601. ńāwer [ńäwər] ‘foam’; S. ńēwer [Trj ńeɣ°ər]; DEWOS 1037, KT 600. ńeŋa [ńĕŋǝ] ‘younger sister’; LS. ńeŋi [Trj ńĕŋi]; DEWOS 1063, KT 613. 146 Fi nenä, [≠] Mr nēr, [≠] Ko nyr; ńot-wes [ńăt-wĕs] ‘nostril’; DEWOS 1045 (Kh = MnN ńol), KT 642. ˊ ˊ ńotèm LS. [ɔ: <ńotem>, Trj ńăt-, ˊ ńä̆t-] ‘to pluck; to skin’; US. ńacim; see sōxtem; DEWOS 1082, KT 640. ńūlem [ńüləm] ‘wound’; DEWOS 1054, KT 617. ńūr [ńür] ‘strap’; [≠] Fi nuora; DEWOS 1072, KT 626. ńura ‘bare, empty’ [= ńāra ‘bare, raw]; DEWOS 1076, KT 622. ńūt [ńătǝ ‘rust’] ‘red earth’; DEWOS 1044, KT 646. ńutwedem [ńut-wet-] ‘to fight (hit each other)’; DEWOS 1048, KT 647 (s.v. ńuta ‘together’). ńōgos [ńŏχəs] ‘sable’; DEWOS 1039, KT 607, UEW 326 (Kh = MnN ńoχəs, Ud Ko, ?Fi ?Sam). ńox US. [Trj ńŏχ : pl. ńŏɣ°ət] ‘elk’; LS. ńoux [J nŏw]; DEWOS 1029, KT 603. ńōxrem [ńŏɣər-] ‘to cut, to carve’; S. ńōgrem [ńŏɣə̑r-]; DEWOS 1037, KT 606. ńōnxrem [ńoŋχrəs-] ‘to gnaw’; frequ. ńōnxrīdem [ńoŋχrit-]; DEWOS 1064, KT 614. ńōrdem, ńōrodem [ńorət-] ‘to press’; DEWOS 1075; KT 635. ńorom [ńurǝm] ‘morass’; see kui; DEWOS 1078, KT 633, UEW 328 (Kh = MnN ńūrǝm, Fi Saa) ńot, ńat [DN ńăt, DT ńŏt] ‘nose, front of a boat’; S. ńaȶ [Trj ńŏʌ], [≠] O ōdam [otǝm, Trj åʌəm] ‘sleep’; [≠] Fi uni, [=] Mr ōm, [≠] Sam. āng, āngu; DEWOS 67 (Kh = MnN E ūlǝm, Hu álom id.; ← ăt-, Trj ăʌ- ‘to sleep’), KT 126, UEW 335 (= Md Mr Ud Ko Mn Hu) ōdeŋ [otǝŋ] ‘first, outermost [;  beginning, (other) end]’; S. āȶeŋ, āȡeŋ [Trj äʌǝŋ], [≠] Fi esi; ōdaŋ paŋ [otəŋ päŋ] ‘fore­ finger’; DEWOS 81, KT 118, UEW 6 (Kh = MnN ōwl, Fi ?Saa ?Sam) ōdap [otǝp] ‘hero; strong forest devil’ DEWOS 84, KT 104, 121. ōȡap, ōȡep S. [Trj ŏʌǝp] ‘sleeping tent; bed curtain’, see ūdap; DEWOS 84, KT 121. ˊ ˊ ǝ ōd a, oid a, oiǵa [atˊ ] ‘sour, acidic’ DEWOS 225 (Kh < Tat), KT 93. ˊ ǝ ōd edem, oiǵedem [atˊ taj- (passive)] ‘to sour’; DEWOS 225, KT 93. 147 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 91 ❧ ōŋda, ōŋdep [oŋtǝ] ‘stake, spear’, LS. āŋdep [Trj ăŋ°tǝ̑p]; DEWOS 144, KT 40. ōŋdeŋ [oŋtǝŋ] ‘horny, with horns’; DEWOS 144, KT 34. ōŋet [oŋǝt] 1. ‘horn’ 2. ‘snuffbox (made of horn)’ 3. ‘jawbone’ [separate word: Trj uŋǝʌ ‘jowl’]; S. āŋet [Trj åŋǝt], [≠] Sam āmd; DEWOS 140 (‘jawbone’), 143 (Kh oŋǝt ‘horn’= MnN āńt), KT 34. onx [oŋχ] ‘resin’; S. onk [Trj oŋk]; DEWOS 135, KT 35. opa, oba, aba [ăpǝ] ‘elder sister’; LS. opi [Trj opi ̮], [≠] Saa obba, oabba, Sam apa, appa, oppe; DEWOS 146 (Forest Nenets < Kh), KT 66. ōrdem [ort-] ‘to divide’; S. ūrdem [Trj årt-, urtə̑m]; DEWOS 174, KT 243. ōros [arəš] ‘rye’, Ru. рожь, Fi ruis [<  Germ]; DEWOS 184 (Kh < Tat), KT 78. ort [ort] ‘(seasonal) worker’; cf. [≠] Fi orja ‘slave’; DEWOS 176 KT 84. ōš [oš] ‘sheep’; S. āč [Trj åč (učǝm)]; ōš-pun [oš-pun] ‘wool’; DEWOS 4, KT 97 ōšńa [ošńǝ] ‘fur coat’; S. āčńe [Trj åčńi ̮]; DEWOS 4, KT 97. ōt [ot] ‘year’; S. ōȶ, āȶ [Trj åʌ], [? =] Fi vuosi; DEWOS 53, KT 109, UEW 335 (Kh = Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu) ōd eptem, oiǵeptem [atˊ ptǝ-, otˊ ptǝ-] ˊ ǝ ǝ ‘to make sour’; DEWOS 225, KT 93. ōgor S. [Trj ŏɣ°ər, Kr ŏχər] ‘high’, see kereš; DEWOS 46, KT 24. ōgot [oχət] ‘sleigh’, LS. augoȶ [Trj ăɣ°ə̑ʌ]; DEWOS 39, KT 29. oxčam [ŏχčam] ‘(head)scarf’; DEWOS 38 (Kh < Ko), KT 31. oxta [oχtə] ‘surface, top’, xōt-oxta [χot-oχtə] ‘roof’; DEWOS 32, KT 31. oitˊ [otˊ] ‘fence’; [≠] Fi. aita; DEWOS 220, KT 93. ōmattem [omǝttǝ-] ‘to set, to let sit’; DEWOS 104, KT 45. ōmdem [omǝt-] ‘to sit (down); to set’; LS. ūmdem, US. ūmtim [Trj. åmǝ̑t-, umǝ̑t-]; DEWOS 104, KT 46. ōmdīdem [omtit-] frequ. ‘to sit long enough’; DEWOS 105, KT 47. omplak LS. [Trj ŏm’ḷǝŋ] ‘operculum’, see ńaxsem; DEWOS 100, KT 50. ōmsem [omǝs-] ‘to sit’; S. ūmsem [Trj åmǝs-, umsǝm], [≠] Sam āmdim, āmdak, ōmtañ; DEWOS 103 (Kh = MnN ūnt- ‘to sit down’, ūnl- ‘to sit’), KT 45. ōndap, ōndep [ontəp] ‘cradle’; S. āntep [Trj åntə̑p], DEWOS 105, KT 59. ont S. [Trj ŏnt; Irt unt] ‘inside’, see tibe; DEWOS 117, KT 56. oŋ [oŋ] ‘opening’; DEWOS 134, KT 32. 148 ottadem [ottə-] ‘to lie; to deceive; KT 130; DEWOS 87. ōtmaŋ [otməŋ] ‘sleepy’; see ōdam; DEWOS 67, KT 127. ōtmesem [otmes-] ‘to dream’; see ōdam; DEWOS 68, KT 127. P padartem [pătǝrt-] ‘to pajar [păjar] ‘officer’; Ru бояринъ; DEWOS 1107 (Kh < Ru), KT 660. pāknem [päkǝn-] ‘to be frightened’; DEWOS 1113, KT 670. palax [pălǝχ] ‘spit’; DEWOS 1159 (Kh = MnN poləχ), KT 695. pan [păn] ‘string’; S. panna [Trj pănǝ]; DEWOS 1174, KT 705. pān [pän] ‘sand’; DEWOS 1171, KT 705. pāneŋ [pänǝŋ] ‘sandy’ [cf. pān]. panem [păn-] ‘to put’; [=] Fi panen, [=] Sam pueñam, pannap; DEWOS 1169, KT 712, UEW 353 (Kh = MnN pin-, Mr Ud Ko Sam). pāŋ [päŋ] ‘finger, toe’; see tui; kētpāŋ [ket-päŋ] ‘finger’; kurpāŋ [kŏr-päŋ] ‘toe’; DEWOS 1186 Kh = MnN pāja), KT 685. panèm [ɔ: <pańem>, păń-] ‘to wind’; DEWOS 1183, KT 717. parax [părǝχ] ‘the thicker end of a timber’; DEWOS 1208 (Kh = MnE pårk), KT 725. speak’; DEWOS 1248 (Kh = MnN potǝrt-), KT 766. ˊ padà, paǵa [päta] ‘the wife’s elder brother is called this by her husband’; Turk badja, padja; DEWOS 1253 (Kh < Tat), KT 748. ˊ ˊ pad em [păt-] ‘to defecate’; [=] Fi ; paskannan; see patˊ DEWOS 1252, KT 746. pāgal [paχəl] ‘churn staff; runner of a sledge’; DEWOS 1126, KT 667. pāgaptem [Ts päkəptə-, Kr pokəptə-] ‘to be frightened’; DEWOS 1114, KT 670. pāgart [päɣərt] ‘timber’; LS. pēwert [Trj peɣ°ərt], US. pȫgert [Vart pöɣərt]; DEWOS 1132, KT 671. pai [päj] ‘thunder’; DEWOS 1102, KT 655. pai [päj] 1. ‘pile, stack 2. ‘hay stack’ 3. ‘islet in the wood’; DEWOS 1101–1103, KT 654. 149 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 92 ❧ paraš [părǝš] ‘mane’; LS. mores [Trj mŏrǝs]; DEWOS 1216, 964, KT 729, 541. pardem [pärt-] ‘to order; to allow’; LS. pīrdem, US. pīrtim [Trj pärt-, pirt-]; DEWOS 1218, KT 737. ˊ ˊǝ paresem, paretem [părǝttˊ -] ‘to drill’; DEWOS 1201, KT 720. part LS. [Trj pärt] ‘timber, board’; see sāgat; DEWOS 1218 (Kh = MnN pārt), KT 735. pāst [păst] ‘a curved tributary’; S. pāsaȶ [Trj păsʌ]; DEWOS 1229, KT 741, UEW 400 (Kh = MnN posal, ?Fi ?Saa ?Sam). paǯa [păčǝ] ‘dried pike’; DEWOS 1093, KT 753. paǯem [păč-] ‘to sweep’; DEWOS 1092, KT 755. patlā [pătla] ‘all’; see per; DEWOS 1245. pat,ˊ paḱ [pătˊ] ‘excrement, shit’; [=] Fi paska, [≠] Sam palka; DEWOS 1252, KT 746, UEW 396 (Kh = MnN poś, Fi Saa Md Mr Hu). pedem, pödem [pĕt-] ‘to be afraid’; S. peȡem [Trj pĕʌ-], [=] Fi pelkään, [=] Ko bola, [=] Saa boalam, [=] Hu fél; DEWOS 1142, KT 777, UEW 370 (Kh = MnN pil-, Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Hu Sam). pēdem [petəm] ‘horsefly’; DEWOS 1150, KT 782, UEW 416 (Kh = MnN paləm, Sam). ˊ pedàr, peǵar [pĕtar] ‘rowan berry’; DEWOS 1256, KT 749, UEW 376 (Kh = MnN paśar, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko). peg [pĕɣ] ‘stranger; another’; S. pa [Trj pä]; [≠] Fi muu; DEWOS 1086 (pä) 1112 (pĕɣ), KT 653, 665. pegai, peŋai [Ts pĕɣaj, Kr pĕŋaj] ‘(on the) left’; S. pegi [Trj pĕɣi-]; DEWOS 1118, KT 686. pegda [pĕɣtə] ‘black’; Hu. fekete; DEWOS 1135, KT 682, UEW 882 (Kh = Hu). pegdoxtep [pĕɣt-oχtəp] ‘black, blackish’. pegem, pekem [peχəm] ‘spoilt’; DEWOS 1112, KT 668. pēget [peɣət] ‘bath’; LS. paugoȶ [Trj pä̆ɣ°əʌ]; US. peugeȶ [Vart pɔ̈̆ɣəʌ]; pēget-xot [peɣət-χot] ‘sauna’; DEWOS 1122, KT 678. pēgdem [peɣət-] ‘to take a bath’; DEWOS 1122 (Kh = MnN puwl-), KT 678. pēgettem [peɣəttə-] ‘to bath (tr.)’; DEWOS 1122, KT 678. pēgmem [peɣəm-] ‘to freeze’; [≠] Hu fagy; pass. pēgmājem [peɣmajəm ‘I am freezing’]; DEWOS 1115, KT 680. 150 ˊ ǝ peḱrem, petrem [pĕtˊ r-] ‘to squeeze water out of the clothes’; DEWOS 1256 (Kh < Ko), KT 749. pēlek [pelǝk] ‘the one half, side’; [≠] Fi puoli, [=] Saa beäle, [=] Mr pēle, [=] Sam peäleä, [=] Hu fél; DEWOS 1159, KT 695, UEW 362 (Kh = MnN pāl, Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam, ? pieli) pelǯem [pelǝč-] ‘to exchange’; frequ. pelǯīdem [pelčit-], augm. pele­ sem [peles-]; DEWOS 1155, KT 699. pem [pĕm] ‘steam (from the sauna) [; heat]’; S. pöm [Trj pö̆m]; DEWOS 1167 (Kh < Ko), KT 703. pemeŋ [pĕmǝŋ] ‘hot’; DEWOS 1167, KT 704 pemdem [pĕmǝt-] ‘to get hot’, pass. pemdājem [pĕmtaj-] id.; DEWOS 1167, KT 704. pemettem [pĕmǝttǝ-] ‘to heat (the sauna)’; DEWOS 1168, KT 704. peŋaš [peŋkaš] ‘pike’; DEWOS 1189 (s.v. peŋk), KT 691. penk [peŋk] ‘tooth’; LS. pank, [=] Ko pinj, [=] Mr pǖ, [≠] Saa pane, [=] Hu fog; DEWOS 1188, KT 689, UEW 382 (Kh = MnN puŋk, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). peŋeŋ [peŋkǝŋ] ‘with teeth’, peŋeŋjuχ [peŋkǝŋ-juχ] ‘rake’; see kunǯeŋ-juχ; DEWOS 1189, KT 690. peń LS. [Trj pĕń] ‘spoon’; US. piń; see ńala; DEWOS 1183, KT 716. per [pĕr] ‘piece’; see pul; [≠] Fi puru, [≠] Mr pura; DEWOS 1197, KT 721, UEW 366 (Kh ? = MnW pār, ?Fi päre ?Ud ?Ko). per, perda [pĕrta] ‘all’; DEWOS 1219, KT 736. peradem [pĕrat-] ‘to spend one’s time’; DEWOS 1205, KT 737. perem [pĕr-] ‘to pass (intr., time)’; DEWOS 1204 (Kh < Ko), KT 736. pergadem [pĕrkat-] ‘to clean hemp; to shake the snow out of the shoes and clothes’; DEWOS 1210 (Kh < Ko), KT 731. perna [perna] ‘cross’; S. pirne [pirnä]; pernajat panem ‘to christen’; DEWOS 1214 (Kh < Ko), KT 733. pernašem [pernaš-] ‘to cross oneself, to pray’, DEWOS 1215, KT 734. pesan, pesen [pĕsǝn] ‘table’; Ko py­ zan; ai-pesan [äj-pĕsǝn] ‘chair’; DEWOS 1231 (Kh <  Ko), KT 742. peste [pĕstǝ] ‘sharp’; [≠] Mr pise; DEWOS 1232, KT 744. pet [pit] ‘bird nest’; [=] Fi pesä, [=] Sam pideä (pitsche), [=] Mr peshäsh, [=] Saa beasse, [=] Ko poz; cf. teagat; DEWOS ˊ 1141, UEW 375 (Kh = MnN piti, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). 151 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 93 ❧ pet [pĕt] ‘ear’; S. peȶ, [=] Ko pelj, [=] Saa bealje, [=] Hu fül, [=] Mr pelesch; DEWOS 1140, KT 775, UEW 370 (Kh = MnN pal , Saa ˊ Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). pette [pĕttǝ] ‘deaf’; S. peȶȶex [Trj pĕʌʌǝɣ]; DEWOS 1141, KT 777. pete, pede [pĕtǝ] ‘ground, bottom’; S. pite, Ko pydäs, Fi pohja; ńir-pede [ńir-pĕtǝ] ‘shoe sole’; kur-pede [kŏr-pĕtǝ]’plantar’, kēt-pede [ket-pĕtǝ] ‘flat of a hand’ DEWOS 1240 (Kh < Ko), KT 763, 764. petem [pĕtǝm] ‘lip’; S. peȡem [Trj pĕʌəm]; DEWOS 1150, KT 782, UEW 383 (Kh = MnN pitmi, ˊ Saa Sam). pēteŋ [pĕtǝŋ] ‘cloud’; S. pēȡeŋ [Trj pĕʌəŋ], [=] Fi pilwi, [=] Hu felhö, [=] Mr pil, [=] Ko pī, [≠] Turk bulut; DEWOS 1151, KT 781, UEW 381 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). pētlem [pĕtlǝm] ‘dark’; DEWOS 1243, KT 768. pētlōt [pĕtlǝ-, past.3sg pĕtlot] ‘the darkness came’; pētlīdet [pĕt­ lit- : prs.3sg pĕtlitǝt] ‘the dark­ ness comes’; DEWOS 1243, KT 768. petŋai [petŋaj] ‘mosquito’; S. piȶŋi [J piʌŋi]; DEWOS 1152, KT 784. ˊ ˊ ˊ peta, ped a [pĕta] a salutation formula; DEWOS 1253, KT 748. pīdem [pit-] ‘to become replete’; Ko pöta; DEWOS 1236 (Kh < Ko), KT 762. pili S. [Trj piḷi] ‘shovel’; see ser; DEWOS 1158, KT 694. pir [pir] ‘behind (in space or time); cf. [≠] Fi perä ‘behind’; pir-ōt [pir-ot] ‘last year’; DEWOS 1199, KT 721. piriš [pirǝš] ‘old, ancient’; Ko pörys; DEWOS 1216 (Kh < Ko), KT 729. pīt [pit] ‘bird net’; DEWOS 1153, KT 780. pitem US. [Trj pi ̮t-] ‘to get angry’; see kenmājem; DEWOS 1238, KT 773. pōtājem [potaj-, pass.] ‘to get cold, to freeze’; LS. pūtōjem [Trj påt- : putoj-, pass.], [≠] Fi palelen, mom. pōtmem pass. pōtmājem [potmaj-]; DEWOS 1233, KT 769, UEW 881 (Hu fázik). pōgor [poχər] ‘islet’; S. paugor [J păwǝr]; DEWOS 1128, KT 670. pōgos [pŏχəs] ‘breast’; [=] Fi powi; DEWOS 1123, KT 672, 674, UEW 395 (Kh = MnN pūti, Fi ˊ Saa Md Mr Ud Ko). pox, pax [păχ] ‘boy, son’; [=] Fi poika, [=] Ko pi, [=] Hu fiú; DEWOS 1110, KT 664, UEW 390 (Kh = MnN piɣ, Fi Ud Ko Hu, ?Md ?Mr). pōxtam [pŏχtəm] ‘cheek’; S. pūgo­ dem [Trj puɣʌə̑m], [=] Fi poski, [≠] Hu pofa, [≠] Ko pidzjes, [=] Sam pādi, pudal; DEWOS 1121, KT 674, UEW 396 (Kh = MnN pājt, Fi Sam). 152 pōsaŋ [pasǝŋ] ‘with a sign’; DEWOS 1224, KT 739. pōstem [pastǝ-] ‘to draw [a sign], to mark’; S. pāstem [J påstǝ-]; DEWOS 1224, KT 739. pōttem [pottǝ-] ‘to make cold, frozen’; DEWOS 1234, KT 771. pou [Kr pow, DT päw, DN päɣ] ‘pine cone’, a fruit of a conifer in general; S. peux [Trj peɣ°]; DEWOS 1118, KT 663. UEW 362 (Kh = MnN pāk°, Sam, ?Mr), puȡem S. [Trj puʌ-] ‘to harness’, see jegem [ɔ: <jigem>]; DEWOS 1147, KT 784. pūden [putən] ‘nettle, hemp’; LS. pōȡen, US. pōȶen [Trj pŏʌən]; DEWOS 1150, KT 783, UEW 370 (Kh = MnN ponal, ?Fi). ˊ ˊ pud em [put-] ‘to lift [to be strong enough to carry smth]’, see ātmem; DEWOS 1253, KT 748. pūem [pŏw-] ‘to blow’; S. pōgem [Trj pŏɣ-, pŏɣ°-], [≠] Fi puhun, [=] Sam pu’u; cf. [=] Mr pualam, [=] Hu fú; mom. pūmem; DEWOS 1114, KT 661, UEW 411 (Kh = MnN puw-, Md Mr Hu Sam). pūgot [puχət] ‘village’; S. pūgoȶ [Trj puɣə̑ʌ]; DEWOS 1122, KT 675, UEW 351 (Kh = MnN pāwǝl, Hu ?Fi). pui [püj] ‘rear, behind’; [=] Sam pui; pui-tōgot ‘tail of a bird’, i.e. the back feathers; DEWOS 1104, KT 658, UEW 401 (Kh = MnN puj, Sam, ?Fi). poxtem [poχət-] ‘to push’; see nikibem; DEWOS 1119, KT 676. poi [paj] ‘rich’; Turk bai, pai; DEWOS 1101 (Kh < Tat), KT 656. poi [poj] ‘aspen; side board in a boat’; S. pai [Trj påj]; cf. [≠] Fi paju ‘willow’; [=] Sam pi ‘aspen’; DEWOS 1100, KT 657, 658, UEW 391 (Kh = Md Ud Ko Sam). poidek, paidek [pojtek] ‘willow grouse’; LS. paitek [Trj påjti ̮k]; DEWOS 1108, KT 660. poltˊ S. [Trj pŏʌ́tˊ] ‘tallow’; DEWOS 1165, KT 789, UEW 881 (Kh = Hu faggyú). pōŋot [poŋχət] ‘abscess, boil’; LS. pūŋot [Trj puŋkə̑t], US. pūnk; DEWOS 1190, KT 692. por, par [păr] ‘drill’; [=] Hu fúró, [=] Fi pura, [=] Sam parte´; kēt-por [ket-păr] ‘pricker’; DEWOS 1200, KT 720, UEW 405 (Kh = MnS porē ̮, Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu Sam). porax [porǝχ] ‘entrails [; stomach]’; DEWOS 1207, KT 726. porem [păr-] ‘to bite, to gnaw’; [=] Fi puren, [=] Mr puralam; DEWOS 1202, KT 736, UEW 405 (Kh = MnN pur-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko, ?Sam). pōs [pos] ‘mitten; sign; wasp’; S. pās [Trj pås], Ko pas ‘sign’; DEWOS 1222, 1223 [3 separate words] KT 738, 739, 740, UEW 376 (Kh pos ‘mitten’ = MnN pāssa, Mr Ud Ko). 153 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 94 ❧ puisseg [püj-sĕɣ] ‘the tail belt of the harness’; DEWOS 1105, KT 658. puklaŋ, pukleŋ [pŏklǝŋ] ‘navel’; DEWOS 1116 (Kh = MnN puk­ ńi), KT 669. pul [pül] ‘piece [; mouthful]’; DEWOS 1155, KT 693, UEW 350 (Kh = MnN pūl, Fi Md Hu Sam; ?Saa ?Mr, ?Ko). pulemem [*püləm-, KoP pülimə‘to take a bite’] ‘to swallow’; DEWOS 1156. pūm [pum] ‘grass’; S. pōm [Trj pom], [=] Hu fü; DEWOS 1165, KT 701, UEW 879 (Kh = MnN pum, Hu). pūmaŋ [pumǝŋ] ‘with (a lot of) grass’; DEWOS 1166, KT 701. pūn [pün] ‘wool’; DEWOS 1173, KT 706. pūnaŋ [pünǝŋ] ‘woollen, furry, shaggy’; pūnaŋ-ńīr [pünǝŋ ńir, Sg.] ‘furry boots’; DEWOS 1173, KT 707. punǯem [pünč-] ‘to open’; [≠] Mr padtscham; DEWOS 1175 (Kh = MnN pūns-), KT 711. punttem [punttǝ-] ‘to twist, to braid’; [=] Fi punon, [=] Sam pannau; cf. [=] Hu fon ‘to spin’; DEWOS 1182, KT 715, UEW 402 (Kh = MnN pon-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). puŋat [pŏŋǝt] ‘side’; S. poŋaȶ [Trj pŏŋǝ̑ʌ]; DEWOS 1192, KT 687. pūraš, pūreš [purǝš] ‘pig’; S. pōres, Ko pors; cf. Fi porsas ‘piglet’; Sam pares, pores; DEWOS 1217, KT 729, UEW 736 (Kh < Ko, Sam < Kh; Fi Ko < Aryan). purumem [purǝm-] ‘to tread’; S. pormem [Trj pŏrǝ̑m-], [≠] Fi poljen; DEWOS 1212, KT 728. pusā [püsa] ‘beer’; Tat busa; DEWOS 1228 (Kh < Tat), KT 742. pusem [pus-] ‘to wash clothes; to milk’; S. possem [Trj pŏs-], [≠] Fi pesen, [≠] Hu mos, [≠] Mr moschkam; DEWOS 1226, KT 744. pusrem [pusǝr-] ‘to squash’; cf. [=] Fi puserran; UEW 397 (Kh = MnW pǟśǝrt-, Fi Ud Ko Hu). puš [püš] ‘sieve’; DEWOS 1093, KT 751. pušnadem [püšnat-] ‘to sift’; DEWOS 1093, KT 751. put [püt] ‘kettle’; [=] Fi pata, [=] Mr pat, [=] Hu fazék; DEWOS 1239, KT 761, UEW 358 (Kh = MnN pūt, Fi Mr Hu). pökem, pögem [pĕk-] ‘to suffer’; DEWOS 1111, KT 681. pöŋ [pĕŋ] ‘coil’; DEWOS 1185, KT 686. 154 R rāba [räpǝ] ‘shaggy dog’; DEWOS 1279, KT 807. ralax [rătǝχ] ‘loose, fragile’; DEWOS 1287, KT 814. rāgam S. [Trj răɣǝ̑m] ‘familiar [; relative]’; DEWOS 1261, KT 800, UEW 418 (Kh = MnN rɔ̄wn-ut, Fi Hu). rāgap [raχǝp] ‘lie’; DEWOS 1270, KT 798. rāxpaŋ [raχpǝŋ] ‘false, untruthful’; DEWOS 1270, KT 798. rāxpejem [raχpǝj-] ‘to lie’; DEWOS 1271, KT 798. rāk [räk] ‘flour, porrigde’; [=] Ko rok, cf. [≠] Fi rokka; DEWOS 1262, KT 794, UEW 421 (Kh = MnN ‑rak, Ud Ko). ram [rom] ‘repose; calm’; DEWOS 1271, KT 804. runt [runt] ‘earring’; S. ront [Trj ront]; DEWOS 1273 (Kh = MnN rūnt), KT 805. rau [räw] ‘fine’; rau-pun [räw-pün] ‘down’; DEWOS 1262 (Kh = MnN ‑rāw), KT 791. rēp [rep] ‘steep river bank’; DEWOS 1278, KT 806. rīt [rit] ‘boat’; DEWOS 1284, KT 812. robasem [ropǝs-] ‘to bark’; S. rape­ sem [Trj råpǝs-]; DEWOS 1281, KT 808. rōx [roχ] ‘collar’; S. rōk [Trj rok]; DEWOS 1266 (Kh = MnN rāχ°a) KT 795. ruŋem [rŏŋk-] ‘to wade’; DEWOS 1276, KT 803. rūt [rut] ‘pockmark’; DEWOS 1286, KT 811. rūteŋ [rutǝŋ] ‘pockpitted’; DEWOS 1286, KT 812. rutˊ [rütˊ] ‘Russian’; DEWOS 1288 (Kh < Ko), KT 810 rūwdem [rĕwǝt-] ‘to mix’; DEWOS 1267 (Kh = MnN rawt-), KT 793. S sābet [säpǝt] ‘neck’; S. sāpeȶ [Trj säpǝʌ]; DEWOS 1356, KT 866, UEW 473 (Kh = MnN sip, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko). sadem [sät-] ‘to patch’; DEWOS 1382, KT 886, UEW 470 (Kh = Saa Ud Ko). ˊ ˊ sād em ‘to say’; [≠] Fi sanon [? sät‘to be heard; to twitter’]; DEWOS 1386, KT 883. sagasem [săɣas-, săɣat-] ‘to break’; DEWOS 1301, KT 831. sāgar [săχər] ‘cow’; [≠] Sam sigar; DEWOS 1321 (Kh < Tat), KT 839. sāgat [saχət] ‘plank board [; splint]’; DEWOS 1314 (Kh = MnN saɣila), KT 842. 155 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 95 ❧ sast [săs, săst] ‘lizard’; S. sasaȶ [Trj săsaʌt]; DEWOS 1380, KT 879, UEW 454 (Kh = MnN sosla, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Sam). sat [săt] ‘salt’; Ko sō, [≠] Hu só, [≠] Fi suola; DEWOS 1327, KT 886, UEW 750 (Kh < Ko; Ko ? = Fi). satagiš [sătǝ-kiš] ‘salt container’; see kiš; DEWOS 1328, KT 887. satagem [sătaɣə-] ‘to salt’; DEWOS 1328, KT 887. sāu or sāwen [säw, säwen] ‘sober’; [≠] Fi selwä, MT. sak; DEWOS 1389 (Kh < Tat), KT 830. saudak [săwtǝχ] ‘reins’; DEWOS 1390, KT 830. sauneŋ [säw-neŋ] ‘magpie’; S. seux [Trj seɣ°]; DEWOS 1309 (Kh = ˊ MnN sāk°al ǝk), KT 823. seberga [sĕpǝrka] ‘broom’; Tat sibirtke, MT. sibirge; DEWOS 1357 (Kh < Tat), KT 865. seg, sex [sĕɣ] ‘burbot’; DEWOS 1302, KT 835, UEW 469 (Kh = MnN siɣ, Fi Md). sēger [seɣər] ‘chain’; S. sēgeȶ [? ɔ: <sēger>, Trj siɣər]; DEWOS 1322 (Kh = MnN sēr), KT 839. sei [sĕj] ‘voice, sound’; [≠] Hu szó; DEWOS 1295, KT 818, UEW 482 (Kh = MnN suj, Fi Saa Hu zaj, ?Mr). seker [*sekər] ‘blow, stroke’ [cf. sekerdem, seurem]. sekerdem, sekermem, sekremem [sekərmə-] ‘to hit’; DEWOS 1322, KT 827, 839. sax [săk] ‘coat; woman’s dress’; LS. sak [Trj săk]; DEWOS 1301 (Kh = MnN saχi), KT 830. saxse [săχsə] ‘fat, tallow’; mīssaxse (woi) [mis-săχsə (woj)] ‘butter’; DEWOS 1324, KT 846. saxseŋ [săχsəŋ] ‘fat (adj.)’; DEWOS 1324, KT 846. saigem [săjǝ- : săjɣəm] ‘to go around, to get confused’; DEWOS 1297, KT 821. saigettem [săjɣəttə-] ‘to go around smth, to roll’; DEWOS 1297, KT 822. sājep [sojəp] ‘net, fyke net’; DEWOS 1299 (Kh = MnW såip), KT 820. sāna [sänə] ‘polypore’; S. sānex [Trj säṇəɣ]; DEWOS 1345, KT 861, UEW 494 (Kh = MnN sēniɣ, Fi Saa Mr Ud ). saŋa [säŋkǝ] ‘bright, clear’; S. sanki [Trj säŋki]; DEWOS 1351, KT 850. sāp [säp] ‘brook, tributary’; cf. Turk sēp; DEWOS 1354 (Kh <  Tat), KT 863. sāpteŋ [säptəŋ] ‘black fox’; DEWOS 1356 (s.v. säpət ‘neck’), KT 866. sāram [sărǝm] ‘death’; [=] Fi surma; DEWOS 1366, KT 878, UEW 489 (Kh = Fi). sārax [sărǝχ] ‘roach’; S. sārak [Trj sărǝ̑k]; DEWOS 1370, KT 871. sārt, sōrt [sort] ‘pike’; see peŋaš; DEWOS 1375, KT 875. 156 sēm [sem] ‘eye’; [=] Fi silmä, [=] Saa tschalbme, [=] Ko sin, [=] Mr sinzä, [=] Hu szem, [=] Sam saeu, sai; sēm-jink [sem-jĕŋk] ‘tear’; sēm-wāx [sem-wăχ] ‘glasses’; sēm-pēlek [sempelək] ‘one-eyed’, Fi silmäpuoli; Hu fél-szemü; DEWOS 1338, KT 855, UEW 479 (Kh = MnN sam, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). sēmda, sīmde [semta] ‘blind’; S. sīmȡex [Trj sä̆mʌəɣ]; DEWOS 1339, KT 857. semm, sem [sĕm] ‘heart’; [=] Fi sydän, [=] Hu szü; [=] Ko sjöläm, [=] Mr schym, [=] Sam seai; DEWOS 1340, KT 857, UEW 477 (Kh = MnN sim, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). sēna [senə] ‘louse’; S. sennex [Trj s̆äṇəɣ], [≠] Ko serō, [≠] Saa tschoros, [≠] Fi saiwar, [≠] Hu serke; DEWOS 1345, KT 862, SSA 3 144. senak [senak] ‘hayfork’; Mr schenik; DEWOS 1346 (Kh < Tat), KT 862. sent,ˊ senḱ [seńtˊ] ‘bast (fibre)’; S. sintˊ [Trj sińtˊ]; DEWOS 1347 (Kh = MnN sās), KT 863. seŋem [seŋk-] ‘to beat’; S. senkim [Trj seŋk-]; DEWOS 1350, KT 852, UEW 31 (Kh = MnN saŋk-, Ud Ko, ??Md). ser [sĕr] ‘shovel’; Ko syr; DEWOS 1362 (Kh < Ko), KT 868. serak [serak] ‘wall’; DEWOS 1370 (Kh < Ko), KT 871. serdem [sĕrt-] ‘to shovel the snow’; DEWOS 1362, KT 868. serem, serejem [sĕrǝj-] ‘to shudder’; frequ. serīdem [sĕrit-] DEWOS 1369, KT 870. sergem [sĕrɣ-, cf. sĕrɣət-] ‘to be shaken’. sergettem [sĕrɣət-] ‘to shake’; DEWOS 1369, KT 874. sēse [sesə] ‘trap’; DEWOS 1380, KT 880. seu [sĕw] ‘stick, pole’; S. sawa, sowa [Trj sŏɣ, J sŏw]; [=] Fi sauwa, [≠] Ko zib; DEWOS 1305, KT 826, UEW 468 (Kh = MnN suw, Fi Saa). sēu [sew] ‘plait’; S. seux [Trj sä̆ɣ°]; DEWOS 1307, KT 824, UEW 471 (Kh = MnN saɣ, Ud Ko Hu, ?Fi) sēwem [sew-] ‘to plait’; S. sēwgem [Trj sä̆ɣ°-, J sä̆w-]; DEWOS 1308, KT 825. sēwes [sewǝs] ‘rear of a boat, rudder’; DEWOS 1324, KT 828. sēwemsa [sewəmsə] ‘bilberry’; DEWOS 1319 (Kh = MnN sāw­ ńi), KT 827. seurem [sewər-] ‘to beat, to cut, to chop’; LS. sagrem, US. sogrim [Trj sä̆ɣər-]; DEWOS 1321 (Kh = MnN sāɣr-), KT 827. 157 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 96 ❧ sōjem [sojəm] ‘small mountain brook [in a riverbank]’: S. sājem [Trj såjə̑m]; DEWOS 1298 (Kh = MnN sɔ̄jəm), KT 819. sōm [som] ‘(fish) scale’; US. sām [Trj såm], [=] Fi suomu; DEWOS 1337, KT 854, UEW 476 (Kh = MnN sām, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko). sōrem [sor-] ‘to dry (intr.)’; [=] Hu szarít; frequ. sōrīdem [sorit-]; DEWOS 1358, KT 877, UEW 466 (Kh = MnN sūr-, Ud Ko Hu). sōrettem [sorǝttǝ-] ‘to dry (tr.)’; DEWOS 1358, KT 878. sōretˊ [sarǝtˊ] ‘sea’; DEWOS 1538 (Kh < Ko), KT 872. sorńa [sorńǝ] ‘gold’; S. sarńa [Trj sårńi ̮], Ko sarny, Mr schörtnje, Hu arany; DEWOS 1373 (Kh < Ko), KT 874. sōrom [sorǝm] ‘dry’; LS sārem [Trj sårǝm], [=] Hu száraz; DEWOS 1359, KT 877. sos [sos] ‘ermine’; DEWOS 1377, KT 879. sugom [suχəm] ‘yarn, thread’; DEWOS 1318, KT 837. sulaika [śulejka] ‘glass bottle, ink bottle’; MT suleike; DEWOS 1511 (Kh < Ru). sūmet [sümǝt] ‘birch’; S. sūgmet [Trj sĕɣ°mət]; DEWOS 1319, KT 860. sink [siŋk] ‘a small white duck with a white beak [Anas nigra]’; DEWOS 1350, KT 849. sīra, sīre [sirǝ] ‘former; earlier’; S. sār [Trj sär]; DEWOS 1361, KT 870. ˊ siȶa LS. [Trj sĕʌ́ä] ‘powder’; US. siȡa [Vart sĕʌ́ə]; cf. tāra; ˊ DEWOS 1337, KT 893. sīwes [siwəs] ‘osprey, fishing eagle’; DEWOS 1324, KT 829, UEW 469 (Kh = MnN siɣəs, Fi Saa, ?Ko). sōdom [sotəm] ‘the river Salym’; sōdom-xui [sotəm-χŏj] ‘Salym Khanty’. sōdop, sōdep [sotǝp] ‘sheath’; S. sātep [Trj såtǝ̑p]; DEWOS 1385, KT 885. sōgot [soχət] ‘gouge, axe for hollowing out boats’; DEWOS 1315, KT 843, UEW 889 (Kh = MnN sowli, Hu) sōx (sox) [sŏχ] ‘bark of a willow (‑type) tree [; skin]; sturgeon (осетръ) [”spawn sack”]’; S. sōx, soux [Trj sŏɣ°]; DEWOS 1304 (Kh = MnN sow), KT 831 (‘sturgeon, caviar’), 832 (‘skin’). sōxtem [soχət-] ‘to pluck’; DEWOS 1325, KT 842. soi [soj] ‘a species of duck [goldeneye]’, S. sai [Trj såj]; DEWOS 1292, KT 817. 158 suŋ [sŏŋ] ‘corner, end’; Hu [≠] szög, [=] szug; DEWOS 1348, KT 846, UEW 888 (Kh = Hu). sūpos [supǝs] ‘[net] weaving needle’; LS. sapos, US. sāwas [Trj săpǝs]; DEWOS 1358 (Kh = MnS tās), KT 865. sur [sur] ‘shaft’; [=] Hu szár; ńīr-sur [ńir-sur] ‘bootleg’; DEWOS 1363, KT 867, UEW 890 (Kh = MnN sor, Hu). sur [surǝŋ, surnǝŋ] ‘grey [grayhaired]’; S. tārax, [≠] Fi harmaja, [≠] Hu szürke; KT 877, 878. sūs [sĕwǝs] ‘autumn’; S. sugus [Trj sĕɣ°əs], [=] Fi syys, syksy, [=] Mr schishe; DEWOS 1324, KT 828, UEW 443 (Kh = MnN tak°s, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Hu). susta [sustə] ‘tapeworm’; DEWOS 1381, KT 881. sut [sut] ‘intestine’; S. sot [Trj sŏʌ], [=] Fi suoli, [=] Ko sjū, [=] Mr schol; DEWOS 1329, KT 888, UEW 483 (Kh = Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko); SSA 3 215 (< Aryan). sūt [süt] ‘whetstone’; DEWOS 1384 (Kh < Ko), KT 885. ˊ sutńik [sutńik] ‘onion’; DEWOS 1388, KT 883. Š šegara [šĕkarǝ] ‘curl’; DEWOS 249 (KoP šĕkarǝ), 265 (šĕkǝr ‘curve, twist’). šegareŋ [*šĕkarǝŋ] ‘curly’; DEWOS 249. šemšar [šemšar, šĕmšar] ‘a coloured duck [Mergus albellus, merganser]; DEWOS 275, KT 949. šēren [šertǝn, šerǝn] ‘bailer’; DEWOS 302, KT 958. šērendem [DN šertǝnt-, KoP šerǝnt-] ‘to clear grain with a bailer’; DEWOS 302, KT 959. šabur [šopǝr] ‘coat for everyday use [e.g. hunting]’; DEWOS 298 (Kh < Ru), KT 956. ˊ ˊ šad adem, šaǵadaem [šätat-] ‘to be sorry’; DEWOS 268, KT 965. šam [DN šam, Kr šäm] ‘light, candle’; S. onk [Trj oŋk]; Afg sham’; tūrum-šam [turǝmšam] ‘wax candle in front of an icon’, šam-xot [šam-χot] ‘candlestick’; DEWOS 270 (Kh < Tat), KT 942. šatxan [šatχan] ‘turnip’; Tat schal­ gan; DEWOS 305 (Kh < Tat), KT 964. 159 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 97 ❧ šuidem [šüj-] ‘to put in [e.g. a match into the box]’; DEWOS 244, KT 926. šur [šür] ‘bar pole, stick’; Ko zor; DEWOS 301 (Kh < Ko), KT 958. šutˊ ‘edge, side’ [probably šütˊ ‘stripe, slice’]; DEWOS 268, KT 965. šermat [šermat] ‘headstall’; S. sir­ metˊ [Trj sirmät], Ko sermäd; DEWOS 1372 (Kh < Ko), KT 959. šeška [šiš] ‘a little bird’; [≠] Fi sisko; tant-šeška ‘sparrow’, i.e. corn bird; DEWOS 238 (Kh < MnE). šudai [šütaj] ‘partridge’; LS. sigȡei [Trj sĕɣʌäj], Ko sjöla; DEWOS 1315 (Kh < Ko), KT 964. čōgom [čoχ-] ‘to whistle’; DEWOS 253, KT 937. čošmem [čočǝm-, čošm-] ‘to scatter, to pour’; DEWOS 237, KT 961, UEW 60 (Kh = MnN sōs-, Ud Ko Slk ?Fi). čugadem [čŏkat-] ‘to crumble’; DEWOS 258, KT 930. čūmat [čumǝt] ‘the start of a building of a house; a casket built on C T cēgajem [ćĕɣəjəm] ‘swallow’ [?  Kr ćĕkəj-imə ”ć-woman”]; DEWOS 1500, KT 900. cātxa, tōtxa [tatχə] ‘scythe’; DEWOS ˊ ˊ 1543 (Kh < Tat), KT 924. ˊ cēdak [Ts ćetak, DN tetak] ‘a drinking dish [tub, can]’; DEWOS 1542 (Kh < Tat), KT 924. Č čāwer [čäwǝr] ‘hare’; LS. čēwer [Trj čeɣ°ər, J čewər], US. tēwer [Vart töɣər]; DEWOS 264 (Kh > MnN sōwǝr), KT 928 (čeɣ°ər), 980 (töɣər). čeŋmajem [čĕŋmaj-, pass.] ‘to get hot’; S. čenkmōjem [Trj čĕŋ­ moj-]; DEWOS 287, KT 940. čenk [čĕŋk] ‘heat, hot’; DEWOS 287, KT 940. čenč [čĕnč] ‘back’, čenč-wōt [čĕnčwot] ‘tail wind’; DEWOS 282, KT 950, UEW 56 (Kh = MnN sis, Fi ?Saa) čīmet [čimǝt] ‘a little’; DEWOS 276, KT 948. čāget S. [Trj čåɣi ̮t] ‘ruble’; DEWOS 245, KT 925. čāgaptem [čäkǝptǝ-] ‘to strangle [to drown (tr.), to suffocate (tr.)]’; DEWOS 247 (Kh = MnE šǟkǝp-), KT 933. čāknem [čäkǝn-] ‘to get strangled [to choke (intr.), to suffocate (intr.)]’; DEWOS 247, KT 933. čama [čăma] ‘right, straight, properly’; DEWOS 272, KT 944, UEW 52 (Kh = MnN soma, Fi). čānč [čänč] ‘knee’; DEWOS 281 (Kh = MnN sāns), KT 949. čānšpan [čänč-păn] ‘pitch thread [twisted on the knee]’; DEWOS 282, KT 950. 160 earth [to store things that cannot be taken home at the same time]’; DEWOS 277, KT 946. čumdem [čumǝt-] ‘to build of logs [to make a scop in timber]’; DEWOS 278, KT 947. čuǯem [čuč-] ‘to pass [to walk]’; frequ. čuǯīdem [čučit-]; DEWOS 240 (Kh = MnN sūs-), KT 962. tābat [tapat] ‘old, worn’; DEWOS 1460, KT 1009. tābet [täpǝt] ‘seven, week’; S. ȶābet [Trj ʌäpət]; DEWOS 793, KT 1081, UEW 844 (Kh = MnN sāt, Hu; < Aryan). tāda [tätə] ‘empty’; S. tāȡex [Trj täʌəɣ]; DEWOS 1428 (Kh = MnN tātǝl), KT 1034. tādem [tät-] ‘to pull, to snuffle’; S. tīȡem [Trj täʌ- : tiʌəm]; DEWOS 1424, KT 1037. taga [tăχə] ‘place’; DEWOS 1408, KT 976. tagamem [tăχəmə-] ‘to throw’; DEWOS 1408, KT 988. tagandem [tăχənt-, tăχant-] ‘to wrestle, to fight’; DEWOS 1408, KT 988. tāgaptem [taχəptə-] ‘to make smth burst [to tear apart]’; DEWOS 1404, KT 987. tāgat [tăχət] ‘linen [fabric woven from hemp or nettle]’; DEWOS 1422, KT 983. tagdem [täɣət-] ‘to drive (steer) a horse’; KT 1048. tāgedem [täɣət-] ‘to wait, to guard’; S. ȶīgȶem [Trj ʌäɣəʌ- : ʌiɣʌəm]; DEWOS 726, KT 1047. tāxnem [taχən-] ‘to burst [to tear (intr)]’; mom. tāxnemem [taχ­ ni­mə-]; DEWOS 1403, KT 987. tājem [täjəm] ‘axe’; DEWOS 723, KT 1042. tājem [tăj-] ‘to be [to have, to hold]’; S. tōjem [Trj tăj- : tŏjǝm]; DEWOS 1400, KT 969. talai [tălaj] ‘flock of horses [or birds]’; DEWOS 1435, KT 996. talaǯem [Ts täləč-, Kr tälət-] ‘to steer a boat [to brake with the oars]’; DEWOS 1433, KT 999. 161 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 98 ❧ tāpten [täpət-] ‘to feed’; S. ȶīptem [Trj ʌäpət- : ʌiptəm]; DEWOS 715, KT 1100. tāra [tärə] ‘[gun]powder’; Tat tara; DEWOS 1466 (Kh < Tat), KT 1012. tāram [tarəm, tärəm] ‘strong, solid’; S. sara [Trj sä̆rə]; DEWOS 1368 (sä̆rə), 1470 (tarəm); KT 869 ̆ (särə), 1015 (tarəm). tardem [tărt-] ‘to cut hair, to shave’; S. ȶordem [Trj ʌŏrt-]; DEWOS 806, KT 1092, UEW 503 (Kh = Ud Ko Hu Sam). tareš [tărǝš] ‘roof’, xōt-tareš [χot-tă­ rǝš] ‘the roof of the tent [of a house]’; DEWOS 1466, KT 1022. taresem [tărǝs-] ‘to snort’; DEWOS 1469, KT 1025. tarŋet [tărŋǝt, KoP tărɣət] ‘lung’; S. targat [Trj tărɣə̑t]; DEWOS 1470, KT 1023. tāš [täš] ‘things, belongings’; S. tās [Trj täs]; DEWOS 1481 (Kh < Ko), KT 1027. tāšaŋ [täšǝŋ] ‘rich, who has belongings’, S. tāsaŋ [Trj täsǝŋ]; DEWOS 1481, KT 1027. tau [täw] ‘horse’; LS. ȶaux [ʌăɣ°], US. ȶox [Vart ʌɔ̆ɣ], [=] Hu ló; DEWOS 730, KT 1043, UEW 863 (Kh = MnN luw, Hu). tāwax [tawəχ] ‘cock’; DEWOS 1488 (Kh < Tat), KT 972. tāwen [täwə] ‘springtime’ [täwən Loc. ‘in the springtime’]; S. taux [Trj tăɣ°], [=] Hu tavasz, [? =] Ko tulys, [≠] Slk tagi; DEWOS 1410, KT 971, UEW 532 tambak [tämpak] ‘tobacco’; DEWOS 1440 (Kh < Tat), KT 1001. tań [tan] ‘bride gift’; S. tan [Trj tän]; DEWOS 1442, KT 1002 [cf. tin]. taŋam [tăŋ-] ‘to go in, to step in’; S. ȶaŋam [Trj ʌăŋ-]; DEWOS 773 (Kh = MnE tuj-), KT 1069. taŋat [tăŋat] ‘Irtyš’; S. ȶangeȶ [Trj ʌĕ­ŋäʌ]; taŋat-jax [tăŋat-jaχ] ‘the Khantys by Irtyš (say the Khantys by Obʹ’; DEWOS 784 (Kh ? = MnN tāɣt ‘Sosva’), KT 1063. taŋet [täŋət] ‘the one in front [front of the foot, the boot etc.]’; S. ȶaŋeȶ [Trj ʌäŋəʌ]; DEWOS 783, KT 1064. taŋa [täŋkǝ] ‘squirrel, kopeck’; S. ȶenki [Trj ʌäŋki], Turk teiin, MT. tiin; DEWOS 780 (Kh = MnN lēŋn), KT 1067. taŋam [tăŋχ-] ‘to wish, to want’; [≠] Fi tahdon; DEWOS 780, KT 1069. tanx [taŋχ] ‘bristle [dorsal fin; withers of a horse or reindeer]’; DEWOS 775 (Kh = MnN tāŋχ), KT 1064. tant [tänt] ‘corn’; DEWOS 769, KT 1076, UEW 496 (Kh = Mr Ko ?Hu). tapšax [tăpšaχ] ‘a piece of cloth on the breast [small piece, patch; ruble]’; DEWOS 1457 (Kh < MnE lɔpśǝχ), KT 1083. tapta [tăptǝ] ‘a species of duck [wigeon, Anas penelope]’; DEWOS 794, KT 1083. 162 (Kh = MnN tūja, Fi Md Hu, ?Ud ?Ko). tawuš [täw-üš] ‘team (of horses)’; DEWOS 730. teagat ‘ceder[?]; bird net’ [? teχət ‘bird nest’]; DEWOS 1412, KT 985. tēbem [tĕp-] ‘to get lost, take the wrong way’; DEWOS 1454, KT 1010, UEW 894 (Kh = MnN tip-, Hu). tēbet [tepǝt] ‘soft [sloppy, e.g. a bow]’; DEWOS 794, KT 1083. tēbettem [tĕpǝttǝ-] ‘to lead to wrong way’; DEWOS 1454, KT 1010. teda (tede), teta (tete) [tĕtǝ] ‘winter’; S. tüȶex, tüȡex [Trj tö̆ʌəɣ], [=] Fi talwi, [=] Hu tal [tél], [=] Ko töö; DEWOS 1429, KT 1035, UEW 516 (Kh = MnN tāl, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). tēdep [tetəp] ‘moss’; DEWOS 1486, KT 1032. teg [tĕɣ] ‘tail’; S. ȶex [Trj ʌĕɣ]; DEWOS 727 (Kh = MnN lēɣ), KT 1052. tāgdem [tĕɣət-] ‘to fly’; S. ȶēgeȡem [Trj ʌĕɣəʌ-], [≠] Fi lennän, [≠] Sam tījū; DEWOS 738, KT 1059, UEW 500 (Kh = MnN tiɣl-, Ko). tegetmem [tĕɣətmə-] mom. ‘to fly’; DEWOS 738, KT 1060. tēgemdem S. [*teɣəmt-] ‘to scratch’; DEWOS 1415 (← Castrén). tēges [tekəs] ‘flat (adj.) [smooth; e.g. a path]’; DEWOS 1420, KT 982. tei [tĕj] ‘pus’; S. ȶüi [Trj ʌoj : ʌu­jə̑m], [=] Slk tē; DEWOS 721, KT 1040, UEW 434 (Kh = MnN saj, Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). tei [tĕj] ‘uppermost, top, peak’; LS. toi [Trj tŏj] US. tui [Vart tö̆j]; jux-tei [juχ-tĕj] ‘treetop’; jinktei [jĕŋk-tĕj] ‘surface of water’; jeaga-tei [jeχə-tĕj]’spring (of a river)’; DEWOS 1398 (Kh = ˊ MnN tal ǝχ), KT 966. tejem [tĕj-] ‘to weave (a net)’; DEWOS 1039 (Kh = MnN tij-), KT 970. tēknem [teknǝm] ‘tight, cramped’; LS. tāknem [Trj tä̆k°nəm], US. toknem [V töɣnəm]; DEWOS 1406, KT 978. temem [tem-] ‘to strew around’; Tat tögämem; DEWOS 1439, KT 1002. teŋer [tĕŋkǝr] ‘shoulder’; DEWOS 782, KT 1068, UEW 439 (Kh ? = Nenets) teŋer [teŋkǝr] ‘mouse’; DEWOS 782, KT 1068, UEW 500 (Kh = MnN taŋkǝr, Fi Md Ud Ko Hu). teŋrem [tĕŋǝr-] ‘to pinch’; DEWOS 1453 (Kh = MnN taŋǝrt-), KT 992. tera [tĕrǝ] ‘a root, which used as colourant’; DEWOS 798, KT 1088. teremdem [terəmt-] ‘to unfold a skin, to make a bed’; DEWOS 803, KT 1089, UEW 497 (Kh = MnN tāramt-, Ko Hu). tereŋ [tĕrǝŋ] ‘hot [the weather in summer ]’; DEWOS 1477, KT 1914. termadem [termat-] ‘to hurry’; caus. termattem [termattə-]; DEWOS 1474 (Kh < Ko), KT 1023. 163 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 99 ❧ tīdeŋ [titǝŋ] ‘living’; DEWOS 750, KT 1105. [cf. tīt]. tīliš [tilǝš] ‘moon, month’; S. tēȡes [Trj ti ̮ʌə̑s], Ko tölys, [≠] Mr tilze; DEWOS 1430 (Kh < Ko), KT 998. tin [tän : tinem] ‘price’; DEWOS 1442 (Kh = MnN tin), KT 1003. tinda [tinta] ‘inexpensive’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1004. tineŋ [tinǝŋ] ‘expensive’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1003. tinesem [tines-] ‘to trade’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1003. tinijem [tinǝj-] ‘to sell’; DEWOS 1443, KT 1003. tis [tis] ‘loop, lasso’; DEWOS 808, KT 1094, UEW 239 (Kh = MnN lēs, Ko, ?Fi ?Saa). tištem [tištǝ-] ‘to grieve’; Ko töshda; DEWOS 1482 (Kh < Ko), KT 1028. tīt [tit] ‘spirit, breath [; life]’; DEWOS 749, KT 1105, UEW 247 (Kh = MnN lil, Fi Ud Ko Hu, ?Saa). tīwdem [tiwət-] ‘to go out’; S. ȶīw­ dem [Trj ʌiɣ°ət-]; DEWOS 746, KT 1047, UEW 239 (Kh = Fi Md Mr Ud Ko). tīwem [tiw-] ‘to be born’; DEWOS 1395 (Kh = MnN tēl-), KT 974. todek [tătek] ‘true bug’; Fi lude; DEWOS 812 (Kh < Ko), KT 1101, SSA 2 98 (Kh < Ko < Fi). toga [toχa] ‘[shaft] bow [kettle handle]’; Ru дуга; DEWOS 1411 (Kh < Ru), KT 977. tōgop [toχəp] ‘fishing net (with handle)’; DEWOS 741 (Kh = MnN tɔ̄p), KT 1055. tōgos [toχəs] ‘friend, acquaintance’; [≠] Mr tos, cf. Fi [≠] tuttu; DEWOS 743, KT 1056. teštan [teštan] ‘a small whetstone’; DEWOS 809 (Kh < Ko), KT 1096. teštem [teštǝ-] ‘to tidy (up), to sort out, to clean’; DEWOS 717, KT 1096. tet [tĕt] ‘fathom [lap]’; S. ȶüȶ [Trj ʌö̆ʌ], [=] Fi syli, [=] Mr schel, [≠] Hu szál, [=] Ko syy, [=] Slk tī; DEWOS 753, KT 1104, UEW 444 (Kh = MnN tal, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). tēt [tet] ‘full, low [two separate words]’; [=] Hu tele, [≠] Ko tyr, [=] Fi täysi; DEWOS 747 (Kh tet ‘low’ = MnN talk°a), 1425 (Kh tet ‘full’ = MnN tāɣl), KT 1033 (tet ‘full’), 1103 (tet ‘low’), UEW 518 (Kh tet ‘full’ = Mn Ud Ko Hu ?Fi ?Saa ?Mr). tēttem [tettə-] ‘to fill [to load (e.g. a sleigh)]’; [≠] Fi täytän; DEWOS 748, KT 1111. teu [tĕw] ‘lake’; LS. toux, US. tox [Trj tŏɣ°, tŏɣ]; cf. [=] Sam to, tu, [=] Hu tó; DEWOS 1406, KT 971, UEW 533 (Kh = MnN tō, Ud Ko Hu Sam). teu [tĕw] ‘bone’; S. ȶoux [Trj ʌŏɣ°], [=] Fi luu; DEWOS 730, KT 1044, UEW 254 (Kh = MnN luw, Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Sam, ?Hu). teudem [tewtəm] ‘louse’; S. tagutem [Trj tä̆ɣ°təm], [=] Fi täi; DEWOS 1423, KT 974, UEW 515 (Kh = MnN tākǝm, Fi Saa Mr Ud Ko Hu). tēwem [te- : tewəm] ‘to eat’; S. ȶī­ wem [Trj ʌi-], [=] Fi syön, [=] Ko sjöja; DEWOS 713, KT 1098, UEW 440 (Kh = MnN tē-, Fi Md Ud Ko Hu). tibe [tipə, tĕɣpə] ‘the inside’; S. tigbi [Trj ʌĕɣpi]; DEWOS 728, KT 1079. 164 KT 1084, UEW 843 (Kh = MnN tūr, Hu). tōra [torǝ] ‘crane’; S. tārax [Trj tå­r ǝ̑ɣ], [=] Hu daru, MT turna, tur­ja; DEWOS 1467, KT 1013, UEW 513 (Kh = MnN tāriɣ, Ud Ko Hu). toǯek [tŏček] ‘wolverine’; DEWOS 716 (Kh < Ko), KT 1096. tōtma [totma] ‘secretly’; DEWOS 758, KT 1109. tōtmem [totəm-] ‘to steal’; S. ȶūtmem [Trj ʌåʌə̑m-]; DEWOS 757, KT 1109. towarem [tăwar-] ‘to unharness (a horse)’; DEWOS 1489 (Kh < Tat), KT 973. towottem [tăwǝttǝ-] ‘to row’; [=] Fi soudan; DEWOS 724, KT 1049, UEW 449 (Kh = MnN tow-, Fi Saa Mr Sam, ?Ko). tubat [tupat] ‘basket [of birch bark]’; DEWOS 1460 (Kh < Tat), KT 1009. tudagem ‘to pay’ [cf. tudem]. tudem [tut-] ‘to buy’; S. ȶudem [Trj ʌot-]; DEWOS 812, KT 1101. tuem [tu-] ‘to bring, to lead’; [=] Fi tuon; DEWOS 1395, KT 1031, UEW 529 (Kh = Fi Sam, ?MnN tūl-, ? Saa). tūgor [tuχər] ‘fir needle’; DEWOS 1419, KT 979, UEW 510 (Kh ? = Saa) tūgit, tūget US. [Vart tö̆ɣət] ‘fire’; see tūt; DEWOS 1420, KT 1029, UEW 895 (Kh = MnE töäwt, Hu). tui [tüj] ‘finger’; LS. ȶoi [Trj ʌoj]; [=] Hu új; DEWOS 719, KT 1039, UEW ˊ 449 (Kh = MnN tul a, Hu Sam). tuimem [tujǝm-] ‘to get tired’; DEWOS 1402; KT 968. tōgot [tŏɣət] ‘feather’; [=] Hu toll; DEWOS 1412, KT 984, UEW 535 (Kh = MnN towǝl, Saa Ud Ko Hu). tōx [toχ] ‘snow shoe [ski]’; DEWOS 730, KT 1051, UEW 450 (Kh = MnN towt, Fi Md Sam). tōxnem [toχən-] ‘to meet’; frequ. tōxnīdem [toχnit-]; DEWOS 740, KT 1054, UEW 845 (Kh = MnN taχn- Hu). tōxtem [tŏχǝt-] ‘to sharpen, to chew [separate word: toχǝt-]’; S. ȶō­go­ȡem [Trj ʌŏɣə̑t-, ʌŏɣ­tə̑ɣ­ t(ə̑)-]; DEWOS 739 (‘to chew’), 745 (‘to sharpen’), KT 1057 (‘to chew’), 1058 (‘to sharpen’), UEW 448 (Kh toχǝt- ‘to chew’ = MnN towt-, Saa Ud Ko Sam). ton [ton] ‘vein’; S. ȶon [Trj ʌån], [=] Fi suoni, [=] Ko sön, [=] Sam ti, tschat, tschen; DEWOS 768, KT 1075, UEW 441 (Kh = MhN tān, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). toń [toń] ‘flax, linen’; DEWOS 871 (Kh < Ru), KT 1077. tonx [toŋχ] ‘idol [; guardian spirit]’; DEWOS 777 (Kh = MnE tɔw; Kh > MnN lōŋχ), KT 1065. tonx [toŋχ] ‘hoof [the soft art in the middle of the hoof]’; DEWOS 776 (Kh = MnN toŋχ), KT 1066. top [top] ‘float of a net’; DEWOS 1455 (Kh < Ko), KT 1006. toppa [tătpǝ] ‘lead’; S. ȶoȶpa [Trj ʌŏʌpə̑]; DEWOS 756, KT 1109. tōr [tor] ‘flat area, meadow, morass [flat riverside which floods in the spring; lake]’; S. ȶar [Trj ʌår]; Ru соръ; DEWOS 795, 165 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 100 ❧ tujax [tujǝχ] ‘fish tail’; DEWOS 723, KT 1041. tujit [tüjǝt] ‘ring in a finger’; DEWOS 720, KT 1039. tul [tül] ‘stupid’; S. tulpul [Trj tuḷpuḷ], [≠] Fi hullu, [≠] Sam salla; DEWOS 1433, KT 995. tūlaš [tulǝš] ‘arundo phragmites, reed’; DEWOS 1438 (Kh < Ko), KT 998. tuman [tuman, DN tŏman] ‘lock, latch’; Ko toman; DEWOS 1441 (Kh < Ko), KT 1000. tūmdem [tumət-] ‘to put clothes on’; S. tōmdem [Trj ʌŏmǝ̑t-], [≠] Sam tondau, [≠] Slk ˊ tschon­dam, tondam; DEWOS 762, KT 1073. tunda [tuntǝ] ‘birch bark’; S. tondax [Trj tŏntǝ̑ɣ], [≠] Fi tuohi, MT. tos; DEWOS 1446 (Kh = MnN tōnt), KT 1005. tunt [tunt] ‘goose’; S. ȶont [Trj ʌont], [=] Hu lud; DEWOS 770, KT 1077, UEW 254 (Kh = MnN lunt, Saa Mr). tuŋ [tŏŋ] ‘summer’; S. ȶoŋ [Trj ʌŏŋ], [=] Fi suvi; DEWOS 772, KT 1062, UEW 451 (Kh = MnN tow, Fi Saa Sam). tuŋdem [tŏŋǝt-] ‘to read, to count’; S. ȶoŋdem [Trj ʌŏŋǝ̑t-], [? =] Fi luen; DEWOS 784, KT 1063, UEW 253 (Kh ? = MnN lowint-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Sam). tunk ‘stab?, splinter’ [? tuŋχ ‘rest of a ceder cone with no nuts in it’]; DEWOS 1451, KT 994. tūp [tup] ‘rudder’; S. ȶūp [Trj ʌup]; DEWOS 787 (Kh = MnN tūp), KT 1078. tupas [tăpas] ‘storehouse’; DEWOS 790 (Kh < Ru), KT 1081. tūr [tür] ‘throat’; [≠] Fi kurkku, [=] Hu torok; DEWOS 1464, KT 1011, UEW 895 (Kh = MnN tur, Hu). tūrap, tūrup [turǝp] ‘light, sparse [e.g. net, cloth, forest]’; DEWOS 805, KT 1090. turt [turt] ‘root’; LS. ȶort [Trj ʌŏrt], US. ȶor [Vart ʌɔ̆r]; [≠] Fi juuri; DEWOS 799, KT 1086. tūrum, tūrm [turəm] ‘God’; S. tōrem [Trj tŏrǝ̑m]; tūrm-xōt [turəmχot] ‘church’; DEWOS 1472 (Kh = MnN torəm), KT 1015. tuš [tüš] ‘beard’; DEWOS 1483, KT 1028. tušak [tüšak] ‘mattress’; DEWOS 1397 (Kh < Tat), KT 1029. tut [tut] ‘mouth’; S. ȶut [Trj ʌuʌ], [≠] Fi suu, [≠] Hu száj; DEWOS 753, KT 1102, UEW 903 (Kh = Fi huuli, Saa). tutta [tutta] ‘dumb’; S. ȶutȶax [Trj ʌuʌʌə̑ɣ]; DEWOS 754, KT 1103 [caritive from tut ‘mouth’]. tūt [tüt] ‘fire’; US. tūget [Vart tö̆ɣət], [≠] Fi tuli, [≠] Mr tol, [=] Hu tűz, [≠] Sam tu; see 166 nai. Appears in the Irtyš dialect only in compounds; e.g. tūduš [tüt-üč] ‘tinderbox’, [≠] Fi tulus; tūt-wax [tüt-wăχ] ‘piece of iron (in a gun)’, tūtkeu [tüt-kew] ‘brimstone’; DEWOS 1420, KT 1029, UEW 895 (Kh = MnE töäwt, Hu). tūtxaem [tutəχ-] ‘to take fish from the net; to churn, to make butter’; DEWOS 756, KT 1108. tūtxaep [tutχep] ‘pole, piston [used in fishing]’; DEWOS 756, KT 1108. Tˊ tad a [tätˊ ] ‘father’; LS ati; DEWOS ˊ ˊ ˊ ǝ ˊ 1544, KT 922. ˊ ˊ tagan US. [Vart tăɣən] ‘fist’; see meǯek; DEWOS 1503, KT 900. ˊ ˊ taxmai [tăχmaj] ‘mosquito’; see piȶŋi; DEWOS 868, KT 903. ˊ ˊ tak [täk] ‘tip of land [tip (of grass), top (of a tree)]’; DEWOS 1495, KT 897. ˊ ˊ tāksem [täksə-] ‘to mock’ [‘to spit’; the German word spotten is used instead of spucken due to influence of the Swedish word spotta ‘to spit’]; DEWOS 865, KT 1115. ˊ ˊ ˊ tapxaem [tăpǝj-, tăpχes-] ‘to whisˊ per’; S. topxam [Trj ʌŏpǝɣ-], ˊ augm. tapxaesem [tăpχes-]; DEWOS 874, KT 1112. ˊ ˊ ˊ tapxas [Ts tapχəš, DT täpχəš] ‘loop which is used to catch ermine’; DEWOS 1528 (KhS < Tat), KT 915. tāras S. [Trj tårə̑s] ‘sea’; see sōretˊ ˊ ˊ ; DEWOS 1538, KT 872. ˊ ˊ tawdem [täwət-] ‘to quarrel [to mock]’; DEWOS 869, KT 1112. ˊ ˊ teger [tĕɣər] ‘ungenerous’; DEWOS 1505, KT 902. ˊ ˊ tēle [telǝ] ‘thin [liquid, watery, weak (food: e.g. porridge)]’; DEWOS 1512, KT 907. ˊ ˊ telem, ḱelem [tĕl-] ‘to weep’; [≠] Fi kiljun; DEWOS 1509, KT 909. ˊ ˊ ˊ tēnek, tēnak, ḱēnak [tĕnǝk] ‘wart’; DEWOS 1520, KT 911. ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ tōd em [tot-], tōnd em [tońt-] ‘to ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ stand [tot-]; [tońt- to put up, ˊ to set up, to erect]’; S. ȶūȡem [Trj ʌ́åʌ́- : ʌ́uʌ́əm], [=] Fi ̑ seison, [≠] Ko sutala; DEWOS ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ 759 (tot-), 771 (tońt-), KT 1118; UEW 431 (Kh = MnN tūńś-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko siʒ́ -). ˊ ˊ tontˊ [tońtˊ] ‘snow’; LS. ȶantˊ [Trj ʌåńtˊ], [≠] Fi lumi; DEWOS 871, KT 1117. 167 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ 101 ❧ ˊ ˊ ˊ toŋatem [toŋχəj-] ‘to burn’; DEWOS 1523. ˊ ˊ tor [tor] ‘round whetstone’; DEWOS 1532 (Kh < Tat), KT 915. ˊ ˊ tul [tül] ‘button’; DEWOS 1510, KT 907. ˊ ˊ tūnem [tün-] ‘to jump’; DEWOS 1520, KT 912. ˊ ˊ tūrum [türǝm] ‘striped squirrel [KoP] [; ermine; weasel; marten]’; DEWOS 1537, KT 917. ˊ ˊ ˊ ˊ tuti S. [Trj tuti] ‘woman’s breast’; see esem; DEWOS 1544, KT 922. ȶankem S. [? Trj ʌăŋk-] ‘to pity’; ˊ see šad adem; DEWOS 769, 780 (translation error instead of Trj ʌăŋk- ‘to wish, to want’) [cf. taŋam]. ȶapestem S. [Trj ʌä̆pəʌtə-] ‘to lie, to betray’, see ottadem; DEWOS 788, KT 1083. ȶaugaštem S. [Trj ʌăɣ°ə̑sʌə̑-] ‘to hit’, see jāwetmem; DEWOS 743, KT 1056. ȶegeȡem S. [Trj ʌeɣəʌ-] ‘to look’; see ēttidem; DEWOS 726, KT 1057. ȶegeȶtem S. [Trj ʌeɣəʌtə-] ‘to show’; see ētteptem; DEWOS 726, KT 1057. ȶiken US. [ɔ: <ȶiker> V likər] ‘sleigh’, see ōgot; DEWOS 742, KT 1055. uideŋ [utəŋ] ‘wide’; DEWOS 207, KT 101. uigit ‘style, manner’; Tat ui [not in modern dictionaries]. ujem [uj-] ‘to see, to know’; [≠] Mr uzam, [≠] Ko adzja; cf. [≠] Fi katson; KT 268. umbā [umpǝ] ‘ladle’; see kowel; DEWOS 97, KT 50, UEW 7 (Kh = MnN ūmpi ‘ladle’, Fi Md). unč [unč] ‘Salmo Nelma’; DEWOS 111, KT 54. unǯa [unčǝ] ‘pine’; S. onǯex [ŏnčǝχ]; DEWOS 113, KT 55. unt [unt] ‘ground, forest, hill’; S. wont [Trj wŏnt]; DEWOS 1600, KT 55. unttājem [unttaj-, pass.] ‘to learn’; DEWOS 125, KT 62. unttem [unttǝ-] ‘to teach’; S. onȶtem [Trj ŏnǝ̑ʌtə̑-]; DEWOS 125, KT 62. ūp [up] ‘father-in-law’; S. ōp [Trj up], [=] Saa wuopp, [=] Fi ap­ pi, [=] Hu ip, ipa, [≠] após; ūpiga [up-ikǝ] ‘father-in-law’, ūp-īma [up-imǝ] ‘mother-inlaw’; DEWOS 145, KT 65, UEW 14 (Kh = MnN up, Fi Saa Mr Hu). urmā [ürma] ‘mitten’; DEWOS 171 (Kh < Tat), KT 81. urdesem [urtes-] ‘order, call’; DEWOS 180, KT 84. ūs, ūč [üč] ‘cloth [thing, belonging(s), tool, device]’; DEWOS 8, KT 98. ūt [ut] ‘berry (blueberry; lingonberry)’, S. ūȶ (Vart uʌ), Ko votys ‘berry’; DEWOS 64, KT 272. W U [utǝp] ‘(sleeping) tent; linen tent as shield against mosquitos’; S. ōȡap [Trj ŏʌə̑p]; DEWOS 84, KT 121. ūdem [ut-] ‘to live, to be’; S. wāȡem [Trj wăʌ-], [≠] Fi. elän, [= Fi] olen; DEWOS 1577; KT 127, UEW 580 (= Fi Md Mr Ud Ko Mn Hu). ˊ ˊ ūd em [ut-] ‘to swim’; [=] Fi uin, [=] Saa wuoijjam, [=] Ko uia, [=] Hu úsz; DEWOS 222, KT 96, UEW 542 (Kh = MnN uj-, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu Sam). ūges [ükǝs] ‘ox’; Turk ögüz, [≠] Ko ös; DEWOS 48 (Kh < Tat). ūx (ux) [uχ] ‘head’; US. ōx (ox), LS. oux [Trj oɣ°, oɣ : uɣə̑m]; DEWOS 30, KT 21. ūdap 168 wad a, waǵa [wăte] ‘twisted’, wa­ ˊ ˊ ˊ ȡasēm [wăte-sem(ǝp)] ‘crosseyed’; DEWOS 1650, KT 254. wāgam [waχ-] ‘to ask, to call’ S. wūgem [Trj wåɣ- : wuɣə̑m], [≠] Fi waadin; DEWOS 1566 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄w-), KT 216. wāgat [woχət] ‘thin’; S. wōgoȶ [Trj wŏɣ°ə̑ʌ]; DEWOS 1575 (Kh = MnE wowtə), KT 214. wāx (wax) [wăχ] ‘1. (any) metal 2. gold 3. kopeck [money]’; DEWOS 1567, KT 208, UEW 560 (Kh = MnN ‑wəs, Fi Saa Ud Ko Hu Sam ?Mr). waxsar [wăχsar] ‘fox’; S. wokai [Trj wŏki ̮]; DEWOS 1573 (Kh = MnN oχsar), KT 212, 215. wai [wăj] ‘shaft’; DEWOS 1559 (Kh = MnN wāj), KT 203. 169 �Ostiacica Ostyak Word List ☙ ­ 02 ❧ 1 wajeŋ [wăjǝŋ] ‘with a shaft’; e.g. wajeŋ kēǯe [wăjǝŋ kečǝ] ‘a knife with a handle’; DEWOS 1560, KT 203. wan [wän] ‘short’; DEWOS 1595, KT 225. wān [won] ‘shoulder’; see teŋer; DEWOS 1594 (Kh = MnN wā­ ŋǝn), KT 226. wandat [wăntat] ‘splinter’; S. wan­ daȶ [Trj wăntaʌ]; DEWOS 1601, KT 229. wānder [wăntǝr] ‘utter’; DEWOS 1602 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄ntər), KT 229. wanoxtep [wän-oχtəp] ‘a little short’ [cf. wän]. wanx [woƞχ] ‘pit, pothole’; DEWOS 1610 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄ŋχa), KT 218. wāńem [wäńǝm] ‘face’; DEWOS 1604, KT 230. war [wär] ‘wall in a salmon trap [fishing dam]’; DEWOS 1613 (Kh = MnW wēri), KT 232. warem S. [Trj wä̆r-] ‘to cook [= werto do, to make]’, see madem; DEWOS 1614, KT 235. wāres [wärəs] ‘hair of a horse, tail’; DEWOS 1625, KT 238. warŋai [wărŋaj] ‘crow’; S. urŋi [Trj urŋi ̮], [=] Hu varju, [=] Fi wares; DEWOS 173, KT 242, UEW 559 (Kh = MnN ūrinēk°a, Fi Saa Md Hu Sam). wāsa [wäsǝ] ‘duck; S. wāsex [Trj wäsǝɣ]; wāsa-ńot [wäsəńŏt] ‘a blunt arrow’; [≠] Fi wasama; DEWOS 1636, KT 249, UEW 552 (Kh = MnN wās, Est Ko Hu, ?Saa ?Ud). wasta [wăstǝ] ‘green’; [≠] Ko wesh; DEWOS 1637, KT 252. wattap [wăttǝp] ‘peeler’; S. waȶtap [Trj wăʌtǝp]; DEWOS 1585, KT 276. wattem [wăttǝ-] ‘to peel, to scrape, to shave’; S. waȶtem [Trj wăʌt-]; DEWOS 1585, KT 276, UEW 579 (Kh = MnN wolt-, Fi Saa Ud Ko). watˊ [wätˊ] ‘narrow, thin’; DEWOS 1605 (Kh = MnN iś), KT 252. weda, weta [wĕtǝ, wä̆tə] ‘reindeer’; S. weȡa, weȶi [Trj wä̆ʌi]; DEWOS 1583, KT 272, UEW 563 (Kh = Ud Ko, ?Saa ?Md ?Mr). wedem [wet-] ‘to catch [to kill]’; S. weȡem [Trj wä̆ʌ- : wĕʌəm], [≠] Fi pyydän; DEWOS 1580; KT 275, UEW 566 (Kh = MnN al-, Ud Ko Hu). wēdem [wetǝm] ‘bone marrow’; S. weȡem [Trj wä̆ʌəm], [=] Fi ydin, [=] Hu welö, [=] Ko wem ‘brain’; DEWOS 1584, KT 274, UEW 572 (Kh = MnN wālǝm, Fi Saa Md Mr Hu). weg [weɣ] ‘strength’; S. wok [Trj wɔ̈̆ɣ°], [=] Fi wäki; DEWOS 1571, KT 211, UEW 563 (Kh = MnN wāɣ, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko, ?Sam). wegeŋ [weɣəŋ] ‘strong’; S. wokŋ [Trj wɔ̈̆ɣəŋ]; DEWOS 1571, KT 211. wejem [wĕ-] ‘to take’; [=] Fi wien, [=] Hu wesz; DEWOS 1549, KT 268, UEW 573 (Kh = MnN wi-, Fi Saa Md Ud Ko Hu). 170 wēle [welǝ] ‘alone, living without a ̆ partner’; S. wellex [Trj wäḷǝɣ]; xui-wēle [χuj-welə, welə-χuj] ‘widower’; neŋ-wēle [neŋ-welə, welə-neŋ] ‘widow’; DEWOS 1587 (Kh = MnN wolk-), KT 222. wenep [wĕnǝp] ‘hook and line’; [≠] Fi onki; DEWOS 1599 (Kh = MnE wöänǝp), KT 227. weneptem [wĕnǝptǝ-] ‘to fish (with hook and line)’; DEWOS 1599, KT 227. weŋ [weŋ] ‘son-in-law’; S. woŋ [Trj wŏƞ], [=] Fi wäwy, [=] Hu wö; DEWOS 1607, KT 217, UEW 565 (Kh = Fi Md Mr Hu Sam). wer [wĕr] ‘blood’; [=] Fi weri, [=] Saa var, [=] Ko wir, [=] Mr wir, [=] Hu wér; DEWOS 1617, KT 236, UEW 576 (Kh = MnN wiɣr, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). wēr (wer) [wer] ‘deed, action’; DEWOS 1613 (Kh = MnN wār-; < ieur), KT 234. wērde [wĕrtǝ] ‘red’; DEWOS 1618 (s.v. wĕr), KT 244. werdoxtep [wĕrt-oχtəp] ‘reddish’; DEWOS 1618 (wĕrtə-čək). wērem, werem [wer-] ‘to do, to make’; [≠] Fi pyrin, [≠] Saa paerngam; DEWOS 1614, KT 235. wes [wĕs] ‘hole’; DEWOS 1632 (Kh = MnN as), KT 247. weseŋ [wĕsǝŋ] ‘with holes’; DEWOS 1633, KT 248. weskar [wĕs-kär] ‘itch [skin desease]’; DEWOS 1633, KT 248. westem [wĕstǝ-] ‘to make holes’; DEWOS 1633, KT 248. wigai [wikaj] ‘overcoat’; DEWOS 1572, KT 213. wigem [wĕɣ-] ‘to scream’; DEWOS 1570, KT 217. wiŋīdem [wiŋkit-] ‘to stutter [to get stuck]’; DEWOS 1608. wiš [wič] ‘border’; [≠] Fi mesa [un­ known Finnish word!]; DEWOS 1555, KT 260. ˊ ǝ witax [witˊ χ] ‘dirt’; DEWOS 1650 (Kh = MnN woślaχ), KT 255. ˊ ˊ witxadem [*witχət-] ‘to make dirty’. wōdeŋ [wotəŋ] ‘windy’; DEWOS 1639, KT 264. woi S. [Trj wŏj, DN wăj, Kr üj] ‘tallow, fat’; [=] Fi woi, [=] Hu vaj, see saxse; DEWOS 1560, KT 6, UEW 578 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄j, Fi Saa Md Mr Ud Ko Hu). ˊ ˊ woind em [wońt-] ‘to pick berries’; DEWOS 1604, KT 232. ˊ ǝ woind ep [wońtˊ p] ‘berry basket’; DEWOS 1604, KT 232. wōje [wojə] ‘animal’; S. wājax [Trj wåjə̑ɣ]; jem-wōje [jĕm-wojǝ] ‘bear’, see jig; jink-wōje [jĕŋkwojǝ] ‘beaver’, see max; ēnewōje [enǝ-wojǝ] ‘elk’, see ńox; pulax-woje ‘fly’; rēp-wōje [repwojǝ] ‘[”strand swallow”]’; DEWOS 1562 (Kh = MnN ūj), KT 204. woš, woč, wač [woš, woč] ‘fort, town’; [≠ ??] Ko wodzj ‘in front’, [≠] Fi esi; DEWOS 1522, KT 259, UEW 577 (Kh = MnN ūs, Saa Md Ko Sam, ?Fi). wōt [wot] ‘wind, weather’; S. wāt [Trj wåt]; DEWOS 1638 (Kh = MnN wɔ̄t), KT 263. 171 �Ostiacica Abbreviations Abbreviations Abl. ABL Acc. ACC Adv Afg. Ber C CAR Cher. CL CNJ Dat. DAT DN DT Du DU Est Fi Fi. Finn. frequ. fut. G Hu. = Ablative = Ablative = Accusative = Accusative = Adverbial = Afghan = Berëzov (dialect of Khanty) = Consonant = Caritive = Cheremis (Mari) = Clitic = Conjunction = Dative = Dative = Northern Demjanka (dialect of Khanty) = Demjanka (dialect of Khanty), informant Tajlakov = Dual = Dual = Estonian = Finnish = Finnish = Finnish = Frequentative = Future (present) tense = Genitive (Possessor) = Hungarian IMP IMPF INF Instr. INSTR Iran Irt Kaz Kh Ko Ko KO Kr Lapp. Likr Loc. LOC LS. Md Mn MnE MnN mom. Mr M.T. N 172 = Imperative = Imperfect (tense) = Infinitive = Instructive(-final) = Instructive-final = Iranian = Irtyš (dialect(s) of Khanty) = Kazym (dialect of Khanty) = Khanty = Konda (dialect of Khanty, in the grammar) = Komi (in the word list = Zr.) = Upper Konda (dialect of Khanty) = Krasnojarsk (dialect of Khanty) = Lappish (Saami) = Likrisovskoje (dialect of Khanty) = Locative = Locative = The dialect on the lower side of Surgut = Mordvin = Mansi = Eastern Mansi = Northern Mansi = Momentaneous = Mari = Turkish or Tartar in Minušinsk = Northern N = Noun = Negative Nen = Nenets Ni = Nizjam (dialect of Khanty) O = Obdorsk (dialect of Khanty) O = Object Obd. = Obdorsk (dialect of Khanty) OPT = Optative O.Sam. = Ostyak-Samoyedic (Selkup) PASS = Passive PFU = Proto-Finno-Ugric Pl. = Plural PL = Plural Plur. = Plural Pret. = Preterite PRS = Present (tense) PRTC = Participle PTCL = Particle PU = Proto-Uralic PUgric = Proto-Ugric PX = Possessive suffix R. = Russian Ru. = Russian S = Subject S. = The dialect of Surgut Saa = Saami Sal = Salym (dialect of Khanty) NEG Sam Sav Šer Sg. SG Sing. Slk So Sur Sur. Surg. Syn Tat Tra Trj Ts Tu. Turk. Ud US. V V Vart Vj VVj Zr. 173 = Samoyedic (mainly Nenets) = Savodnija (dialect of Khanty) = Šerkaly (dialect of Khanty) = Singular = Singular = Singular = Selkup = Sosva (dialect of Mansi) = Surgut (dialect(s) of Khanty) = The dialect of Surgut = The dialect of Surgut = Synja (dialect of Khanty) = Tartar = Tromagan (dialect of Khanty) = Tremjugan (dialect of Khanty) = Cingala (dialect of Khanty) = Turkic (Turkish) = Turkish = Udmurt = The dialect on the upper side of Surgut = Vach (dialect of Khanty) = Verb = Vartovskoje (dialect of Khanty) = Vasjugan (dialect of Khanty) = Vach and Vasjugan (dialects of Khanty) = Zyrian (Komi) �Ostiacica References Ahlqvist� August,1880. Über die Sprache der Nord, Ostjaken. Sprachtexte, Wörtersammlung und Grammatik. Helsingfors. ALH = Acta Linguistica Hungarica. Budapest. Bartens� Raija, 2000. Permiläisten kielten rakenne ja , kehitys. MSFOu 238. Csepregi� Márta, 1998. Szurgut osztják Chrestomathia. , Szeged. DEWOS� = Steinitz, Wolfgang: Dialektologisches und etymologisches Wörterbuch der ostjakischen Sprache. Berlin 1966–84. FUF�= Finnisch-Ugrische Forschungen. Helsinki. FUFA� = Anzeiger zu den Finnisch-Ugrischen Forschungen. Helsinki Honti� László, 1977. Beobachtungen über die Laut, und Morphemlehre gegenwärtiger Surguter Mundarten des Ostjakischen. ALH 27: 271–286. Honti� László, 1979. Characteristic Features of Ugric , Langugages (Observations on the Question of Ugric Unity). ALH 29: 1–29. Honti� László, 1984. Chrestomathia Ostiacica. Tan, könyvkiadó, Budapest. Honti� László, 1985. Ősmagyar hangtörténeti talá, nyok. MNy 81: 140–155. Honti� László, 1988. Die Ob-ugrischen Sprachen; I , Die wogulische Sprache, II Die ostjakische Sprache. Sinor D. (ed.), The Uralic Languages; Description, History and Foreign Influences: 147–196. Leiden  – New York – København – Köln. Honti� László, 1993. Die Grundzahlwörter der urali, schen Sprachen. Akadémiai kiadó, Budapest. Honti� László, 1998. Ugrilainen kantakieli – erheelli, nen vai reaalinen hypoteesi? Oekeeta asijoo; Commentationes in honorem Seppo Suhonen sexagenarii: 176– 187. MSFOu 228. Janhunen� Juha 1981: Uralilaisen kantakielen sanas, tosta. JSFOu 77: 219–271. Janhunen� Juha, 1982. On the structure of Proto, Uralic. FUF 44, 23–42. JSFOu�= Journal de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki. 174 Karjalainen� K. F., 1902. Zur ostjakischen Dialekt, kunde. FUFA 2, 77–78. Karjalainen� K. F., 1948. Ostjakisches Wörterbuch. , Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Y. H. Toivonen. LSFOu X. Karjalainen� K. F., 1964. Grammatikalische Aufzeich, nungen aus ostjakischen Mundarten. Bearbeitet und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. MSFOu 128. Korhonen� Mikko, 1991. Remarks on the structure , and history of the Uralic case system. JSFOu 83: 163– 180. KT�= Karjalainen 1948. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 1989. The Passive in Ob-Ugrian. , MSFOu 203. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 1993. Johdatus unkarin kielen , historiaan. Suomi 170. SKS. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 2001a. Zum n-Element der , zweiten Personen besonders im Obugrischen. FUF 56: 151–174. Kulonen� Ulla-Maija, 2001b. Über die Deklinati, on der Personalpronomina in der finnisch-ugrischen Grundsprache. Congressus nonus internationalis Fenno-Ugristarum, Tartu 7.–13.8.2000. Pars V, Dissertationes sectiorum: Linguistica II: 178–182. Liimola� Matti, 1963. Zur historischen Formenlehre des , Wogulischen. I. Flexion der Nomina. MSFOu 127. LSFOu�= Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae. Helsinki. MNy�= Magyar Nyelv. Budapest. MSFOu� = Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne. Helsinki. Paasonen� Heikki, 1926. Ostjakisches Wörterbuch , nach den Dialekten an der Konda und am Jugan. Zusammengestellt, neu transkribiert und und herausgegeben von Kai Donner. LSFOu II. Paasonen� Heikki, 1965. Ostjakische grammatikali, sche Aufzeichnungen nach den Dialekten an der Konda und am Jugan. Bearbeitet, neu transkribiert und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. JSFOu 66,2: 1–96. Rédei� Károly, 1968. Nord-Ostjakische Texte (Kazym, Dialekt) mit Skizze der Grammatik. Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen; Philologisch-historische Klasse; Dritte Folge Nr 71. Göttingen. References Rédei� Károly, 1988. Uralisches etymologisches Wörter, buch I–II. Budapest. Sauer� Gerd, 1967. Die Nominalbildung im Ostjaki, schen. Finnisch-Ugrische Studien V. Berlin. SKS�= Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seura, Helsinki. Sosa� Sachiko, 2017. Functions of morphosyntactic al, ternations, and information flow in Surgut Khanty Discourse. University of Helsinki. SSA�= Erkki Itkonen & Ulla-Maija Kulonen (ed.), Suomen sanojen alkuperä. SKS 1992, 1995, 2000. Steinitz� Wolfgang, 1950. Geschichte des ostjakischen , Vokalismus. Finnisch-ugrische Studien I. Berlin. SüdostjK�= Vértes, Edith, 1975. SüdostjP�= Vértes, Edith, 1980. UEW� = Rédei, Károly (ed.), Uralisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Otto Harrasowitz, Wiesbaden 1988–1991. Vértes� Edith, 1967. Die ostjakischen Pronomina. Bu, dapest. Vértes� Edith, 1975. K. F. Karjalainens südostjaki, sche Textsammlungen. Neu transkribiert, berabeitet, übersetzt und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. Bd I; MSFOu 157. Vértes� Edith, 1980. H. Paasonens südostjakische Text, sammlungen. Neu transkribiert, berabeitet, übersetzt und herausgegeben von Edith Vértes. Bände I–IV. MSFOu 172–175. Virtanen� Susanna 2015: Transitivity in Eastern Man, si; an Information Structural Approach. University of Helsinki. 175 �E a st S i b e r i a n Sea Svalbard Ko ly m M.A. Castrén’s Journeys a Route of 1838 Route of 1839 Route of 1841–44 Utsjoki Ohcejohka Route of 1845–49 (Other) major cities and settlements in their region Ba re n ts Se a Kildin Al d a Tajmy r Penins ula en St Petersburg Arxangel'sk ra l M oun Ura yš Ob I Ufa ° g Ar u n ' Enisejsk Tomsk Čeljabinsk ob ol Omsk Akmolinsk (Astana) Blagoveščensk ' Narym Tobol'sk Tjumen' T Astraxan 0 n6 ga Nerčinsk r a Samara al Ur guska An Ekaterinodar (Krasnodar) Perm' Ekaterinburg Saratov Caricyn (Volgograd) Ka ma Jakutsk Podkamennaja Tunguska Surgut Samarovo (Xanty-Mansijsk) rt pr n Kazan' Vo l g a Low Tu n er le ' D ne Glazov Voronež Turuxansk (Staroturuxansk) a Ob Vjatka (Kirov) Nižnij Novgorod Do čo l ga Brjansk Rostov-on-Don a o Moscow Velikij Ustjug Pe Obdorsk (Salexard) r ci c tai V če gd isej Tver' Vy En S u xo n a c ti c ar Centra l Sib erian P lateau ns Minsk vina Northern D Vilnius Dudinka ek n V i l j uj Ol e n Reval Tallinn Riga Kyiv Z Oxotsk Ka r a S e a Bajkal Helsingfors Helsinki a lja L N o j va em Krasnojarsk Nižneudinsk Irkutsk Krivoščëkovo village (Novosibirsk) Minusinsk Barnaul Sajan Mount ains nga Stockholm Čita Qiqihar Curuxajtuj (Priargunsk) Verxneudinsk (Ulan-Udè) Bajan Tumen (Čoibalsan) Se le Christiania (Oslo) Urga (Ulaanbaatar) So h ng ua � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Ostiacica (the whole volume, PDF) Subject The topic of the resource <em>Ostiacica</em>. Manuscripta Castreniana, Linguistica V. 175 p. ISBN 978-952-7262-00-9 (print/hardcover), ISBN 978-952-7262-01-6 (online/pdf). 50 €. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Matthias Alexander Castrén edited by Ulla-Maija Forsberg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Finno-Ugrian Society Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno-Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors https://www.sgr.fi/manuscripta/files/original/7e4aa21e995ca280d53501654db459cb.pdf 11bf0443ef6a923bbefbdf522e4ce7ed PDF Text Text Ostiacica: Editor’s Foreword Editor’s Foreword The Khanty Grammar During his second journey in 1845–49, Castrén worked for less than three weeks with Khanty informants. This happened in the summer of 1845 after he had arrived in Siberia. He travelled from Permʹ to Ekaterinburg and further on to Tobolʹsk, where he took the boat down along the river Irtyš towards Samarovo (today Chanty-Mansijsk). During this boat trip, he had an opportunity to make notes on the southern Khanty dialects. From Samarovo, Castrén travelled down the river Obʹ and worked with Forest Nenets, until he returned to the town of Surgut by the end of summer. There he checked his notes on Khanty and also collected additional material from the dialects in the Surgut area. During this couple of weeks, he outlined the Khanty grammar (in Swedish) and his companion Bergstadi translated it into German. After Castrén returned from his journey in 1849, he was able to check the German translation and oversee the printing of the book. In this critical edition, most of the commentary is made based on the printed book, here translated into English. There are only minor comments on the differences between the printed version and the manuscript, as Castrén seemingly had control over the printing process, and thus the printed version can be regarded as his own synthesis of the grammatical and lexical notes. The Manuscript Castrén’s manuscript Vol. V in the Finnish National Library consists of grammatical notes (Förarbeten till ”Versuch einer Ostjakischen Sprachlehre”), the manuscript in Swedish (121 pages) and the German translation by Bergstadi (170 pages). In the German version, many paragraphs are written twice or even three times, of which the last has been printed and the first and possible second have been crossed out. The printed version is a relatively true edition of the German translation (with minor differences). This, again, is not only a translation but also an edition. The differences between the Swedish and German versions come mainly from the order of presentation of the phonological modifications. The Swedish version also includes slightly more paradigms. The Ostyak lexical collections make up Castrén’s manuscript Vol. VI in the Finnish National Library. They consist of “Ostjakisk ordförteckning” (Ostyak word list), 270 pages in a provisory alphabetical 9 �Ostiacica: Editor’s Foreword order, Khanty – Swedish; “Ostjakisk ord-register” (Ostyak word register), pp. 271–330 ordered by theme/parts of speech; “Ostjakiskt Vocabularium” (Ostyak Vocabulary) pp.  331–381, again ordered alphabetically, translated into Swedish and also with etymological commentary (as in the printed version); as well as several “preparatory” versions of the word lists (383–545). Pages 547–629 consist of grammatical notes and paradigms. The original of the Khanty – German printed version is on pages 631–687 of manuscript Vol. VI. The Structure of the Critical Edition In what follows, I will first present a short outline of Khanty grammar as it is understood today. The presentation is based on the southern dialects, which were studied after Castrén (and the Hungarian scholars Antal Reguly and József Pápay), especially by the Finnish scholar K.F. Karjalainen, who collected an extensive material from these dialects in the beginning of the 20th century (Karjalainen 1948, 1964, Vértes 1975). The dialects became extinct by the second half of the 20th century. The Surgut dialects, which also play a role in Castrén’s grammar, are spoken still today, and have been extensively studied by the Hungarian scholars László Honti (e.g. Honti 1977) and Márta Csepregi (e.g. Csepregi 1998), also in the field. The present knowledge of these dialects is based mainly on their work. The main part of the book is the translation of the printed grammar with comments presented in marginal notes. It has double page numbering: running page numbers at the bottom of the page and original page numbers from the printed grammar from 1849 at the top. The final part consists of Castrén's word list ("Wörterverzeichniss"). The word list is commented on with a special method of its own, and this method is described in the beginning of the list (page 78/124). All references used in the grammar parts (both the modern and the commented grammar) and in the word list are presented together at the end of the volume. Acknowledgements I wish to thank the University of Helsinki for providing me with a sabbatical year after seven years of administrative work as a full-time dean and vice rector. I am also grateful to the Humboldt University in Berlin, which allowed me to work in the inspiring atmosphere at the Institute of Nordic Studies (Nordeuropa-Institut) and where I could feel the strong tradition in Ostyakology, Khanty studies, based on the work of Wolfgang Steinitz and his colleagues. In Helsinki, December 2017 10 The editor � Text A resource consisting primarily of words for reading. Examples include books, letters, dissertations, poems, newspapers, articles, archives of mailing lists. Note that facsimiles or images of texts are still of the genre Text. Dublin Core The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/. Title A name given to the resource Editor's Foreword (Ostiacica) Subject The topic of the resource <em>Ostiacica</em>. Manuscripta Castreniana, Linguistica V. 175 p. ISBN 978-952-7262-00-9 (print/hardcover), ISBN 978-952-7262-01-6 (online/pdf). 50 €. Creator An entity primarily responsible for making the resource Ulla-Maija Forsberg Publisher An entity responsible for making the resource available Finno-Ugrian Society Date A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource 2018 Rights Information about rights held in and over the resource © Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura – Société Finno-Ougrienne – Finno-Ugrian Society & the authors